Finds from the Amarna Period at the Hecht Museum

FINDS FROM THE AMARNA PERIOD AT THE HECHT MUSEUM

The nine finds on which this discussion centers belong to the time of Pharaoh Amenhotep IV, Akhenaten, known by historians of ancient Egypt as the Amarna period. This was an extraordinary age in the history of Egypt, marked by change and variation, an enigmatic time where the unknown outweighs the known. Not surprisingly, therefore, the Amarna period generated different interpretations and approaches in research. The following brief review, based on that research as well as on our own investigation, seeks to illumine the historical and artistic background of the finds in the Hecht Museum.

HISTORICAL SURVEY

Pharaoh Amenhotep IV ascended the throne in 1351 BCE. During his reign of just 17 years (until 1334 BCE) he wrought the changes characteristic of the Amarna period1. The foremost of these was religious reform: the god Aten (sun disc in Egyptian), the concrete manifestation of the sun, in rays of sunlight, was set at the head of the Egyptian pan- theon2. This change left its mark on various levels of life, particularly on the contemporary art. It was clearly a religion that, on the one hand, derived from and was related to previous solar doctrines, but on the other hand, came into

* This publication is part of a larger project covering publication of all the Egyptian exhibits in the Hecht Museum catalogue 1 Although there is still considerable debate as to whether there was a coregency between Akhenaten and his father, Amenhotep III, Akhenaten probably shared the throne with his father in his initial years (see Allen 1994, who relies on new graffito from Dashur and cf. Aldred 1988: 169-189, who assumes 12 years of coregency). More recently this assumption has been rejected by HORNUNG 1995: 38-39; cf. also FRITZ 1991 and SCHLÖGL 1993: 14-17, who presents a detailed survey of the various scholarly views). The absolute chronology of the early Egyptian dynasties and the length of their kings’ reigns are also disputed. The dates given in this article are based on the up-to-date research of Beckerath 1999. 2 The main motive for Akhenaten’s reform was probably political, namely the posi- tion attained by the state god Amun and his priests whose wide ranging authority under- mined the central rule. For other proposed reasons to account for Akhenaten’s reform, see SILVERMAN 1995: 80-85; O’CONNOR 1983: 219-221. 46 N. SHUPAK AND H. PITSCH being as a reaction to them and differed from them in essential features. One of its basic presuppositions, characteristic also of the monotheistic world-view, was the uniqueness of the god; being alone in his solar journey, the sun-god was a solitary god who acted without other gods, without “constellation partners” (Assmann 1995:68-69). Thus it seems that the new doctrine was closer to monotheism than any other religious belief that had ever sprung up in the Nile valley; the term “Egyptian monotheism” suits it very well3. Most of our knowledge of the new religion arises from the “The Hymn to the Aten”4, and the artistic works of the Period. These include the reliefs that adorned walls of buildings built by the new king at Karnak and at Amarna as well as the tombs of his officials at the new capital. These finds demonstrate that Akhenaten not only reserved for himself the role of the sole teacher of the new doctrine but also that he functioned as the principal priest and prime worshipper of the deity, the “First Prophet of Harakhty”. He was the image and the representative on earth of the celestial god, enjoying proximity or even identity with the Aten5. The traditional mythology, the stories of gods and triads of gods, was replaced by the “visible interaction and textual description of the relationship between the king and Aten” (Silverman 1995: 76). The reform instituted by Akhenaten was gradual. At first he estab- lished his residence in the city of Karnak, where remains of four temples to the god Aten have been discovered (Redford 1984: 71-78). But probably in the fourth year of his reign Akhenaten transferred his capital north to a new residence. This newly built city, now known by its later name Amarna,, Akhenaten called Akhetaten, “the horizon of the Aten”. To distinguish the new sun religion from the old, several changes were introduced based on the above mentioned recognition that the god was the king; and the reverse, the king was the earthly manifestation of the heavenly god. These were the following:

3 Cf. HORNUNG 1995: 103-104. 4 For a translation of the hymn see LICHTHEIM 1976: 96-100. This hymn is also known for its amazing similarity to Psalm 104. For recent treatments of this issue, see DION 1991: 43-71; HOFFMAN, 1992; REDFORD 1987: 27; SHUPAK 1995: 24-25; TAYLOR 1993: 225-230. 5 See also discussion below, and cf. REDFORD 1995: 177-180; SILVERMAN 1995: 73- 75, 79, and MURNANE 1994.. The identity of Akhenaten with Aten may also be inferred from the portrayals of the king’s jubilee (The Sed festival) on talatats from the Karnak temple. Here the king is accompanied by a special priest called “the prophet of the king”, a detail attesting that the king was worshipped as a god. THE AMARNA PERIOD AT THE HECHT MUSEUM 47

1) The soaring falcon, or the winged sun, the symbols of the sun god until then, were replaced by the sun disc, whose rays, terminating in human hands holding signs of power or dominion (was) and life (ankhe) imparted to the royal family6 (see below, objects 2, 3, 4). Similarly, the sun disc was adorned with the uraeus cobra, the symbol of royalty par excellence. 2) The connection between the Aten and the king was substantiated also by the bestowal of titles, enclosed by royal cartouches, on the new god (see object 3 below). 3) The names of the king and the queen were changed to make refer- ence to the name of the new god Aten: the king’s name was changed from Amenhotep (“Amun is content”) to Akhenaten (“beneficial to Aten” or “the brightness of Aten”), and that of his wife from Nefer- titi (“the beautiful or perfect one has come”) to Nefer-neferu-Aten (“the exquisite beauty or perfection of Aten”). The later phases of the reform attest to the intolerance characteristic of the new religion: Emissaries were sent throughout the state to elimi- nate the name of the previous state god Amun, and the plural form “gods” from the different monuments. The reforms initiated by Akhenaten did not survive long. A religion that turned the king into the sole mediator between a man and his god, a religion that negated the direct connection between the worshipper and the object of his prayers, a religion that turned its back on the world of myth, a religion that rejected the cult of the resurrected god, Osiris7, and thus shattered man’s hope in a better future — such a religion contained nothing to capture the heart of the Egyptian masses. And soon after his death, Egypt reverted to the old faith.

6 The radiating arms, reaching everywhere, were probably conceived of as the sun- god agency, bringing life to the world. A new interpretation of this image was suggested by SILVERMAN (1995: 85). He assumes that this was Akhenaten’s new representation of the traditional concept of the royal ka, which previously had been depicted by the hiero- glyph with upraised hands ( ). In his opinion, the new image of the sun disc symbolized Akhenaten’s divine ka, which “incorporated his physical being and his deity, the Aten”. Silverman’s original suggestion merits close scrutiny; however, the fact that the image of the sun-disc’s radiating arms had existed before Akhenaten’s reign both in literature (in the Hymn to Amon-Re, the God is depicted as “the solitary sole one, with many hands”; see ASSMANN 1984: 244) and in art (see HORNUNG 1971: 75 and TAWFIK 1973: 81-82) casts doubt on this interpretation. 7 See discussion on exhibit 1, below. 48 N. SHUPAK AND H. PITSCH

The buildings erected by Akhenaten at Karnak and Amarna were torn down, but their building material served for the construction of new ones. For example, the temple of Aten that stood east of the Amun temple at Karnak was demolished by Haremhab (1319-1292 BCE), and Ramesses II (1279-1213BCE), and its blocks were used mainly in the building of the pylons of the Amun temple there; the temple at Amarna was dismantled and its stones were used by Ramesses II for constructing the temple at Hermopolis. The work of reconstruction of the original buildings of Akhenaten is at present based on this building material, which chiefly consists of blocks ornamented with reliefs, known in scholarship as talatat. The work, which has been carried on since 1966 by an expedition from the Museum of the University of Pennsylvania8, is accomplished by a computerized assembly of talatats and fragments of talatats, like a huge jig- saw puzzle. To date, about 45,000 blocks have been unearthed, mostly at Karnak and Hermopolis.

AMARNA ART

The works of the Amarna period in relief, plastics, and drawing are very different from works of other periods. Given the name “Amarna art”, it is noted for its breaking free of the trammels of tradition on the one hand, and for innovations in theme, style, and technique on the other.

Subjects The central subject in Amarna art is the royal family, whose members were portrayed as representing the divinity on earth — Akhenaten as a reflection of the sun-god and Nefertiti as his female counterpart. Both stood for the divine symbol of fertility9 and they replaced the various previous gods along with their symbols and rituals, including the beliefs connected with the dead. The king and queen, at times accompanied by some or all of their daughters (six in number) are depicted as when taking part directly in various events. These belong not only to the sphere of ritual and religion, as with earlier kings, but also with secular life. The following scenes of family life and administration are seen:

8 See REDFORD 1988; SMITH and REDFORD 1976. 9 See discussion on ‘Style’ below. THE AMARNA PERIOD AT THE HECHT MUSEUM 49

1. A ritual framework: The royal family adoring the sun disc — the king and queen, and sometimes their daughters, bring bread or drink offerings to Aten, whose arms impart to them life and power; the king taking part in his jubilee, the Sed festival (see exhibits 2, 3 below). 2. An intimate family framework: The king and queen kissing and embracing their daughters; the princesses eating, kissing each other; the king and queen weeping over the death of their daughter. These scenes evince emotional expression whose like is not found earlier: warmth, affection, pain, and sorrow (see exhibit 5 below, which may be a part of such a scene). 3. A ceremonial and official scene: The royal family leaning out of a palace window or seated in a kiosk10 and taking part in various court activities, such as rewarding sundry officials with gold; welcoming foreign legations bearing offerings to the king; the royal family making their way to the palace or to the temple in chariots11. In these contexts, the background shows court personnel engaged in various day-to-day occupations. They include the royal guard, composed of infantrymen and sometimes also charioteers (see exhibit 8). The body posture typical of court personnel at the time of Akhenaten is bowing or prostrating, expressing reverence for and adoration of the king, who, as stated, is the earthly manifestation of the celestial god (see exhibits 6, 7).

Style The Amarna style is characterized by release from the traditional frozen and symmetrically arranged style of the picture. This is expressed in the following features: 1. Prior to this period the king was depicted as possessing the ideal athletic body. His figure radiated strength and eternalness. Akhenaten

10 This architectural feature is known from Hatshepsut’s temple at Deir el-Bahri, where it had a purely religious function, being the place where the king made a ceremonial appearance during services at the temple. Only from Akhenaten’s reign this formal appearance was used as an opportunity to reward selected subjects; see KEMP 1976: 91-92, cf. DAVIES 1925: 50-56; and HÖLSCHER 1931: 43-51. 11 The royal family’s driving a chariot as a means of rapid transportation appears first in Amarna art and belongs to the innovations of the period. Hornung suggests that it symbolized or imitated the travel of the sun god through the sky and replaced the previous procession of the god’s statue, which usually took place during the feast; see HORNUNG 1995: 51, 84 and cf. the image appearing in Tel el-Amarna landmark stele inscription: “His majesty L.P.H. appeared upon a great chariot of electrum, like Aton, when he arises in the horizon” ARE II §960. 50 N. SHUPAK AND H. PITSCH

appears in sharp contrast to this ideal. His portrayal at times verges on caricature: a long and thin face rises above a long slender neck; the cheeks are sunken, the chin is sharp and pointed, and the long nose continues in a direct line from the forehead. The eyes are slitliken, the lips are thick and full, the chest is developed, the belly droops, the thighs are wide, and the legs are short. Various explanations have been given for this distorted figure12: the most reasonable of which is that the figure of the king on the one hand reflects actual physical qualities but on the other is meant to express the ideology of the Amarna religion. The king is perceived as the pri- mordial god, creator of the universe, the god of fertility13. In the words of the Egyptian poet, he is “father and mother of all that he made”14. 2. This style is evident in the drawing of the other family members too, particularly the queen. The similarity between the king and queen is great, especially in the first stage of the Amarna style — so much that sometimes they are indistinguishable (see exhibit 4, below). This situation apparently stems from the goal of merging the king and queen into a single identity, differentiated only by sex15. The queen in the Amarna period represents the female divinity; she is the symbol of fertility of the cult of Aten,13 and therefore appears as an erotic ideal: slim hips, broad thighs and buttocks. These features are also reflected in the portrayal of the princesses, who are all alike in have an elongated skull (see exhibit 5, below). This characteristic, too, has been given a variety of interpretations, from sickness and degenera- tion through artificially created deformation to an artistic element belonging to the new style16.

12 Among the interpretations given in research were the following: The king was homosexual; he suffered from an illness — this illness was at first identified as Froehlich’s syndrome, caused by endocrine imbalance (Aldred 1988: 231 ff; cf. SCHLÖGL 1993: 64-66). This theory was recently rejected by Buridge (1993: 63-74), who maintains that Akhenaten and his family suffered from a genetic illness called Marfan’s Syndrome, which causes spinal deformity. 13 For the opinion that the king and queen represent fertility gods in the Amarna period, see ROBINS 1993: 29-41; cf. Green 1992: 35. 14 From “The Short Hymn to the Aten“, LICHTHEIM 1976: 91; ASSMANN 1983: 120- 121; idem. 1984: 256; idem. 1995: 84-85. 15 At times, this criterion is also useless, because it is impossible to draw a distinction between both genders. 16 Cf. GERHARDT 1967; ALDRED 1973: 55; SCHLÖGL 1993: 64-66, and see discussion below on exhibit 5. THE AMARNA PERIOD AT THE HECHT MUSEUM 51

3. Innovation is apparent in the tendency to movement and avoidance of drawing frozen figures. The subjects are shown in a posture of bowing back as a sign of submission (see exhibits 6, 7 below), while the ribbons tying the crown flutter in the breeze, turning from a functional element into a decorative one17. 4. The veiled look is characteristic of the figures of the period. This effect is created by leaving out the drawing of the lower line of the eyes (see exhibit 1 below). 5. There is transition to a more natural and detailed way of representation: This is to be observed, for example, in the distinction between the right hand and the left, or in the introduction of iconographic elements ignored until then, such as the drawing of the fingers (see exhibit 4 below). 6. In the Amarna canon, the standing figures are generally higher between base-line and hair-line than those appearing in the traditional canon18. Gradual development of the Amarna style is noticeable, going from a radical style to a softer, more moderate one. The early phase which probably began in years 3,4 of Akhenaten’s reign, is characterized by its extremism. This is evident principally in the king’s twisted body with its exaggerated features. In the later phase, which proceeded from years 6-8, the exaggerated and extreme features disappear, giving way to a restrained and controlled portrayal of the king and the other members of the royal family19.

Technique The reliefs, to which eight of the exhibits published here belong, are made by the sunk relief method that is characteristic of Amarna art. With this technique the figures themselves are carved, and there is no need to carve and deepen the background. The sunk relief technique is accomplished relatively fast, but the figures have to be carved deeper. Simi- larly, account has to be taken of the play of light and shade, as the sun’s rays fill the outline with shadow and the figures acquire a plastic effect. The blocks, on which are the reliefs, were plastered in order to level the

17 The fluttering ribbons may alternatively be a sign of a divine presence. 18 Cf. ROBINS 1983 and GILDERDALE 1984. 19 For a detailed division of the various phases of Amarna art, see WENIG 1975: 177- 178. Extensive treatment of the characteristics of early and later stages of Amarna style, including discussion of representative examples, is to be found in Aldred 1973: 48-71. 52 N. SHUPAK AND H. PITSCH surface. Pits and grooves were filled in with plaster and the figures were carved into it (see exhibits 2, 6, 7, 9 below).

THE FINDS AT THE HECHT MUSEUM AND THEIR PROVENANCE

Most of the finds were acquired by the late Dr. Reuben Hecht from antique dealers. Therefore, they were altered for the purposes of sale, and their original form was lost. Worst to suffer from this treatment were the reliefs on the talatats, which were cut into small pieces and sawn down at the back to a thickness of 2-5 cm. The reliefs belonging to the Hecht collection (exhibits 2-9) originate from the talatats of the temples of Aten built by Akhenaten, first at Kar- nak and later at the new capital Akhetaten. The blocks from Karnak are of Nubian sandstone, while those from Hermopolis — which were originally used in the Amarna’s buildings — are limestone. This difference makes it easier to determine the provenance of the exhibits. Another important site for finds is the king’s tomb, which lies in a wadi east of Tell el-Amarna. Here many shawebtis were discovered, including that on display at the Hecht Museum (see exhibit 1, below).

THE EXHIBITS a. Depictions of the king 1. Shawebti head of Akhenaten (registration no. H 1460; measurements: height 6.3 cm., width 6 cm., thickness 5.8 cm.).

Fig. 1 THE AMARNA PERIOD AT THE HECHT MUSEUM 53

Shawebti head made of white limestone. The religion of the Aten rejected completely the belief in Osiris, the god of the dead who was restored to life, as well as the conception of the Judgment of the Dead, but it did not dismiss recognition of the possibility of resurrection. In the Amarna doctrine the life of both the living and the dead was renewed each day with the rising of the sun. Through worshipping the king and his new deity, anyone could hope for an afterlife20. The soul, in Egypt- ian ba as a form of existence by means of which the deceased continued to live, was retained21. The embalming, burial, and funeral customs continued to exist, including the interment of the shawebtis beside the deceased. Indeed, remains of about 200 shawebtis of Akhenaten were discovered, originating in his tomb at Amarna. But none of these fig- urines remained intact, and presumably they were smashed by the oppo- nents of the new religion. In the manner of royal shawebtis, those of Akhenaten were not equipped with tools, but with symbols of royalty, the flail-scepter and the shepherd’s crook, and instead of the magic formula deriving from chapter 6 of the Book of the Dead, the names and titles of the king were carved on them. The shawebti figurine exhibited here belongs to this complex and like the other shawebtis of Akhenaten it was broken, and only the head remains. The chin, nose, uraeus and the beard have been broken. The head is covered with khat kerchief, the typical headdress of the Egyptian kings22. The eyebrows, full lips, and upper eyelids are well crafted. The eyes protrude and their lower outline, in the Amarna fashion, is not marked, which imparts a dreamy look to the face. The ears, as with the other shawebtis of Akhenaten, are large. The left eye has remains of black paint, indicating the original color of the eyes, eyebrows, and pupils. In this shawebti, as in all those of Akhenaten, the king is portrayed as a young man, and the exaggerated features characteristic of the advanced stage of Amarna art are not in evidence.

20 Cf. ALDRED 1988: 246-248; SILVERMAN 1995: 85; HORNUNG 1995: 105-108, 112. 21 According to this concept, the ba comes forth from the tomb in order to follow the sun-god in his daily celestial journey and to participate in the offerings of his temple; see ZABKAR 1968: 156-159. 22 The kerchief, called Ì3.t or ‘fn.t in Egyptian, is a cloth placed on the forehead and held by a ribbon placed behind the ears; the rest of the material is gathered at the back of the wearer’s neck. At first this headdress was worn by kings and goddesses, but from the 18th Dynasty it came to be worn also by queens, who in this period were deemed goddesses. See RAMMANT-PETERS 1985: 38; EATON-KRAUS 1977: 21-39. 54 N. SHUPAK AND H. PITSCH

Parallels Martin 1974: pl. 18, 254; pl. 26, 59, 61; pl. 29, 87; pl. 33, 97; pl. 36, 138; pl. 37, 139, 141-142; pl. 38, 143; pl. 41, 192; pl. 42, 195; pl. 44, 212 etc.; idem 1981: pl. 89, 508; Aldred 1973: nos. 162-163, 167, 170- 173. Literature Martin 1981:58, pl. 89, 502 (ours); de Wit 1965:20-27; Samson 1972:19.

2. Akhenaten under the radiating sun at the Sed festival (registration no. H 1802; measurements: height 22 cm., width 26 cm., thickness 5 cm.). A fragment of a yellow sandstone talatat originating from the temple at Karnak and which apparently first belonged to the Aten temple there. The relief depicts the head of Akhenaten. The king, who wears the

Fig. 2 THE AMARNA PERIOD AT THE HECHT MUSEUM 55

White Crown of Upper Egypt, stands or sits under the rays of the sun, one of which extends to him the symbol of life, the ankh. The crown is held on the head by a broad colorful ribbon whose ends flutter in the breeze. On the king’s forehead is the uraeus adorned by the sun disc. In his right hand the king apparently holds the royal ensign, the flail, which is partly covered by a ribbon that is attached to the crown. Presumably we have here part of a scene depicting the jubilee of the Egyptian king, the Sed-festival. At the time of Akhenaten, this festival was most probably celebrated at the temple to Aten at Karnak in the first years of his reign, before the move to the new capital Amarna23. During the festival the king was carried under a canopy in a procession from the palace to the temple. In this ceremony the king usually held the symbols of rule, the flail and the shepherd’s crook, crossed on his chest, wore a jubilee robe with long sleeves, and had on his head the crown of Upper or Lower Egypt. Only the crown and the edge of the flail are left on the relief before us. The youthful appearance of the king and his gentle facial features attest that the relief belongs to the early stage of his rule, before the development of the extreme Amarna style. However, even here the characteristics of the Amarna style are evident: a long, thin neck leaning forward, full, thick lips, slit-like eyes, large ears, and a long nose continuing in a straight line from the forehead. The work was carried out by means of the sunk-relief method, typical of all the decorations of the talatats. The outer surface of the stone was smoothed by a layer of plaster and was painted various colors: the crown and the eyes white, the pupils and eyelids black, the face and neck brown-red, the ribbon attached to the crown pink, the flail brown, and the sunrays yellow. Remains of blue paint are seen in the sign of the ankh behind the neck. Parallels Gohary 1992: pl. 21: 45; Aldred 1973: no. 11 (=Aldred 1968: pl. 49); cf. also Luxor: 61 no. 144. Literature Gohary 1992: 1-170; Redford 1984:122-130; Smith and Redford 1976: 64-67.

23 On the Sed festival in the time of Akhenaten and the various theories regarding its place of celebration, see the comprehensive study by GOHARY 1992. 56 N. SHUPAK AND H. PITSCH

Fig. 3

3. Akhenaten adoring the sun (registration no. H 685; measurements: height 13 cm., width 16.4 cm., thickness 1.6 cm.). A relief of Akhenaten on a fragment of brown sandstone, unknown provenance; presumably, however, like the foregoing object it belongs to a talatat from the temple of Aten at Karnak that was decorated with scenes of the Sed-festival. This time the king is not carried in a procession but is shown adoring the sun; this ceremony usually took place in a kiosk-like structure. Akhenaten, who wears the crown of Upper Egypt, stands under the radiating sun disc, which is adorned with an uraeus. The crown is held in place by a ribbon whose remains hang down behind his back. The king’s hands are raised upwards in prayer or supplication to the god. The exaggerated features of the figure — long and thin arms and neck, elongated crown stretched horizontally — indicate that this object belongs to the early stage of Amarna art. The rough, unpolished finish that is evident here is also typical of the first years of Akhen- aten’s rule when the buildings were erected in haste and without proper attention. THE AMARNA PERIOD AT THE HECHT MUSEUM 57

The exhibit on which one may observe signs of restoration is notable for the tiny size of the figure and the slight thickness of the fragment24. The facial features are abraded, as are the fingers. To the left of the sun disc are remains of an inscription, which cannot be deciphered, and to its right are remains of two cartouches that most probably contained the name of the Aten in its earlier form: “Re-harakhty, he who rejoices in the horizon in his name Light which is (in/from) the Disc”25. Parallels Gohary 1992: pl. 28: 58, 59; pl. 33: 72; pl. 81; Aldred 1973: no. 11 (the figure on the left). b. The royal family 4. A royal personage (Nefertiti) adoring the sun (registration no. H 68; measurements: height 23.5 cm., width 45 cm., thickness 6 cm.). A relief on a talatat, made of sandstone, discovered in a pylon of the temple of Amun at Karnak. Originally it probably belonged to the temple to Aten there.

Fig. 4

24 These details caused Jean LOUP DEPRAS in 1972 to hypothesize that this is not a fragment of a talatat block but an inlay tablet meant to decorate some object (on the exhibit card). 25 The precise rendering of this name, which was changed in the ninth year of Akhen- aten’s rule, is debated. See ALDRED 1988: fig. 3; and REDFORD 1976: 54. 58 N. SHUPAK AND H. PITSCH

A royal personage appears on the relief, wearing a Nubian wig26 held in place by floating ribbons. Her arms, supported by the palms of the sun God, are raised up to the sun disc, and they are decorated with six cartouches (one pair on the right arm and two pairs on the left arm) with the name of the Aten. The figure’s palms lift up a tablet on which, consid- ering parallel scenes, may lie a bread offering (cf. Luxor: 66 no. 159; Davies 1905: II pl. 20; 1906: IV pl. 23) or cartouches with the names of the Aten accompanied by the tiny figure of Nefertiti (cf. Davies 1906: IV pl. 31). The facial features attest to the early stage of the Amarna style: elongated, thick and pronounced lips, long nose continuing from the forehead, grooves running from the nose to the lips, jutting chin, and long, thin neck. It is hard to determine if this is Akhenaten or Nefertiti as in the early Amarna style the royal couple frequently appear remarkably alike. This circumstance changes at later stages, when the two can be distinguished by characteristic features: the queen has a less prominent chin, a shorter nose, full but not protruding lips, and a concave neck line. The question of the figure’s identity is solved by the double uraeus, which appears on the forehead, and is an exclusive sign of the queens of the 18th Dynasty27. Bothmer was the first to discern a double snake here, and determined that this was the figure of the queen28. This determina- tion is also supported by a recent computerized reconstruction of the talatats. It emerges that at times Nefertiti appears alone on reliefs, without her spouse and her daughters, when she sacrifices to Aten. In these reliefs, known in research as the Nefertiti Pillars29, the queen wears a Nubian wig, as in the relief at the Hecht Museum.

26 The Nubian wig which had the form of a skullcap covered over by curls originally served as the headgear of the Nubian infantry. But in literature the term designates Egypt- ian wigs made in the Nubian style, namely consisting of short curls arranged in rows. This wig was worn by men and women of royal and common descent in the ‘Amarna period. See SAMSON 1973: 56. 27 Nefertiti wears the double uraeus frequently in the talatat-reliefs at Karnak, but after the move to Amarna the examples are sparse. See EATON-KRAUS 1981:247-248; RAM- MANT-PEETERS 1985: 36; ERTMAN 1993: 42-50. Since in some representations the double uraeus is shown wearing the crowns of upper and lower Egypt, one may assume that it signified the two kingdoms. ERTMAN (1993: 43) has recently suggested that the double uraeus might indicate, as well, the divine aspects of the queens of the 18th Dynasty. 28 This was determined by Bothmer on a visit to Haifa in 1973 (on the exhibit card), but Aldred defined it as a royal personage. See ALDRED 1973: no. 27. 29 On the Nefertiti Pillars see SAMSON 1987: 19-21, fig. 5. THE AMARNA PERIOD AT THE HECHT MUSEUM 59

The relief was broken across and glued together. In the area of the nose and upper cheek there is a cut, and two holes are seen in the wig; this deface- ment may be attributed to Akhenaten’s successors. The relief apparently was painted; remains of brown paint and plaster are evident on the neck. Parallels Aldred 1973: no. 18, no. 23 (=idem 1988: no. 29); idem 1988: no. 6; Roeder 1969: pl. 176 PC 27; Samson 1972: no. 24; Davies 1905: II pl. 20; idem 1906: IV pl. 23, pl. 31; Smith and Redford 1976: pl. 18, 4; pl. 20, 2; pl. 23, 1, 9; Luxor: 66, no. 159 (=Munich no. 19); 67 no. 162; 68 no. 165 (=Munich no. 20; Hildesheim no. 20), 68 no. 168 (=Munich no. 18; Hildesheim no. 18); Leipzig: 91 no. 74; also cf. Munich: no. 12, no. 13; Brooklyn 1988: no. 15. Literature Aldred 1973: no. 27 (ours)

5. Head of a princess with earring (registration no. H 745; measurements: height 16.2 cm., width 17.3 cm., thickness 2.9 cm.).

Fig. 5 60 N. SHUPAK AND H. PITSCH

Relief of the head of a princess on compact white sandstone; it probably belonged to a talatat from the temple of Aten at Karnak or at Tel el-Amarna. The facial features of Akhenaten’s daughter are typical of the Amarna style: prominent nose continuing directly from the backward- slanting brow, narrow, slit-like eyes, and thick lips. The elongated mis- shapen skull of the princess is also a typical characteristic of the period30. She wears a round clip-earring, a favorite fashion of the time. This jewel was worn mainly by princesses, but sometimes queens and kings (i.e., Tutankhamun), too, adorned themselves with it on informal occasions. The relief is in general designed with care. The triangular chisel mark on the forehead is apparently the result of an attempt to straighten the profile. Remains of brown paint evident on the rim of the triangle probably belong to the underlying sketch. The overall impression is that the relief work is incomplete; the intention might have been to finish it by applying plaster and paint; or this might be a student’s model corrected by the master artist. Parallels Aldred 1973: no. 35, no. 128 (=Roeder 1969: pl. 74, 459 VII); Roeder 1969: pl. 8, 455 VII, pl. 7, 826 VIII D, pl. 9, 1917 VIII; Hildesheim 92; Vandenberg 1985: 105; Brooklyn: no 41. Also cf. Aldred 1988: no. 36, no. 58; Schimmel 1978: no. 292, no. 294. c. Portrayals of common people 6. Head of a bending man (registration no. H 1863; measurements: height 15 cm., width 10 cm., thickness 2 cm.). Fragment of white limestone relief from Hermopolis. The relief shows a man bending over in a posture of respect. This is most probably a detail of a large depiction of one of the court ceremonies31. The figure wears a wig whose pointed ends reach the neck. This headdress characterized the courtiers of the pharaoh at least until the end of the 18th Dynasty32. The facial features are those of an elderly man: droopy eyelids, pronounced cheekbones, grooves drawn down from the nose to the mouth, full lips,

30 See discussion on ‘Style’, par. 2 above. The upward slanting elongation of the princesses’ skull, like the elongation of the heads of Akhenaten and Nefertiti in other representations (cf. exhibits 2 and 3), might have been meant to imitate the sun disk slanting rays and thus to express the idea that the figures depicted constitute personification of the sun disc. 31 See discussion on ‘Subjects’, par. 3 above. 32 See, e.g., VANDERSLEYEN 1975: no. 302a, no. 305. THE AMARNA PERIOD AT THE HECHT MUSEUM 61

Fig. 6 short, receding chin, and prominent, slightly hooked nose with visible nos- trils. The eyes are directed forward, the large ears signify, as usual in this period, the submission of their owner to the king’s orders: he is the only teacher of the new instruction. Under the neck the left shoulder is visible, and behind the wig appears the horizontal line of the back. Here, then, is portrayed one of the king’s courtiers bending forward (at an angle of ninety degrees) in a posture of obeisance. The facial features indicate that he was 62 N. SHUPAK AND H. PITSCH from Asiatic origins, most probably a Semite, as Akhenaten is known to have preferred to employ officials of that origin in his royal court33. The relief was plastered and painted. Remains of blue paint are evident on the wig, as are traces of brick-red paint which apparently was used to for the base sketch. On the ear too there are remains of brick-red paint, while the figure’s body was painted ocher. The background of the relief was painted yellow. Remains of plaster are present in the carved outline near the tip of the nose and the lips. Parallels Roeder 1969: pl. 187 PC 101; pl. 171 PC 8 (=Schimmel 1978: no. 293); pl. 74, 472 VII; pl. 70, 1005 VIII; Davies 1906: III pl. 5, pl. 17; Hildesheim 90; Munich: no. 87. Literature Roeder 1969: p. 186, pl. 208 PC 232 (ours).

7. Bowing man (registration no. H 1464; measurements: height 22.2 cm., width 25.2 cm., thickness 3.3 cm.).

Fig. 7

33 See HORNUNG 1995: 20; SHUPAK 1996: 130*, note 19; DE VAUX 1978: 299. THE AMARNA PERIOD AT THE HECHT MUSEUM 63

A relief on yellow sandstone discovered at Karnak, apparently originating from the temple of Aten there. On the talatat appears the figure of a man bowing, belonging (like the previous object) to one of the scenes showing daily life at the king’s court at Amarna, or (like objects 2 and 3 above) to the cycle of depictions of the king’s jubilee, the Sed festival. The man has a short-cut hairstyle typical of court servants. His upper body is bare or covered by a thin, short-sleeved shirt, while his lower body is garbed in a flared skirt. This was the usual dress of the Egyptian man at the end of the 18th Dynasty. His head and his look are directed downwards. This is apparently a man engaged in the king’s service, but whose actual function is hard to determine: he might be a servant sweeping the floor, or one of the constables of the king’s court, or perhaps an official presenting a foreign delegation to the king. In the last case, he might have held, as was customary, a cane in his hand. Or perhaps this is a priest participating in one of the king’s rituals, or a high official doing obeisance to the king or to another royal personage. The relief was coated with white plaster and painted. Remains of red- brown paint are seen on the upper part of the body, while on the shoulders and in the chest there is white paint. This indicates that the man presumably wore a thin white shirt, as was common among palace servants (cf. Metro- politan: no. 46). Parallels There are many figures of courtiers bowing in scenes of the appearance of the king, for example: Smith and Redford 1976: pl. 64, 2, pl. 50,2; Davies 1903: I pl. 24, pl. 26; idem 1905: II pl. 18, pl. 40; idem 1906: III pl. 17; idem 1906: IV pl. 5; Aldred 1968: pl. 49; Gohary 1992: pl. 2, last register; pl. 8:16; pl. 43: 104; pl. 65: 163.

8. Soldier carrying military standard: Flag-bearer (registration no. H 73; measurements: height 10.3 cm., width 25.4 cm., thickness 4.2 cm.).

Fig. 8 64 N. SHUPAK AND H. PITSCH

A relief on a yellow-white sandstone talatat found at the Amun temple at Karnak, but whose presumed origin was the temple of Aten there. Influenced by the Hymn to Aten and the Amarna Letters, scholars assumed that Akhenaten was a religious fanatic who dedicated all his thoughts to religious reform and neglected political matters. But the artistic finds reflect a different picture: at official court receptions and on journeys by the royal family appear not only courtiers worshipping the king-god but also echelons of armed military personnel who form the royal guard. The present relief belongs to that complex of scenes. It depicts the figure of a soldier, while the remains of a raised hand in the rear probably belonged to another soldier. The soldier’s hairstyle or wig is characteristic of military men. His right hand is raised in a similar way to that of the soldier following him. His left hand is hidden behind a shield, and in light of parallels the arm is presumably attached to the inner side of the shield by a loop. Behind the head are seen the remains of a flag, borne aloft on a staff terminating in a half-moon shape; to it is tied a ribbon floating in the wind. The soldier’s left hand apparently grasped this standard. The relief was painted. On the soldier’s face and extended right hand, and on his comrade’s hand extended behind him, are remains of brick- red paint. Yellow traces are present on the ribbon of the flag. Parallels Davies 1903: I pl. 10, pl. 15; idem 1905: II pl. 13 (=Aldred 1988: fig. 10 [pp. 66-67]), pl. 18, pl. 17; idem III pl. 31, pl. 39.

9. Youth carrying an offering on his head (registration no. H 686; measurements: height 16.8cm., width 25.2 cm., thickness 3.8 cm.).

Fig. 9 THE AMARNA PERIOD AT THE HECHT MUSEUM 65

A relief on a yellow-brown sandstone talatat; presumed provenance the temple of Aten at Karnak. Like the two previous reliefs, this one belongs to a scene of daily life at the king’s court at Amarna. All that remains of this scene is a figure of young servant. His head is shaved; and in the manner of servants at that time, the upper part of his body is naked. His hands are stretched upwards, and his left shoulder is asymmetri- cally elongated. In light of parallels, he presumably is a bearer of an offering; on his head is a conical bowl in which are loaves of bread or cakes. The relief was originally plastered and painted: remains of the stucco are seen on the neck and on the vessel carried on the head; traces of brick-red paint are present on the back of the neck and on the ear. Parallels Davies 1906: II, pl. 36; Redford 1984: 74 no. 4.9 (=Redford 1988: pl. 15, pl. 16); Samson 1972: no. 30; cf. Schäfer 1974: 227 no. 240.

Department of Biblical Studies NILI SHUPAK University of Haifa Mount Carmel Haifa 31905, Israel

Ägyptologisches Institut HELMUT PITSCH 72070 Tübingen Germany

ABBREVIATIONS ARE Breasted, J.H., Ancient Records of Egypt, vol. II, London, 1988. ANEP Pritchard, J.B. The Ancient Near East in Pictures Relating to the Old Testament, Princeton, 1974. BAR Biblical Archaeology Review Cd’E Chronique d’Egypte GM Goettinger Miszellen JARCE Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt JEA Journal of Egyptian Archaeology JSSEA Journal of the Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiquities LÄ Lexikon der Ägyptologie, eds. W. Helck and W. Westendorf, Wiesbaden, 1972-1989 MDAIK Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologichen Instituts, Cairo OLP Orientalia Lovaniensia Periodica SAK Studien zur altägyptische Kultur ZÄS Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde ZAW Zeitschrift für die altestamentliche Wissenschaft 66 N. SHUPAK AND H. PITSCH

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