DOCSLIB.ORG

Draft Text for the Conference of OKDE-Spartacus (December 2010)

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Draft Text for the Conference of OKDE-Spartacus (December 2010) [NOTE: This is an abridged version of a longer original text. We have chosen representative paragraphs under subheads #1, #3, and #4, which are here placed in brackets to indicate that they are only extracts, intended to illustrate the general thrust of these sections. The same is true of the first paragraph under subhead #2. Other portions of the resolution have been less dramatically edited, or are presented here in their entirety. Translator’s notes are also enclosed in brackets.] Text Adopted by the Conference of OKDE-Spartacus (December 2010) [This text was approved at the conference by a vote of 26 (plus one observer) for, with 20 votes for an amended version of the same document, 8 white votes and 3 abstentions.] A. World situation 1. The international financial crisis [We must distinguish between the specific triggers for this particular crisis and the root causes which relate to the internal logic of the capitalist mode of production. The crisis is a manifestation of the decline in the average rate of profit, while simultaneously revealing the overproduction of goods. The decline in the average rate of profit simply means that, compared with the total social capital, the total surplus generated is not sufficient to maintain the old average profit rate. When only one part of the accumulated capital can be invested productively, there is a drive toward increasingly speculative, and therefore risky, activities. The absolute volume of investment may increase. But investment in areas that create employment and output of real goods and services does not grow enough to sustain the expansion of financial markets, which continues in a way that is completely disconnected with anything at the level of actual consumers. [Under these conditions a capitalist recovery will require considerable intervention by non- economic methods and a historic shift in the relationship of forces against the working class. There is no room for a "progressive" or Keynesian approach under the domination of the bourgeoisie.] 2. The worsening socio-political conflicts in the U.S. and Western Europe [Although the U.S. economy continues to fall as a share of the world economy, the U.S. remains relevant despite the decline since it's market is still huge and its military power cannot even be compared with that of major competitors.] The "European social model" is under attack. At stake during this social war is the overall class correlation of forces on a social and political level. The European working class, which maintains elements of its rich tradition despite the historic defeats of the recent past, is under a renewed attack. Left-wing political parties in Europe (The "Left Party" in Germany, the French Communist Party, and the Left Front, the SYN / SYRIZA in Greece, etc.) confine their opposition to parliamentary/governmental solutions within the existing socio-political system, especially the institutions of the EU. The Stalinist Communist Parties in Portugal and Greece distance themselves in words from the dominant capitalist politics, but prevent the mass movement from gaining unity and strength. They assert, as always, the same "popular front"-style proposals which do not offer any transitional or socialist perspective. The trade union bureaucracy generally supports initiatives by the ruling classes, accepts cuts in real wages and deteriorating working conditions in order to “save jobs." Social polarization, however, continues to develop. During the last decades, dominant center-right, social democratic, and green parties have all had difficulty maintaining their parliamentary representation as well as in developing national and international policy. With the worsening crisis there are increased opportunities for right-wing and fascist parties to disseminate racist and chauvinistic propaganda. This year's election results in Hungary, Sweden and the Netherlands indicate that this danger is likely to become more serious as the crisis deepens. The socio-political situation is becoming more explosive. The Europe-wide protest by workers in Brussels, the strikes in Spain, Italy and other countries, and especially the general strike in Greece—despite the difficult situation of the labor movement in our country—along with the huge protests in France against the reactionary "reform" of the pension system attempted by Sarkozy, give a foretaste of what might develop in a more unified and determined way once the labor movement has gained increased strength and confidence. The role of European internationalist, revolutionary left should be to advocate the need for radical forms of struggle, moving in a socialist direction and designed to support a consistent self- organization of workers and the oppressed, combined with a convincing set of transitional demands and a renewed transitional program. The reformist policies become increasingly irrelevant, confronted as they are with a steam-roller of organized attack by big business and government. Even the concept of defending recent gains of the working class seems increasingly remote. The policy of revolutionary recomposition, to create an "other," a subversive left in competition with the reformist organizations, while simultaneously based on a clear policy of the united front to repel the attacks of capital, is needed more than ever. 3. The U.S., Middle East, China and the inter-imperialist contradictions [On one level, the evolution of the crisis is bound to intensify the conflict with smaller capitalist and imperialist forces. It has only been 20 years since the U.S. emerged as "the world's only superpower," after the collapse of the Soviet Union. And it is only 9 and 7 years respectively since the U.S. and its allies invaded Afghanistan and Iraq to establish undeniable world domination through control of the massive resources in the Gulf region and Central Asia (Afghanistan and the southern former Soviet republics). [The U.S. ruling class, and more generally the ruling elite of the NATO countries, perceive both Russia and China as dangerous opponents in the battle for world domination. Lately it seems that Washington is putting pressure on Beijing to revalue its currency, the yuan, in order to increase U.S. exports. It appears that the ruling classes of most major countries are trying to solve their problems at the expense of others, a policy that will likely lead to a worsening of the global crisis, including monetary and trade disputes.] 4. Latin America [Latin America remains the continent with the highest level of class conflict, albeit with wide variations between different countries and regions.] 5. First conclusions In this text we cannot present a comprehensive analysis of the global situation, which would also have to include South Asia and the Far East (from Pakistan to Japan and Indonesia), Africa and Eastern Europe—confined, perhaps, to the most significant recent developments in the international economy and politics. However it should be noted that the potential for workers' struggles in many parts of the world—from the imperialist metropolises (NATO countries) to Asia (Pakistan, India, China, South Korea, Indonesia)—seems to be on the rise. In addition, popular mass resistance and rebellion has also increased against corrupt and dictatorial regimes in many countries (Iran, Thailand, Kyrgyzstan, etc.), though the labor movement in most of these countries remains weak at the moment and cannot offer much prospect of massive protests. The same is true for nations which have been oppressed for decades, such as Palestine, Chechnya, and Kurdistan. The consequences of the crisis are likely to give impetus to such explosive situations. What is needed is the fight for mass anti-capitalist and trade union demands at a political level, based directly on a program that bases itself on the needs of the exploited and oppressed: rejection of layoffs, reduction in working hours without a reduction in pay, massive creation of public jobs in areas required to meet the needs of the majority of society and of the environment, nationalization of banks under workers control, drastic reduction of armaments, etc. It is obvious and inevitable that these demands, developing a transitional logic, are incompatible with the economy of exploitation and profits, ultimately with the existence of the capitalist mode of production. The issue of workers’ power is now posed. Transitional demands today are not only something we need in order to maintain our own revolutionary tradition. They are the only coherent response by the movement as a whole to the attack of capital—even though the level of class consciousness remains low. The problem is to become a force which is not external to the working class, able to help it integrate such demands organically through the mass experience which is rapidly unfolding. This is true in a number of countries which have experienced profound upheavals—such as Venezuela and Argentina—where those who occupied factories continued production under the direct control of the workers themselves. Such experiences should be expanded. Forms of collective property such as this can play a crucial role in the struggles in Latin America, Africa and Asia, and become strategically important in the imperial cities of North America and Western Europe as well. To promote an ecosocialist vision, a direct anti-capitalist program must seek radical changes in transport policy, transformation of the energy sector, etc., along with a fundamental restructuring of other entire sectors of the economy. This is not compatible with an economy of profit and competition—that is, under capitalist production. There must be a structure for democratic decision-making and the establishment of a planned economy under workers’ and popular control. This raises the question of public and social distribution of production according to the needs of local populations (as demonstrated by the dynamic of indigenous and native peoples when they mobilize in self-defence). This programmatic perspective far exceeds the "Keynesian" efforts of a revival in demand and a reform of the functioning of financial markets.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Indigenous and Social Movement Political Parties in Ecuador and Bolivia, 1978-2000
    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO Democratizing Formal Politics: Indigenous and Social Movement Political Parties in Ecuador and Bolivia, 1978-2000 A Dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirement for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science by Jennifer Noelle Collins Committee in charge: Professor Paul Drake, Chair Professor Ann Craig Professor Arend Lijphart Professor Carlos Waisman Professor Leon Zamosc 2006 Copyright Jennifer Noelle Collins, 2006 All rights reserved. The Dissertation of Jennifer Noelle Collins is approved, and it is acceptable in quality and form for publication on microfilm: ___________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________ Chair University of California, San Diego 2006 iii DEDICATION For my parents, John and Sheila Collins, who in innumerable ways made possible this journey. For my husband, Juan Giménez, who met and accompanied me along the way. And for my daughter, Fiona Maité Giménez-Collins, the beautiful gift bequeathed to us by the adventure that has been this dissertation. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS SIGNATURE PAGE.……………………..…………………………………...…...…iii DEDICATION .............................................................................................................iv TABLE OF CONTENTS ..............................................................................................v
    [Show full text]
  • Internationalist 29
    Summer 2009 No. 29 The $2 2 Internationalist For Workers Revolution Against the Dictatorship! Upheaval in Iran Getty Images ppp. 10-29 No to All Wings of the Mullah Regime! U.S. Imperialism Hands Off! Dossier: Workers’ Struggles in Mexico . 46-67 Honduras: Obama Administration’s First Coup. 80, 40 Australia $2, Brazil R$3, Britain £1.50, Britain: Labourites and the Police. 30 Canada $2, Europe 2, India Rs. 50, Japan ¥200, Mexico $10, Philippines 50 p, War On Abortion Rights Escalates. 7 S. Africa R10, S. Korea 2,000 won 2 The Internationalist Summer 2009 In this issue... How the “Anti-War” Movement Paved Order Now! the Way for Obama's War .................. 4 Assassination of Courageous Doctor This 56-page bulletin documents the fight of the in Wichita: War on Abortion Rights Internationalist Group to Escalates............................................. 7 defeat the imperialist war Mass Protests Rock Iran: No to All with working-class Wings of the Mullah Regime!.......... 10 action, and the struggle of the West Coast Election Fraud? Undoubtedly, longshore union against But Media Ignored Ahmadinejad government strike- Support ............................................. 15 breaking and racist attacks. Iran’s Islamic Republic in Turmoil – What Program for Struggle? ........... 20 US$2 Her Majesty’s Social Democrats in Bed with the Police ..................... 30 Order from/make checks payable to: Mundial Publications, Box 3321, Brazilian Trotskyists Fought to Church Street Station, New York, New York 10008, U.S.A. Drive Police Out of the Unions ....... 38 Honduras: Coup d’État in the Maquiladora Republic ..................... 40 Visit the League for the Fourth International/ Two Years of the Cananea Strike: Internationalist Group on the Internet Mobilize to Defend Striking http://www.internationalist.org Mexican Mine Workers! ..................
    [Show full text]
  • The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist a Dissertation Submitted In
    The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Jonah D. Levy, Chair Professor Jason Wittenberg Professor Jacob Citrin Professor Katerina Linos Spring 2015 The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe Copyright 2015 by Kimberly Ann Twist Abstract The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Berkeley Professor Jonah D. Levy, Chair As long as far-right parties { known chiefly for their vehement opposition to immigration { have competed in contemporary Western Europe, scholars and observers have been concerned about these parties' implications for liberal democracy. Many originally believed that far- right parties would fade away due to a lack of voter support and their isolation by mainstream parties. Since 1994, however, far-right parties have been included in 17 governing coalitions across Western Europe. What explains the switch from exclusion to inclusion in Europe, and what drives mainstream-right parties' decisions to include or exclude the far right from coalitions today? My argument is centered on the cost of far-right exclusion, in terms of both office and policy goals for the mainstream right. I argue, first, that the major mainstream parties of Western Europe initially maintained the exclusion of the far right because it was relatively costless: They could govern and achieve policy goals without the far right.
    [Show full text]
  • Austrian Federalism in Comparative Perspective
    CONTEMPORARY AUSTRIAN STUDIES | VOLUME 24 Bischof, Karlhofer (Eds.), Williamson (Guest Ed.) • 1914: Aus tria-Hungary, the Origins, and the First Year of World War I War of World the Origins, and First Year tria-Hungary, Austrian Federalism in Comparative Perspective Günter Bischof AustrianFerdinand Federalism Karlhofer (Eds.) in Comparative Perspective Günter Bischof, Ferdinand Karlhofer (Eds.) UNO UNO PRESS innsbruck university press UNO PRESS innsbruck university press Austrian Federalism in ŽŵƉĂƌĂƟǀĞWĞƌƐƉĞĐƟǀĞ Günter Bischof, Ferdinand Karlhofer (Eds.) CONTEMPORARY AUSTRIAN STUDIES | VOLUME 24 UNO PRESS innsbruck university press Copyright © 2015 by University of New Orleans Press All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form, or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage nd retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publisher. All inquiries should be addressed to UNO Press, University of New Orleans, LA 138, 2000 Lakeshore Drive. New Orleans, LA, 70148, USA. www.unopress.org. Printed in the United States of America Book design by Allison Reu and Alex Dimeff Cover photo © Parlamentsdirektion Published in the United States by Published and distributed in Europe University of New Orleans Press by Innsbruck University Press ISBN: 9781608011124 ISBN: 9783902936691 UNO PRESS Publication of this volume has been made possible through generous grants from the the Federal Ministry for Europe, Integration, and Foreign Affairs in Vienna through the Austrian Cultural Forum in New York, as well as the Federal Ministry of Economics, Science, and Research through the Austrian Academic Exchange Service (ÖAAD). The Austrian Marshall Plan Anniversary Foundation in Vienna has been very generous in supporting Center Austria: The Austrian Marshall Plan Center for European Studies at the University of New Orleans and its publications series.
    [Show full text]
  • Is China Colonizing North Korea?
    Is China Colonizing North Korea? Unraveling Geopolitical Economy in the Production of Territory Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Seung-Ook Lee, M.A. Department of Geography The Ohio State University 2013 Dissertation Committee: Joel Wainwright, Advisor Mathew Coleman Bruce Cumings Ed Malecki Becky Mansfield Copyright by Seung-Ook Lee 2013 Abstract This dissertation examines the complex articulations between geopolitical and geoeconomic imperatives across national borders in the production of state territory. More specifically, it investigates the development of territorial linkages between North Korea and northeast China, scrutinizing the political-economic conditions that underlie these bilateral relations. My central thesis is that the recent changes in political-economic relations between these two countries have resulted not from a unilateral economic movement on the part of China – a ‘colonization’ – but instead through the mutual articulation of two processes: on one hand, North Korea’s deployment of territorial strategies to leverage its regional capacities and, on the other, China’s geo-economic approach to enhancing security in the border region. I contend that the discourse of China’s colonization of North Korea that has been constructed and disseminated by South Koreans reveals that both liberals and conservatives in South Korea desire North Korea as a sort of colony, albeit in different forms. This argument unfolds in three parts. First, in Chapter 2, I begin with a theoretical elaboration of geopolitical economy in the production of territory. Here I examine two different dialectical interactions which are deeply entangled with the production of state territory—the dialectics between geopolitical and geoeconomic logics of power and between territorial practices and representations of territory.
    [Show full text]
  • Business Relations, Identities, and Political Resources of the Italian
    European Review of History Revue européenne d’histoire Volume 23 Number 3 June 2016 CONTENTS—SOMMAIRE DOSSIER: Business Relations, Identities, and Political Resources of the Italian Merchants in the Early-Modern Spanish Monarchy / Relations commerciales, identités et ressources politiques des marchands italiens dans la Monarchie espagnole à l’époque moderne GUEST EDITORS: Catia Brilli and Manuel Herrero Sánchez The business relations, identities and political resources of Italian merchants in the early-modern Spanish monarchy: some introductory remarks Manuel Herrero Sánchez 335 Tuscan merchants in Andalusia: a historiographical debate Angela Orlandi 347 A Genoese merchant and banker in the Kingdom of Naples: Ottavio Serra and his business network in the Spanish polycentric system, c.1590–1620 Yasmina Rocío Ben Yessef Garfia 367 Looking through the mirrors: materiality and intimacy at Domenico Grillo’s mansion in Baroque Madrid Felipe Gaitán Ammann 400 Small but powerful: networking strategies and the trade business of Habsburg-Italian merchants in Cadiz in the second half of the eighteenth century Klemens Kaps 427 Coping with Iberian monopolies: Genoese trade networks and formal institutions in Spain and Portugal during the second half of the eighteenth century Catia Brilli 456 I. ARTICLES—ARTICLES Politics of place: political representation and the culture of electioneering in the Netherlands, c.1848–1980s Harm Kaal 486 A regionalisation or long-distance trade? Transformations and shifts in the role of Tana in the Black Sea trade in
    [Show full text]
  • The Greek Cauldron
    stathis kouvelakis THE GREEK CAULDRON he escalation of the Eurozone crisis in the closing months of 2011 has produced spectacular upheavals in the political land- scape. Within less than a fortnight, the Greek Prime Minister George Papandreou had announced a referendum on the Tpunitive terms of a loan agreed at the Eurozone summit on October 27, only to abandon the plan after public humiliation by Sarkozy and Merkel at the G20 summit in Cannes on November 4, and resign two days later. On November 10, Lucas Papademos, ex-chief of the Bank of Greece and a former vice-president of the European Central Bank, was installed at the head of a government of so-called national accord. Alongside ministers from the preceding pasok government, with several key figures— notably the Finance Minister Evangelos Venizelos—keeping their posts, the centre-right opposition New Democracy party has been awarded six cabinet positions, including Defence and Foreign Affairs. Papademos’s government also includes a minister and two deputy ministers from the extreme-right laos party, which returns to office for the first time since the fall of the military dictatorship in 1974. By contrast, the parties of the Italian centre right, the Lega Nord and Popolo della Libertà, announced their opposition to the so-called technocratic government of the eu Commissioner Mario Monti, formed in Rome on November 12 after the forced departure of Silvio Berlusconi; thus scotching the plans of the centre-left pd, which had hoped to enter office on Monti’s coattails. The outcome in both Athens and Rome was above all determined by outside pressure from the German and French governments, accompa- nied by relentless assault from the bond markets, which have priced up both countries’ debts to unsustainable levels.
    [Show full text]
  • Women and Political Participation
    EXPLAINING GENDER PARITY REPRESENTATION IN SPAIN: THE INTERNAL DYNAMICS OF PARTIES Monica Threlfall, Loughborough University Paper presented at the European Consortium for Political Research Conference, Budapest, 8-10 September 2005. (Minimally edited version of the draft distributed at ECPR) Abstract: This paper sheds light on the reasons for the rise of women in party politics and public office using the case of Spain and the PSOE as a case study. Structural explanations and the conditioning influence of the electoral system are reviewed before focusing on institutional and party-political explanations. It argues that a key factor in explaining the success of the gender parity project in Spain was its effective implementation at national and regional level in the PSOE, and that this was secured via internal party procedures and controversially, by elite intra-party leadership. The paper then considers how party leaders can be persuaded to implement quotas, suggesting that gender balance in elective office became an instrument of renewal and re-legitimation for a party facing political stagnation. The paper therefore takes the general discussion of parity into the realm of implementation problems, yet argues that parity can be envisaged not as an ‘ethical burden’ to parties, but as a factor of revitalisation and reconnection with the electorate. Dr. Monica Threlfall [email protected] Senior Lecturer in Politics, Dept. of Politics, International Relations and European Studies Loughborough University, Loughborough LE11 3TU, UK tel : +44 (0)1509 22 29 81; fax: +44 (0) 1509 22 39 17 Departmental website: http://lboro.ac.uk/departments/eu Editor, International Journal of Iberian Studies http://www.intellectbooks.co.uk/ EXPLAINING GENDER PARITY REPRESENTATION IN SPAIN: THE INTERNAL DYNAMICS OF PARTIES Monica Threlfall, Loughborough University Introduction In the space of two decades, Spanish women radically repositioned themselves in relation to the political system.
    [Show full text]
  • How Has the Phenomenon of Revolutionary Groups Been Resilient in Greece? a Relational Study of Two Contentious Episodes (1965 – 2002)
    How Has the Phenomenon of Revolutionary Groups Been Resilient in Greece? A Relational Study of Two Contentious Episodes (1965 – 2002) Sotirios Karampampas Department of Politics University of Sheffield A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy December 2017 Acknowledgements If life is a journey, then PhD is a remote island in a wild ocean. It is a solitary trip in yourself and the great world that stands beside you ready to be discovered. This trip would have been, though, impossible without the help and active support of a number of people that deserve to be named as the least sign of gratitude. First, I want to thank my supervisors, Prof. Maria Grasso, Dr Liza Stampnitzky and Dr Rhiannon Vickers. Maria has been a great inspiration throughout the process, as through her advice, guidance and comments contributed significantly to this work. Besides, through her general attitude and mentality made me want to become better as a researcher and academic. Lisa was there in the final stages of the PhD, providing highly-appreciated feedback and helping me to (re)gain a macro-level perspective to the whole project. Finally, Rhiannon provided great feedback and support during the first two crucial years of this project. Thank you all for the great support. I also want to thank those that helped with all their “paddling” to keep me and this project afloat. A big thanks, then, (in order of appearance…) to Martha, Hisham, Giannis, Dimitris and Andreas that managed to make my life in Sheffield easier. A huge thanks goes to my family: my mother, my father and my sister that believed in me, even in times – especially for those – that I did not.
    [Show full text]
  • The Political Consequences
    The Political Consequences of the Great Recession in Southern Europe Crisis and Representation in Spain Guillem Vidal Thesis submitted for assessment with a view to obtaining the degree of Doctor of Political and Social Sciences of the European University Institute Florence, 13 June 2019 ii European University Institute Department of Political and Social Sciences The Political Consequences of the Great Recession in Southern Europe Crisis and Representation in Spain Guillem Vidal Thesis submitted for assessment with a view to obtaining the degree of Doctor of Political and Social Sciences of the European University Institute Examining Board Prof. Hanspeter Kriesi, European University Institute (Supervisor) Prof. Elias Dinas, European University Institute Prof. Eva Anduiza, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona Prof. Kenneth M. Roberts, Duke University © Guillem Vidal, 2019 No part of this thesis may be copied, reproduced or transmitted without prior permission of the author Researcher declaration to accompany the submission of written work Department of Political and Social Sciences - Doctoral Programme I Guillem Vidal certify that I am the author of the work The Political Consequences of the Great Recession in Southern Europe: Crisis and Representation in Spain I have presented for examination for the Ph.D. at the European University Institute. I also certify that this is solely my own original work, other than where I have clearly indicated, in this declaration and in the thesis, that it is the work of others. I warrant that I have obtained all the permissions required for using any material from other copyrighted publications. I certify that this work complies with the Code of Ethics in Academic Research issued by the European University Institute (IUE 332/2/10 (CA 297).
    [Show full text]
  • Problems and Perspectives of the Alliance of Syriza1
    PROBLEMS AND PERSPECTIVES OF THE ALLIANCE OF SYRIZA1 Haris Golemis, Nicos Poulantzas Institute (This is a draft. Not to be quoted without permission) 1. SYRIZA (Coalition of the Radical Left) is an alliance of parties, political groups and independent activists, presently represented in the Greek Parliament with 9 deputies (out of 300), after scoring 4,3% at the 2009 elections2. It was established, shortly before the legislative elections of 2004, on the initiative of SYNASPISMOS (Coalition of the Left of Movements and Ecology). Besides Synaspismos, which is by far the largest component, the alliance includes also various small groups (one post Left Eurocommunist, various Trotskyist, one post-Maoist, one ex-PASOK Socialist, one ex-KKE and pro-all Left unity, one Movementist and Human Rights) and independent left personalities and activists, the most prominent of which is Manolis Glezos, the symbol of Greek resistance against Nazi occupation. 2. One could say that SYRIZA has its origins in a process started since the establishment of the Forum of Dialogue and Common Action, in 2001. Almost all political forces now being in SYRIZA participated in this Forum, while activists from some of them (including those who had already worked together in the Euromarches of 1997, the alliance of International Action, the WSF, the ESF and the Greek Social Forum. However, few doubt that the alliance would not have been formed if Synaspismos had not taken the decision to make this important step, which was strange taking into account its identity since its establishment. An understanding of the reasons why a parliamentary party, with a rather moderate majority at that time, decided to coalesce with minor groups of the so-called extreme left is necessary in order to understand both the development of the alliance, but also its problems and perspectives3.
    [Show full text]
  • Maintaining Party Unity: Analyzing the Conservative Party of Canada's
    Maintaining Party Unity: Analyzing the Conservative Party of Canada’s Integration of the Progressive Conservative and Canadian Alliance parties by Matthew Thompson A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Affairs in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science Carleton University Ottawa, Ontario © 2017, Matthew Thompson Federal conservative parties in Canada have long been plagued by several persistent cleavages and internal conflict. This conflict has hindered the party electorally and contributed to a splintering of right-wing votes between competing right-wing parties in the 1990s. The Conservative Party of Canada (CPC) formed from a merger of the Progressive Conservative (PC) party and the Canadian Alliance in 2003. This analysis explores how the new party was able to maintain unity and prevent the long-standing cleavages from disrupting the party. The comparative literature on party factions is utilized to guide the analysis as the new party contained faction like elements. Policy issues and personnel/patronage distribution are stressed as significant considerations by the comparative literature as well literature on the PCs internal fighting. The analysis thus focuses on how the CPC approached these areas to understand how the party maintained unity. For policy, the campaign platforms, Question Period performance and government sponsored bills of the CPC are examined followed by an analysis of their first four policy conventions. With regards to personnel and patronage, Governor in Council and Senate appointments are analyzed, followed by the new party’s candidate nomination process and Stephen Harper’s appointments to cabinet. The findings reveal a careful and concentrated effort by party leadership, particularly Harper, at managing both areas to ensure that members from each of the predecessor parties were motivated to remain in the new party.
    [Show full text]