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Veridiction and Leadership in Transnational Populism: the Case of Diem25
Politics and Governance (ISSN: 2183–2463) 2020, Volume 8, Issue 1, Pages 217–225 DOI: 10.17645/pag.v8i1.2539 Article Veridiction and Leadership in Transnational Populism: The Case of DiEM25 Evangelos Fanoulis 1 and Simona Guerra 2,* 1 Department of International Relations, Xi’an Jiaotong–Liverpool University, 215123 Suzhou, China; E-Mail: [email protected] 2 School of History, Politics and International Relations, University of Leicester, Leicester, LE1 7RH, UK; E-Mail: [email protected] * Corresponding author Submitted: 3 October 2019 | Accepted: 16 January 2020 | Published: 5 March 2020 Abstract While research tends to explore questions of power and leadership at the national level, populism in Europe has moved be- yond national borders, with an increasing number of transnational movements and organizations. This article investigates the Democracy in Europe Movement 2025 (DiEM25) and its leadership’s main speeches. Informed by both discourse theory and Michel Foucault’s work on parrhesia (veridiction), the analysis draws on readings of transnational Euroalternativism and populism, pointing out the conflicting logic of bringing them together at the transnational level. Our findings thus stress the increasing politicization of European integration as an opportunity to mobilize transnational activities, which are based on the populist ‘people vs. the elites’ dichotomy and against Brussels’ unaccountable elites (see FitzGibbon & Guerra, 2019), while indicating the limits of leadership in a populist transnational movement (de Cleen, Moffitt, Panayotu, & Stavrakakis, 2019; Marzolini & Souvlis, 2016). Keywords discourse analysis; Euroalternativism; leadership; parrhesia; power relations; transnational populism Issue This article is part of the issue “Leadership, Populism and Power” edited by Cristine de Clercy (Western University, Canada). -
The Rise of Syriza: an Interview with Aristides Baltas
THE RISE OF SYRIZA: AN INTERVIEW WITH ARISTIDES BALTAS This interview with Aristides Baltas, the eminent Greek philosopher who was one of the founders of Syriza and is currently a coordinator of its policy planning committee, was conducted by Leo Panitch with the help of Michalis Spourdalakis in Athens on 29 May 2012, three weeks after Syriza came a close second in the first Greek election of 6 May, and just three days before the party’s platform was to be revealed for the second election of 17 June. Leo Panitch (LP): Can we begin with the question of what is distinctive about Syriza in terms of socialist strategy today? Aristides Baltas (AB): I think that independently of everything else, what’s happening in Greece does have a bearing on socialist strategy, which is not possible to discuss during the electoral campaign, but which will present issues that we’re going to face after the elections, no matter how the elections turn out. We haven’t had the opportunity to discuss this, because we are doing so many diverse things that we look like a chicken running around with its head cut off. But this is precisely why I first want to step back to 2008, when through an interesting procedure, Synaspismos, the main party in the Syriza coalition, formulated the main elements of the programme in a book of over 300 pages. The polls were showing that Syriza was growing in popularity (indeed we reached over 15 per cent in voting intentions that year), and there was a big pressure on us at that time, as we kept hearing: ‘you don’t have a programme; we don’t know who you are; we don’t know what you’re saying’. -
Download/Print the Study in PDF Format
GENERAL ELECTION IN GREECE 7th July 2019 European New Democracy is the favourite in the Elections monitor Greek general election of 7th July Corinne Deloy On 26th May, just a few hours after the announcement of the results of the European, regional and local elections held in Greece, Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras (Coalition of the Radical Left, SYRIZA), whose party came second to the main opposition party, New Analysis Democracy (ND), declared: “I cannot ignore this result. It is for the people to decide and I am therefore going to request the organisation of an early general election”. Organisation of an early general election (3 months’ early) surprised some observers of Greek political life who thought that the head of government would call on compatriots to vote as late as possible to allow the country’s position to improve as much as possible. New Democracy won in the European elections with 33.12% of the vote, ahead of SYRIZA, with 23.76%. The Movement for Change (Kinima allagis, KINAL), the left-wing opposition party which includes the Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK), the Social Democrats Movement (KIDISO), the River (To Potami) and the Democratic Left (DIMAR), collected 7.72% of the vote and the Greek Communist Party (KKE), 5.35%. Alexis Tsipras had made these elections a referendum Costas Bakoyannis (ND), the new mayor of Athens, on the action of his government. “We are not voting belongs to a political dynasty: he is the son of Dora for a new government, but it is clear that this vote is Bakoyannis, former Minister of Culture (1992-1993) not without consequence. -
2019 European Elections the Weight of the Electorates Compared to the Electoral Weight of the Parliamentary Groups
2019 European Elections The weight of the electorates compared to the electoral weight of the parliamentary groups Guillemette Lano Raphaël Grelon With the assistance of Victor Delage and Dominique Reynié July 2019 2019 European Elections. The weight of the electorates | Fondation pour l’innovation politique I. DISTINGUISHING BETWEEN THE WEIGHT OF ELECTORATES AND THE ELECTORAL WEIGHT OF PARLIAMENTARY GROUPS The Fondation pour l’innovation politique wished to reflect on the European elections in May 2019 by assessing the weight of electorates across the European constituency independently of the electoral weight represented by the parliamentary groups comprised post-election. For example, we have reconstructed a right-wing Eurosceptic electorate by aggregating the votes in favour of right-wing national lists whose discourses are hostile to the European Union. In this case, for instance, this methodology has led us to assign those who voted for Fidesz not to the European People’s Party (EPP) group but rather to an electorate which we describe as the “populist right and extreme right” in which we also include those who voted for the Italian Lega, the French National Rally, the Austrian FPÖ and the Sweden Democrats. Likewise, Slovak SMER voters were detached from the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats (S&D) Group and instead categorised as part of an electorate which we describe as the “populist left and extreme left”. A. The data collected The electoral results were collected list by list, country by country 1, from the websites of the national parliaments and governments of each of the States of the Union. We then aggregated these data at the European level, thus obtaining: – the number of individuals registered on the electoral lists on the date of the elections, or the registered voters; – the number of votes, or the voters; – the number of valid votes in favour of each of the lists, or the votes cast; – the number of invalid votes, or the blank or invalid votes. -
Greece Political Briefing: an Assessment of SYRIZA's Review
ISSN: 2560-1601 Vol. 26, No. 1 (GR) Febr 2020 Greece political briefing: An assessment of SYRIZA’s review George N. Tzogopoulos 1052 Budapest Petőfi Sándor utca 11. +36 1 5858 690 Kiadó: Kína-KKE Intézet Nonprofit Kft. [email protected] Szerkesztésért felelős személy: Chen Xin Kiadásért felelős személy: Huang Ping china-cee.eu 2017/01 An assessment of SYRIZA’s review In February 2020 the central committee of SYRIZA approved the party’s review covering the period from January 2015 until July 2019. While the performance of SYRIZA after the summer of 2015 was largely based on bailout obligations and was efficient, its stance in the first semester of that year stigmatized not only the national economy but also the party itself. The review discusses successes and failures and constitutes a useful document in the effort of the main opposition party to learn by its mistakes and develop attractive governmental proposals. A few months after the general election of July 2019, the main opposition SYRIZA party is keeping a low profile in domestic politics. Its electoral defeat has required a period of self- criticism and internal debate in order for the party to gradually start formulating new policies which will perhaps allow it to win the next national election. Against this backdrop, three experienced politicians, former vice-President of the government Yiannis Dragasakis, former Shipping Minister Theodoros Dritsas and former Education Minister Aristides Baltas prepared a review of the party’s 4.5 administration year. The review was presented to SYRIZA’s central committee at the beginning of February 2020 and was subsequently approved. -
Greece and the Case of the 2012
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The Making of SYRIZA
Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line Panos Petrou The making of SYRIZA Published: June 11, 2012. http://socialistworker.org/print/2012/06/11/the-making-of-syriza Transcription, Editing and Markup: Sam Richards and Paul Saba Copyright: This work is in the Public Domain under the Creative Commons Common Deed. You can freely copy, distribute and display this work; as well as make derivative and commercial works. Please credit the Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line as your source, include the url to this work, and note any of the transcribers, editors & proofreaders above. June 11, 2012 -- Socialist Worker (USA) -- Greece's Coalition of the Radical Left, SYRIZA, has a chance of winning parliamentary elections in Greece on June 17, which would give it an opportunity to form a government of the left that would reject the drastic austerity measures imposed on Greece as a condition of the European Union's bailout of the country's financial elite. SYRIZA rose from small-party status to a second-place finish in elections on May 6, 2012, finishing ahead of the PASOK party, which has ruled Greece for most of the past four decades, and close behind the main conservative party New Democracy. When none of the three top finishers were able to form a government with a majority in parliament, a date for a new election was set -- and SYRIZA has been neck-and-neck with New Democracy ever since. Where did SYRIZA, an alliance of numerous left-wing organisations and unaffiliated individuals, come from? Panos Petrou, a leading member of Internationalist Workers Left (DEA, by its initials in Greek), a revolutionary socialist organisation that co-founded SYRIZA in 2004, explains how the coalition rose to the prominence it has today. -
Review of European and National Election Results Update: September 2019
REVIEW OF EUROPEAN AND NATIONAL ELECTION RESULTS UPDATE: SEPTEMBER 2019 A Public Opinion Monitoring Publication REVIEW OF EUROPEAN AND NATIONAL ELECTION RESULTS UPDATE: SEPTEMBER 2019 Directorate-General for Communication Public Opinion Monitoring Unit May 2019 - PE 640.149 IMPRESSUM AUTHORS Philipp SCHULMEISTER, Head of Unit (Editor) Alice CHIESA, Marc FRIEDLI, Dimitra TSOULOU MALAKOUDI, Matthias BÜTTNER Special thanks to EP Liaison Offices and Members’ Administration Unit PRODUCTION Katarzyna ONISZK Manuscript completed in September 2019 Brussels, © European Union, 2019 Cover photo: © Andrey Kuzmin, Shutterstock.com ABOUT THE PUBLISHER This paper has been drawn up by the Public Opinion Monitoring Unit within the Directorate–General for Communication (DG COMM) of the European Parliament. To contact the Public Opinion Monitoring Unit please write to: [email protected] LINGUISTIC VERSION Original: EN DISCLAIMER This document is prepared for, and primarily addressed to, the Members and staff of the European Parliament to assist them in their parliamentary work. The content of the document is the sole responsibility of its author(s) and any opinions expressed herein should not be taken to represent an official position of the Parliament. TABLE OF CONTENTS EDITORIAL 1 1. COMPOSITION OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT 5 DISTRIBUTION OF SEATS OVERVIEW 1979 - 2019 6 COMPOSITION OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT LAST UPDATE (31/07/2019) 7 CONSTITUTIVE SESSION (02/07/2019) AND OUTGOING EP SINCE 1979 8 PROPORTION OF WOMEN AND MEN PROPORTION - LAST UPDATE 02/07/2019 28 PROPORTIONS IN POLITICAL GROUPS - LAST UPDATE 02/07/2019 29 PROPORTION OF WOMEN IN POLITICAL GROUPS - SINCE 1979 30 2. NUMBER OF NATIONAL PARTIES IN THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT CONSTITUTIVE SESSION 31 3. -
Political Crisis in Greece and Italy: a Comparative Analysis of SYRIZA and 5 Stars Movement
Political Crisis in Greece and Italy: a comparative analysis of SYRIZA and 5 Stars Movement Raffaele Borreca PhD Candidate University of Peloponnese Department of Political Science and International Relations 1 Abstract The spaces opened by the economic and political crisis offered many rooms for manoeuvre to those opposition forces able to canalise in electoral terms the protest and translate its claims in specific demands or a coherent political narrative. Strong of their electoral results, the Greek SYRIZA and the Italian Five Stars Movement (M5S) assumed soon a pivotal role in their political systems. However, although the demands and the objectives of both SYRIZA and the M5S are, to a certain extent, similar, the two parties differ in terms of political background, ideology and internal organization. The success of the M5S trace its roots in the context of deep distrust against the political system reigning in Italy since the 1990s. In the M5S problematically coexist a grassroots direct democracy approach and the charismatic and substantially unchallenged leadership of the founder Beppe Grillo. The capability of the radical left SYRIZA to convey the anti–Memorandum contestation and its constitution in an unitarian party following the 2012 elections reaffirmed the centrality of the traditional mass party in the Greek democratic representation. However, its electoral drive towards the centre poses major ideological challenges. Finally, the scepticism towards the European governance of both parties cannot be mistaken for anti-europeism. SYRIZA and the M5S canalized the protest from the streets to the national Parliament giving democratic representation to the contestation and contributing in the politicisation of the European polity. -
Greece Under SYRIZA Government and the European Union
Nr 12 ROCZNIK INTEGRACJI EUROPEJSKIEJ 2018 ANNA Ratajczak DOI : 10.14746/rie.2018.12.16 Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu ORCID: 0000-0003-4823-9005 Greece under SYRIZA government and the European Union It has now been three years of the SYRIZA ruling in Greece and the economic reform, undertaken by the government of Alexis Tsipras to bail out of the massive fi- nancial debt, appears to be nearing to a successful completion. In this paper, an attempt to evaluate the socio-economic impacts of the delicate balancing between the harsh austerity programmes, creditors’ demands, tough economic reforms, and the European Union (EU) mandate for recovery is presented. A detailed analysis of political, eco- nomic and social events is provided, giving credit to SYRIZA cautious ruling. The victory in the parliamentary elections held on January 25, 2015 (SYRIZA re- ceived 36.3% of votes and 149 seats in the 300-member parliament), was related to the dissatisfaction of Greek citizens with the current “belt tightening policy” and the condition of the Greek economy.1 The success of A. Tsipras party was mainly based on the announcements of retreat from some budget cuts and opposition to the Brussels dictate. At the election rally in Athens, on the last day of the campaign, the leader of SYRIZA argued: “On Monday, our national humiliation will be over! We will finish with orders from abroad!” (Barkin, Rinke, 2015). SYRIZA’s election programme did not appear as revolutionary, however, consider- ing the situation in Greece at the time, it announced significant changes (Sapir, 2015). -
The Gatekeeper's Gambit: SYRIZA, Left Populism and the European Migration Crisis
Working Paper The Gatekeeper’s Gambit: SYRIZA, Left Populism and the European Migration Crisis Antonios A. Nestoras Brussels, 02 February 2016 1 Table of Contents Introduction ..................................................................................................... 3 Migration and Populism: the New Frontline ................................................ 3 Gateway Greece .............................................................................................. 7 ‘The Biggest Migration Crisis since WWII’ ................................................... 7 Migration Trends and Policies, 2008 - 2014 ................................................. 9 2015: The SYRIZA Pull-Factor? ................................................................... 12 The SYRIZA Gambit ....................................................................................... 15 ‘No Migrant is Illegal’ ................................................................................. 15 ‘It’s all Europe’s Fault’ ................................................................................ 18 ‘Pay or Pray’ ................................................................................................ 21 The EU Reaction ............................................................................................ 24 Hot Spots and Relocation .......................................................................... 24 The Turkish Counter ................................................................................... 25 The Schengen GREXIT -
European Central Bank Executive Board 60640 Frankfurt Am Main Germany Brussels, 30 August 2017 Confirmatory Application to Th
The European Parliament Fabio De Masi - European Parliament - Rue Wiertz 60 - WIB 03M031 - 1047 Brussels European Central Bank Executive Board 60640 Frankfurt am Main Germany Brussels, 30 August 2017 Confirmatory application to the ECB reply dated 3 August 2017 Reference: LS/PT/2017/61 Dear Sir or Madam, We hereby submit a confirmatory application (Art. 7 (2) ECB/2004/3) based on your reply dated 3 August 2017, in which you fully refused access to the legal opinion “Responses to questions concerning the interpretation of Art. 14.4 of the Statute of the ESCB and of the ECB”. We submit the confirmatory application on the following grounds that the ECB has a legal obligation to disclose documents based on Article 2 (1) ECB/2004/3 in conjunction with Article 15 (3) TFEU. Presumption of the exceptions set out in Article 4 (2) ECB/2004/3 (undermining of the protection of court proceedings and legal advice) and Article 4 (3) ECB/2004/3 (undermining of the deliberation process) is unlawful. 1. Protection of legal advice, no undermining of legitimate interests – irrelevance of intentions, future deliberations and ‘erga omnes’ effects In your letter you state, “In the case at hand, public release of the legal opinion – which was sought by the ECB’s decision-making bodies and intended exclusively for their information and consideration – would undermine the ECB’s legitimate interest in receiving frank, objective and comprehensive legal advice. This especially so since this legal advice was not only essential for the decision-making bodies to feed