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Veridiction and Leadership in Transnational Populism: the Case of Diem25
Politics and Governance (ISSN: 2183–2463) 2020, Volume 8, Issue 1, Pages 217–225 DOI: 10.17645/pag.v8i1.2539 Article Veridiction and Leadership in Transnational Populism: The Case of DiEM25 Evangelos Fanoulis 1 and Simona Guerra 2,* 1 Department of International Relations, Xi’an Jiaotong–Liverpool University, 215123 Suzhou, China; E-Mail: [email protected] 2 School of History, Politics and International Relations, University of Leicester, Leicester, LE1 7RH, UK; E-Mail: [email protected] * Corresponding author Submitted: 3 October 2019 | Accepted: 16 January 2020 | Published: 5 March 2020 Abstract While research tends to explore questions of power and leadership at the national level, populism in Europe has moved be- yond national borders, with an increasing number of transnational movements and organizations. This article investigates the Democracy in Europe Movement 2025 (DiEM25) and its leadership’s main speeches. Informed by both discourse theory and Michel Foucault’s work on parrhesia (veridiction), the analysis draws on readings of transnational Euroalternativism and populism, pointing out the conflicting logic of bringing them together at the transnational level. Our findings thus stress the increasing politicization of European integration as an opportunity to mobilize transnational activities, which are based on the populist ‘people vs. the elites’ dichotomy and against Brussels’ unaccountable elites (see FitzGibbon & Guerra, 2019), while indicating the limits of leadership in a populist transnational movement (de Cleen, Moffitt, Panayotu, & Stavrakakis, 2019; Marzolini & Souvlis, 2016). Keywords discourse analysis; Euroalternativism; leadership; parrhesia; power relations; transnational populism Issue This article is part of the issue “Leadership, Populism and Power” edited by Cristine de Clercy (Western University, Canada). -
2019 European Elections the Weight of the Electorates Compared to the Electoral Weight of the Parliamentary Groups
2019 European Elections The weight of the electorates compared to the electoral weight of the parliamentary groups Guillemette Lano Raphaël Grelon With the assistance of Victor Delage and Dominique Reynié July 2019 2019 European Elections. The weight of the electorates | Fondation pour l’innovation politique I. DISTINGUISHING BETWEEN THE WEIGHT OF ELECTORATES AND THE ELECTORAL WEIGHT OF PARLIAMENTARY GROUPS The Fondation pour l’innovation politique wished to reflect on the European elections in May 2019 by assessing the weight of electorates across the European constituency independently of the electoral weight represented by the parliamentary groups comprised post-election. For example, we have reconstructed a right-wing Eurosceptic electorate by aggregating the votes in favour of right-wing national lists whose discourses are hostile to the European Union. In this case, for instance, this methodology has led us to assign those who voted for Fidesz not to the European People’s Party (EPP) group but rather to an electorate which we describe as the “populist right and extreme right” in which we also include those who voted for the Italian Lega, the French National Rally, the Austrian FPÖ and the Sweden Democrats. Likewise, Slovak SMER voters were detached from the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats (S&D) Group and instead categorised as part of an electorate which we describe as the “populist left and extreme left”. A. The data collected The electoral results were collected list by list, country by country 1, from the websites of the national parliaments and governments of each of the States of the Union. We then aggregated these data at the European level, thus obtaining: – the number of individuals registered on the electoral lists on the date of the elections, or the registered voters; – the number of votes, or the voters; – the number of valid votes in favour of each of the lists, or the votes cast; – the number of invalid votes, or the blank or invalid votes. -
Indigenous and Social Movement Political Parties in Ecuador and Bolivia, 1978-2000
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO Democratizing Formal Politics: Indigenous and Social Movement Political Parties in Ecuador and Bolivia, 1978-2000 A Dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirement for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science by Jennifer Noelle Collins Committee in charge: Professor Paul Drake, Chair Professor Ann Craig Professor Arend Lijphart Professor Carlos Waisman Professor Leon Zamosc 2006 Copyright Jennifer Noelle Collins, 2006 All rights reserved. The Dissertation of Jennifer Noelle Collins is approved, and it is acceptable in quality and form for publication on microfilm: ___________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________ Chair University of California, San Diego 2006 iii DEDICATION For my parents, John and Sheila Collins, who in innumerable ways made possible this journey. For my husband, Juan Giménez, who met and accompanied me along the way. And for my daughter, Fiona Maité Giménez-Collins, the beautiful gift bequeathed to us by the adventure that has been this dissertation. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS SIGNATURE PAGE.……………………..…………………………………...…...…iii DEDICATION .............................................................................................................iv TABLE OF CONTENTS ..............................................................................................v -
Internationalist 29
Summer 2009 No. 29 The $2 2 Internationalist For Workers Revolution Against the Dictatorship! Upheaval in Iran Getty Images ppp. 10-29 No to All Wings of the Mullah Regime! U.S. Imperialism Hands Off! Dossier: Workers’ Struggles in Mexico . 46-67 Honduras: Obama Administration’s First Coup. 80, 40 Australia $2, Brazil R$3, Britain £1.50, Britain: Labourites and the Police. 30 Canada $2, Europe 2, India Rs. 50, Japan ¥200, Mexico $10, Philippines 50 p, War On Abortion Rights Escalates. 7 S. Africa R10, S. Korea 2,000 won 2 The Internationalist Summer 2009 In this issue... How the “Anti-War” Movement Paved Order Now! the Way for Obama's War .................. 4 Assassination of Courageous Doctor This 56-page bulletin documents the fight of the in Wichita: War on Abortion Rights Internationalist Group to Escalates............................................. 7 defeat the imperialist war Mass Protests Rock Iran: No to All with working-class Wings of the Mullah Regime!.......... 10 action, and the struggle of the West Coast Election Fraud? Undoubtedly, longshore union against But Media Ignored Ahmadinejad government strike- Support ............................................. 15 breaking and racist attacks. Iran’s Islamic Republic in Turmoil – What Program for Struggle? ........... 20 US$2 Her Majesty’s Social Democrats in Bed with the Police ..................... 30 Order from/make checks payable to: Mundial Publications, Box 3321, Brazilian Trotskyists Fought to Church Street Station, New York, New York 10008, U.S.A. Drive Police Out of the Unions ....... 38 Honduras: Coup d’État in the Maquiladora Republic ..................... 40 Visit the League for the Fourth International/ Two Years of the Cananea Strike: Internationalist Group on the Internet Mobilize to Defend Striking http://www.internationalist.org Mexican Mine Workers! .................. -
2019 © Timbro 2019 [email protected] Layout: Konow Kommunikation Cover: Anders Meisner FEBRUARY 2019
TIMBRO AUTHORITARIAN POPULISM INDEX 2019 © Timbro 2019 www.timbro.se [email protected] Layout: Konow Kommunikation Cover: Anders Meisner FEBRUARY 2019 ABOUT THE TIMBRO AUTHORITARIAN POPULISM INDEX Authoritarian Populism has established itself as the third ideological force in European politics. This poses a long-term threat to liberal democracies. The Timbro Authoritarian Populism Index (TAP) continuously explores and analyses electoral data in order to improve the knowledge and understanding of the development among politicians, media and the general public. TAP contains data stretching back to 1980, which makes it the most comprehensive index of populism in Europe. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • 26.8 percent of voters in Europe – more than one in four – cast their vote for an authoritarian populist party last time they voted in a national election. • Voter support for authoritarian populists increased in all six elections in Europe during 2018 and has on an aggregated level increased in ten out of the last eleven elections. • The combined support for left- and right-wing populist parties now equals the support for Social democratic parties and is twice the size of support for liberal parties. • Right-wing populist parties are currently growing more rapidly than ever before and have increased their voter support with 33 percent in four years. • Left-wing populist parties have stagnated and have a considerable influence only in southern Europe. The median support for left-wing populist in Europe is 1.3 percent. • Extremist parties on the left and on the right are marginalised in almost all of Europe with negligible voter support and almost no political influence. -
Greece Wave 3
GREECE WAVE 3 Pre-election Study June 2019 Marina Costa Lobo Efstratios-Ioannis Kartalis Nelson Santos Roberto Pannico Tiago Silva Table of Contents 1. Technical Report 2. Report Highlights 3. Most important Problem Facing Greece 4. Ideological Placement of Main Parties 5. Party identification 6. National Issues: Evaluation of the Economy 7. National Issues: Evaluation of the Current Syriza Government 8. National Issues: Economic situation 9. National Issues: Immigration 10. National Issues: PRESPA Agreement 11. Greece and the EU: Membership 12. Greece and the EU: Benefits of Membership 13. Greece and the EU: Political Integration? 14. Greece and the EU: Benefits of the Euro 15. Greece and the EU: Exit from the Euro 1. Technical Report This study is part of the MAPLE Project, ERC – European Research Council Grant, 682125, which aims to study the Politicisation of the EU before and after the Eurozone Crisis in Belgium, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Portugal and Spain. In each of these countries an online panel will be carried out just before and just after the legislative elections. This report pertains to the pre-election panel of Greece legislative elections 2019 to be held on 7 July. Our questionnaire seeks to model the political context of political choices, and to understand the importance which European attitudes may have in voting behaviour. In Greece, we have partnered with Metron Analysis. We present in this report a number of political attitudes according to stated partisanship in Greece. We are interested in the way in which partisan preferences are related to political attitudes, including national issues as well as those pertaining to the EU. -
The Making of SYRIZA
Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line Panos Petrou The making of SYRIZA Published: June 11, 2012. http://socialistworker.org/print/2012/06/11/the-making-of-syriza Transcription, Editing and Markup: Sam Richards and Paul Saba Copyright: This work is in the Public Domain under the Creative Commons Common Deed. You can freely copy, distribute and display this work; as well as make derivative and commercial works. Please credit the Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line as your source, include the url to this work, and note any of the transcribers, editors & proofreaders above. June 11, 2012 -- Socialist Worker (USA) -- Greece's Coalition of the Radical Left, SYRIZA, has a chance of winning parliamentary elections in Greece on June 17, which would give it an opportunity to form a government of the left that would reject the drastic austerity measures imposed on Greece as a condition of the European Union's bailout of the country's financial elite. SYRIZA rose from small-party status to a second-place finish in elections on May 6, 2012, finishing ahead of the PASOK party, which has ruled Greece for most of the past four decades, and close behind the main conservative party New Democracy. When none of the three top finishers were able to form a government with a majority in parliament, a date for a new election was set -- and SYRIZA has been neck-and-neck with New Democracy ever since. Where did SYRIZA, an alliance of numerous left-wing organisations and unaffiliated individuals, come from? Panos Petrou, a leading member of Internationalist Workers Left (DEA, by its initials in Greek), a revolutionary socialist organisation that co-founded SYRIZA in 2004, explains how the coalition rose to the prominence it has today. -
The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist a Dissertation Submitted In
The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Jonah D. Levy, Chair Professor Jason Wittenberg Professor Jacob Citrin Professor Katerina Linos Spring 2015 The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe Copyright 2015 by Kimberly Ann Twist Abstract The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Berkeley Professor Jonah D. Levy, Chair As long as far-right parties { known chiefly for their vehement opposition to immigration { have competed in contemporary Western Europe, scholars and observers have been concerned about these parties' implications for liberal democracy. Many originally believed that far- right parties would fade away due to a lack of voter support and their isolation by mainstream parties. Since 1994, however, far-right parties have been included in 17 governing coalitions across Western Europe. What explains the switch from exclusion to inclusion in Europe, and what drives mainstream-right parties' decisions to include or exclude the far right from coalitions today? My argument is centered on the cost of far-right exclusion, in terms of both office and policy goals for the mainstream right. I argue, first, that the major mainstream parties of Western Europe initially maintained the exclusion of the far right because it was relatively costless: They could govern and achieve policy goals without the far right. -
Review of European and National Election Results Update: September 2019
REVIEW OF EUROPEAN AND NATIONAL ELECTION RESULTS UPDATE: SEPTEMBER 2019 A Public Opinion Monitoring Publication REVIEW OF EUROPEAN AND NATIONAL ELECTION RESULTS UPDATE: SEPTEMBER 2019 Directorate-General for Communication Public Opinion Monitoring Unit May 2019 - PE 640.149 IMPRESSUM AUTHORS Philipp SCHULMEISTER, Head of Unit (Editor) Alice CHIESA, Marc FRIEDLI, Dimitra TSOULOU MALAKOUDI, Matthias BÜTTNER Special thanks to EP Liaison Offices and Members’ Administration Unit PRODUCTION Katarzyna ONISZK Manuscript completed in September 2019 Brussels, © European Union, 2019 Cover photo: © Andrey Kuzmin, Shutterstock.com ABOUT THE PUBLISHER This paper has been drawn up by the Public Opinion Monitoring Unit within the Directorate–General for Communication (DG COMM) of the European Parliament. To contact the Public Opinion Monitoring Unit please write to: [email protected] LINGUISTIC VERSION Original: EN DISCLAIMER This document is prepared for, and primarily addressed to, the Members and staff of the European Parliament to assist them in their parliamentary work. The content of the document is the sole responsibility of its author(s) and any opinions expressed herein should not be taken to represent an official position of the Parliament. TABLE OF CONTENTS EDITORIAL 1 1. COMPOSITION OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT 5 DISTRIBUTION OF SEATS OVERVIEW 1979 - 2019 6 COMPOSITION OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT LAST UPDATE (31/07/2019) 7 CONSTITUTIVE SESSION (02/07/2019) AND OUTGOING EP SINCE 1979 8 PROPORTION OF WOMEN AND MEN PROPORTION - LAST UPDATE 02/07/2019 28 PROPORTIONS IN POLITICAL GROUPS - LAST UPDATE 02/07/2019 29 PROPORTION OF WOMEN IN POLITICAL GROUPS - SINCE 1979 30 2. NUMBER OF NATIONAL PARTIES IN THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT CONSTITUTIVE SESSION 31 3. -
SYRIZA, Left Populism and the European Migration Crisis
Working Paper The Gatekeeper’s Gambit: SYRIZA, Left Populism and the European Migration Crisis Antonios A. Nestoras Brussels, 23 December 2015 1 Table of Contents Introduction .............................................................................................................. 3 Migration and Populism: the New Frontline .......................................................... 3 Gateway Greece ....................................................................................................... 6 ‘The Biggest Migration Crisis since WWII’ ............................................................. 6 Migration Trends and Policies, 2008 - 2014 ........................................................... 8 The SYRIZA Pull Factor, 2015 ............................................................................... 11 The SYRIZA Gambit .................................................................................................14 ‘No Migrant is Illegal’ ............................................................................................14 ‘It’s all Europe’s Fault’ .......................................................................................... 16 ‘Pay or Pray’ ........................................................................................................ 19 The EU Reaction ..................................................................................................... 22 Hot Spots and Relocation ................................................................................... 22 The Turkish -
Rage and Protest: the Case of the Greek Indignant Movement
Rage and Protest: The case of the Greek Indignant movement Marilena Simiti GreeSE Paper No. 82 Hellenic Observatory Papers on Greece and Southeast Europe FEBRUARY 2014 All views expressed in this paper are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of the Hellenic Observatory or the LSE © Marilena Simiti _ TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT __________________________________________________________ iii 1. Introduction _____________________________________________________ 1 2. The Greek Indignant movement _____________________________________ 2 3. Socio-political Profile of Protestors __________________________________ 16 4. Square Encampment - Direct Democracy _____________________________ 18 5. Post-junta democracy in question/ Political Cleavages __________________ 21 6. The extreme right ________________________________________________ 23 7. ‘The Indignant’: Emotions and Cognition _____________________________ 26 8. “Democracy out of Rage”? _________________________________________ 28 References _________________________________________________________ 30 ii Rage and Protest: The case of the Greek Indignant movement # Marilena Simiti ABSTRACT In Greece a mass movement known as the Aganaktismeni (the Indignant) became the main agent of social resistance to the memorandum signed by the Greek government, the European Union and the International Monetary Fund. The Greek movement did not take the form of a social movement sharing a minimum collective identity. Left-wing protestors played a prominent role. Protestors embracing right-wing populist frames also participated actively in collective mobilizations, while segments of the extreme right attempted to manipulate rage to their advantage. This unique feature of the Greek movement posed a completely different challenge to the principles of diversity and inclusiveness than the one debated within the Spanish Indignados and the Occupy protests. Furthermore, it illustrates that rage and indignation may spark dissimilar, even conflicting forms of political contention. -
Austrian Federalism in Comparative Perspective
CONTEMPORARY AUSTRIAN STUDIES | VOLUME 24 Bischof, Karlhofer (Eds.), Williamson (Guest Ed.) • 1914: Aus tria-Hungary, the Origins, and the First Year of World War I War of World the Origins, and First Year tria-Hungary, Austrian Federalism in Comparative Perspective Günter Bischof AustrianFerdinand Federalism Karlhofer (Eds.) in Comparative Perspective Günter Bischof, Ferdinand Karlhofer (Eds.) UNO UNO PRESS innsbruck university press UNO PRESS innsbruck university press Austrian Federalism in ŽŵƉĂƌĂƟǀĞWĞƌƐƉĞĐƟǀĞ Günter Bischof, Ferdinand Karlhofer (Eds.) CONTEMPORARY AUSTRIAN STUDIES | VOLUME 24 UNO PRESS innsbruck university press Copyright © 2015 by University of New Orleans Press All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form, or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage nd retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publisher. All inquiries should be addressed to UNO Press, University of New Orleans, LA 138, 2000 Lakeshore Drive. New Orleans, LA, 70148, USA. www.unopress.org. Printed in the United States of America Book design by Allison Reu and Alex Dimeff Cover photo © Parlamentsdirektion Published in the United States by Published and distributed in Europe University of New Orleans Press by Innsbruck University Press ISBN: 9781608011124 ISBN: 9783902936691 UNO PRESS Publication of this volume has been made possible through generous grants from the the Federal Ministry for Europe, Integration, and Foreign Affairs in Vienna through the Austrian Cultural Forum in New York, as well as the Federal Ministry of Economics, Science, and Research through the Austrian Academic Exchange Service (ÖAAD). The Austrian Marshall Plan Anniversary Foundation in Vienna has been very generous in supporting Center Austria: The Austrian Marshall Plan Center for European Studies at the University of New Orleans and its publications series.