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Édition électronique URL : http://journals.openedition.org/acost/1217 DOI : 10.4000/acost.1217 ISSN : 2431-8574

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Référence électronique Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 18 | 2018 [En ligne], mis en ligne le 15 octobre 2018, consulté le 27 septembre 2020. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/acost/1217 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/acost.1217

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Les Carnets de l'ACoSt est mis à disposition selon les termes de la licence Creative Commons Attribution - Pas d'Utilisation Commerciale - Pas de Modifcation 4.0 International. 1

SOMMAIRE

The Roman City of Tarsus in Cilicia and its Terracotta Figurines Isabelle Hasselin Rous et Serdar Yalçin

News and notes

New Finds of Terracottas from the Sanctuary of the Nymphs and Demos on the Hill of the Nymphs in Athens Maria Dourou et Vassiliki D. Georgaka

Terracottas in the Mediterranean Through Time II Adi Erlich

Works in Progress

Rediscovering Phoenicians in their Homeland from the Perspective of Iron Age Coroplastic Art Barbara Bolognani

At the Museums

Ancient Bodies: Archaeological Perspectives on Mesoamerican Figurines, Los Angeles County Museum of Art (LACMA), July 1, 2017–February 4, 2018, Los Angeles County Museum of Art

Terracottas in News

Italian Police Nab Suspects in an Antiquities Smuggling Ring After a Years-Long Investigation Code-Named ‘Operation Demetra’ Eileen Kinsella

In a Crackdown on ‘Illicit’ Antiquities, the Manhattan District Attorney Seizes 6 Statues From Phoenix Fine Art Henri Neuendorf

Italian Police Seize $1 Million Worth of Antiquities From Roman Businessmen Naomi Rea

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Book Reviews

Figurines. A Microcosmos of Clay. Exhibition catalogue. Marina Albertocchi

Heroic Offerings: The Terracotta Plaques from the Spartan Sanctuary of Agamemnon and Kassandra Stéphanie Huysecom-Haxhi

Figurines de terre cuite en Méditerranée grecque et romaine Vol 1: Production, diffusion, étude Jaimee Uhlenbrock

Bibliography

Bibliography for 2017

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The Roman City of Tarsus in Cilicia and its Terracotta Figurines1

Isabelle Hasselin Rous and Serdar Yalçin

1 From the Bronze Age to Greco-Roman antiquity, Tarsus was an important urban center because of its proximity to the famous Cilician Gates that connected central Anatolia to the Mediterranean coast and northern Syria, as well its maritime connections to the eastern Mediterranean through its harbor. The mound of Gözlükule (Fig. 1), the oldest and continuously inhabited part of the ancient city, informs modern scholarship about the material and visual culture of Roman Tarsus, as well as the earlier periods of habitation. The mound was explored in the middle of the 19th century, excavated in the mid-20th, and for the last 10 years was the focus of renewed excavations by Boğaziçi University. During the course of all these explorations a number of deposits of Roman terracotta figurines was brought to light. This rich coroplastic material shows the evolution of a coroplastic typology according to changes in the occupation of this city from the early Imperial to the late Imperial eras. It also reveals new aspects of production and use in the city of Tarsus, demonstrating the importance of these figurines for provincial Roman religion, especially in the transitional period of the late Roman Empire. Fig.1. View of Gözlükule in Tarsus

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www.tarsus.boun.edu.tr

2 During the Hellenistic and Roman periods, Tarsus was not only a major administrative hub in southern Anatolia, especially as the capital of the Roman province of Cilicia, but it also was a center of culture and religion, as classical writers including Strabo noted (14.5.12-15). Roman emperors, particularly Commodus, honored the city by the establishment of temples dedicated to the imperial cult. This importance and the accompanying wealth of this Roman city is expressed in the baths, bridges, temples and beautifully paved streets with sophisticated drainage systems, all of which were built both through imperial and local initiatives. Perhaps thanks to its status as a sophisticated urban and scholarly center, it may even have been that the emperor Julian (361-363) considered moving his government from Antioch to Tarsus, if he could return from his eastern campaign alive.3

History of the Gözlükule Excavations

3 The Tarsus figurines were first discovered in large quantities in the mid-19th century by local inhabitants who had explored the mound of Gözlükule, while being careful not to reveal the exact site of their discoveries. Roughly a thousand figurines were brought to the attention of the British consul William Burckhardt Barker for purchase during the course of his various visits to Tarsus in 1845. A very small part of Barker’s collection of figurines is now in the British Museum, while it is presumed that the rest was dispersed.

4 Seven years later Victor Langlois, a linguist and specialist in eastern numismatics and Armenian history, was assigned the task of exploring Lesser Armenia, a Christian kingdom founded in the Middle Ages in the part of Asia Minor known as Cilicia by the French Ministry of Public Education and Religious Affairs. For eight months Langlois investigated the cities of this ancient kingdom dominated by the French princes of the House of Lusignan, looking for antiquities and remains of ancient monuments, especially inscriptions, coins, and terracottas. In the description of the mound he

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excavated, the Kusuk-Kolah, now known in Turkish as Gözlükule, Langlois noted a Greco-Roman necropolis beneath the ruins of the amphitheatre of the city of Tarsus that measured four hundred metres in length. This necropolis had already been plundered, a fact that accounted for the fragmentary state of the objects brought to light, which he dated between the early Hellenistic period and the middle of the third century C.E. Having discovered no Christian artefacts there, he concluded that the necropolis was abandoned when Christianity was introduced to Cilicia. The Musée du Louvre has some 900 figurines found mainly in the Gözlükule necropolis by Langlois.

5 The 20th century saw the first scientific exploration of the Gözlükule mound by Hetty Goldman, a professor at the Institute for Advanced Study at Princeton. Goldman’s excavations took place between 1934 and 1938, and then again from 1947 to 1949.4 The chronological scope of the site’s occupation revealed by the excavation work is considerable, since it begins with the Islamic levels of the ninth to tenth centuries C.E. and descends to Neolithic levels dating from 7000–5800 B.C.E., at a depth of 32 meters. Goldman was able to explore only the southern part of the mound, as dwellings covered the rest (Fig. 2). Two areas were excavated on the mound’s southern portion: Sector A to the east on the highest part of the mound that revealed the oldest vestiges, including the remains of a Hittite temple; further to the west, Sector B yielded the most extensive domestic installations from the Hellenistic and Roman periods, located between 10 and 13 meters lower than the summit of the hill to the east. Six hundred and thirty-one Hellenistic and Roman figurines, as well as 16 plaster moulds, were discovered and published by Goldman. This would suggest the clear presence of a coroplastic production center located on this site, as we shall see below. Fig 2: Topographic map of the mound in the 1930s.

After Goldman 1950.

6 Finally, since 2007 Boğaziçi University, Istanbul, has been conducting new excavations on the mound led by Aslı Özyar, opening up five new trenches to the north of Sector A, the site of Goldman’s work, and next to the area where Goldman discovered the remains of a monumental Hittite building (Fig. 3). These new excavations have revealed

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a pit containing Roman figurines, including many masks and lamps, and several features associated with their production. In all likelihood, it is the setting of a workshop that produced figurines and lamps, an unprecedented discovery to date. Fig. 3. View of the ﬁrst ﬁve trenches in 2009. In the section of the excavated area, the light-coloured earth extending vertically towards the depression is the eastern scarp of former Section A dug by Goldman

www.tarsus.boun.edu.tr

7 The context of this new terracotta corpus is worth discussing here. It comes almost entirely from a pit located in the northwest quadrant of the trench C7 17 (Fig. 4). The pit, which started showing itself in the 2010 season as a small accumulation primarily of lamp fragments, but also mask and figurine fragments, eventually reached a size of more than 3 m in diameter and up to a meter in depth (Fig. 5); it clearly extends into the western and northern ends of the trench, which is to be excavated in the upcoming seasons. Stratigraphically, it sits on the remains of an early imperial terrace wall and was cut by a late antique oven and later an Abbasid well structure (Fig. 5). Based on the stratigraphy and preliminary observations of the material unearthed, the terracotta pit excavated at Tarsus-Gozlükule should be dated to the high and late Imperial periods (i.e. 2nd to 4th centuries C.E.). Fig. 4. Özyar excavations (2010): trench C717

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8 The soil of the pit contained heterogeneous layers of ashy, burnt, or wet earth. Overall, it produced almost entirely the terracotta material mentioned above, but very little pottery. The predominant material was lamps, in complete or fragmentary condition, (Fig. 6) and in the three seasons of work on the mound, hundreds of complete or nearly complete lamps, along with thousands of fragments, some containing mythological

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motifs, have been discovered. The pit also produced numerous terracotta figurines. All figurines that depicted divinities and heroes appeared in fragmentary condition (Fig. 7). This group was accompanied by a large assemblage of terracotta hoofs, arms, wings, grapes and discs with rosette motifs. (Fig. 7). Fig. 6. Lamps and reliefs discovered in the pit of trench C717

9 The terracotta objects seem to have been deposited in pockets across the pit. In other words, each dump was covered with soil; and then another layer was deposited above. Although the pit is located close to some installations for production purposes, such as the late antique oven mentioned above, or an intriguing brick structure to the east, which may have been used as a clay basin, the way the material was deposited, its fragmentary nature, and the stratigraphy all indicate that the terracotta pit at Gözlüküle was likely a deposit of votives dedicated in nearby temples, such as the

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Severan complex located ca. 1 km to the east of the mound. The excavation and the analysis of the figurine corpus will continue in the upcoming seasons of the Boğaziçi University excavations. Dr. Serdar Yalçin from Macalester College, who has been a member of the Gözlükule excavation team since 2007, will conduct the archaeological and art historical analysis of this corpus.

Corpus of Tarsus Figurines from the Early Imperial and the Later Imperial Periods

10 The oldest traditional Greek figures found on the Gözlüküle mound date from the early Hellenistic period, i.e., the late fourth and early third centuries B.C.E. However, this paper will focus only on those of Roman date, from the early Imperial era to the fourth century C.E. Older terracotta figurines have been discovered on the site, but they are eastern or Cypriot. Greek models would therefore appear to have been introduced in Tarsus only after the conquests of Alexander the Great and with the creation of the Hellenistic kingdom of the Seleucids. No specifically Greek coroplastic tradition existed in Tarsus prior to the Hellenistic period. It is striking to realize how the enduring clear influence of a powerful syncretism with eastern religions played a role on Greco-Roman iconographic types, such as is documented by these terracottas from Tarsus.

11 From this extensive corpus of terracottas we have selected only figurines from the period of Rome rule found in a context dating from the end of the early and the beginning of the later Roman Imperial period. In addition to finds made in stratigraphic contexts, certain criteria, such as female hairstyles in particular, dress, and the presence of pupils hollowed out more deeply— a feature dating from the second century C.E. onwards—have faciliated the dating of figurines that lack context, thus enabling them to be included within this corpus. The presence of an ivy wreath crowning the heads of many Tarsus figurines is reminiscent of the radiant crown found in the iconography of many eastern deities; it became a prominent feature in the figurines of the city in the late Hellenistic and early Imperial periods that disappeared with the advent of Christianity. During the Augustan Age, the braided headbands that appeared on both male and female sculptures was a motif that prevailed among the Tarsus figurines until the third century C.E. Certain themes were introduced by the second century C.E. and remained popular until the 4th century, such as aurigae (charioteers), victorious horsemen bearing crowns and palms, and types of theatrical masks, in keeping with the popularity of circus acts and theatrical performances in Roman times.

12 While the gods of Olympus are generally well represented within the Tarsus repertoire, we nonetheless should point out the rarity of some deities, such as Zeus, Hera, Artemis, or Demeter. Conversely, figurines of Aphrodite, Eros, and Dionysus accompanied by his thiasos were particularly favored. The fondness for the worship of these deities can be traced from the Hellenistic period onwards, only to intensify during the Imperial period, as can be seen by the torso of Aphrodite Anadyomene5 (Fig. 8) found in the necropolis on the southern slope of the mound and dated to the third to fourth century C.E. Fig. 8. Torso of Aphrodite Anadyomene

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After Goldman 1950, inv. 35-198

13 In Tarsus the goddess of love also frequently has the attributes of Ariadne, such as the head of Aphrodite-Ariadne6 (Fig. 9) that was found in the craft production Sector A (‘5.20 m complex’) and that is dated to the second to third century C.E. It is a very handsome head illustrative of the ‘mixed type’ invented by the craftsmen of Tarsus: the goddess of love wears her fine diadem and is surmounted by the ivy wreath of Ariadne, in a reference to the importance and assimilation of Bacchic culture in Roman times. Fig. 9. Head of Aphrodite-Ariane

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After Goldman 1950, inv. 35-927

14 The iconographic diversity of the Tarsus figurines of Dionysus testifies to the importance of his cult in imperial times. In one example, taking the form of a child, Dionysus is recognisable by his radiant crown of ivy leaves7 (Fig. 10). The three-quarter profile and chlamys draped across the shoulders may be explained by reference to other more complete figurines of the young god straddling a large feline, probably a lion8 (Fig. 11). It is dated from the second to third century C.E. and was discovered in the ‘5.90 m complex’ of Sector A. Dionysus also appears as Taurus9 in this youthful head found in a similar context to the previous figurine (Fig. 12); in addition to the ivy wreath and headband there are two small bull horns, reflecting another of the forms adopted by the god of wine. Fig. 10 et 11. Dionysos child and Dionysos child overlapping

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After Goldman 1950 inv. 35-538 and inv. 37-194 Fig. 12. Head of Dionysos Tauros (Tarsus, inv. 35-394)

15 The goddess Athena appears in Tarsus in her traditional form in these two heads of Athena wearing the Boeotian helmet10 (Fig.13), both taken from the same mould and

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made in the same workshop. They were found in the area of the necropolis of Tarsus and are dated to the second century C.E. or later. Fig. 13. Two heads of Athena wearing a helmet from the same mould (Louvre, Tarse 23 and 24)

16 The goddess Artemis is a rare subject in the coroplastic production of Tarsus, where she appears as the Artemis of Ephesus type11 (Fig. 14), whose image is widespread in Asia Minor and as far as Tarsus, as is evidenced by this figurine. The goddess is dressed in an ependytes, a narrow tunic worn by Anatolian deities, and adorning her chest is a heavy pectoral decorated with two rows of hanging ornaments above three rows of breasts or bull’s testicles, symbols of fertility. The present figurine is faithfully styled on the Artemis of Ephesus discovered in the Prytaneion of Ephesus and created in the early second century C.E. Fig. 14. Torso of the Artemis of Ephesos (Louvre, S 2939)

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After Besques, 1972. © P. et M. Chuzeville

17 Other syncretic deities at Tarsus include Zeus Ammon, who is represented by a plaster mould of his head 12 (Fig. 15) that was found together with other plaster moulds in Sector A in a deposit above the ‘5.20m complex.’ It most probably belongs to the finds from a coroplast’s workshop that has been dated from the second to the third century C.E. The god appears here in his Greco-Egyptian version, with ram’s horns on his temples. Fig. 15. Plaster mould of a head of Zeus-Amon

After Goldman 1950

18 Harpokrates is another deity of Egyptian origin who is well represented in the coroplastic production of Tarsus, a fact that indicates the importance of mystery religions in the city. This child god derived from the Egyptian god Horus the Child was a saviour and protector, and is notably recognisable by his forefinger raised to his

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mouth. A symbol of childhood in Egypt in the Greco-Roman sphere, Harpokrates prompted initiates not to divulge the deep mysteries that had been revealed to them. Two heads of Harpokrates taken from the same mould13 (Figs. 16, 17) and found in the ‘5.90 complex’ in Sector A are dated from the second to the third century C.E. Besides the gesture of the forefinger, the god can be identified by the crown of Isis that he wears that consists of two cow horns enclosing a sun disk. In Tarsus the ivy wreath also was worn by Harpokrates, whereby the attribute of Dionysos was adopted to create a syncretic deity. Fig. 16 and 17. Two heads of Harpocrates from the same mould

After Goldman 1950, inv. 35-478 and 35-525

19 The cult of Attis, another mystery religion that was popular during the Imperial period, is also well evidenced in Tarsus through its coroplastic production. This god of Phrygian origin and consort of Cybele wears all of his customary attributes and, on occasion, may also sport the ivy wreath. A figurine of Attis14 kneeling was found in the cemetery sector (Fig. 18), and the hollowing out of the pupils by a spatula would indicate a date after the second century C.E. Attis is wearing his usual attributes: a tunic open at the belly, anaxyrides, or trousers, and a Phrygian cap. Fig. 18. Attis kneeling (Louvre, Tarse 63)

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After Besques 1972 © P. et M. Chuzeville

20 The demigod Herakles was also very popular in Tarsus. Often portrayed wearing the crown of Dionysus, his image also was affected by the prevailing climate of syncretism. Original statues by Lysippus of the late fourth century B.C.E., including the Farnese Herakles or the Herakles Epitrapezios that were frequently copied in the Imperial period, inspired the city’s coroplasts to produce models of them, (Fig. 19) as we see in the torso of the Herakles Epitrapezios in the Louvre15 found in the cemetery sector. For the Farnese version, there is the upper portion of a body of a Herakles16 (Fig. 20) found in Trench 4 of the cemetery sector, still bearing traces of red paint; it is dated from the third to the fourth century C.E. Similar to the Farnese Heracles is the left half of the head of Herakles with deeply-bored pupils that was brought to light from the ‘5.20 complex’17 and dated from the second to the third century C.E. (Fig. 21). Finally, a fragment recovered from the cemetery sector(?) representing Herakles wearing an ivy wreath and probably holding a club in his left arm18 (Fig. 22) likely dates to the second century C.E. (?). Fig. 19. Torso of Herakles Epitrapezios (Louvre, Tarse 300)

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After Goldman 1950, inv. 35-168 ; After Goldman 1950, inv. 35-298 ; © Isabelle Hasselin

21 Although the figurines associated with the cult of Dionysos undoubtedly account for the most significant proportion of this corpus, the finds also include numerous representations of actors and theatrical masks that obviously were linked to the festive celebrations of the god of wine. We may speculate that these terracotta figures of actors were most likely dedicated to the god or placed in tombs in connection with theatrical performances. A head of a comedic actor wearing the mask of a slave19 (Fig. 23) was found in the ‘5.20 complex’ of the craft production Sector A and is dated from

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the second to the third century C.E. This actor figurine refers back to the New Comedy of Menander, where masks were used to identify stock characters. Fig. 23. Head of an actor with the mask of a slave Fig. 24. Head of a man with a physical deformity.

After Goldman 1950, inv. 35-313 ; After Goldman 1950, inv. 35-403.

22 Tarsus has also yielded a certain number of figurines that were caricatures of illness and physical deformity that are reminiscent of those of Smyrna. This left half of a man’s head with deformed skull,20 oversized lower jaw, and protruding ears (Fig. 24) was found in the ‘5.20m complex’ and is dated from the second to the third century.

23 Scenes from everyday life—circus acts in particular—were a great source of inspiration for coroplasts in the imperial Roman period at Tarsus. They created figurines, probably intended as votives, that represented a particular act or a victory won. A relief figurine of a victorious auriga holding the palm of victory and wearing a helmet and a short tunic with a very wide belt21 (Fig. 25) was probably recovered from the cemetery sector and can be dated from the second to the third century C.E. Fig. 25. Victorius charioteer holding a palm (Louvre, Tarse 97)

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24 Finally, full-length representations or busts of Roman citizens, not necessarily actual portraits, were also often to be found in the coroplasts’ workshops at Tarsus; they chart the evolution in hair fashions as initiated by the empresses in particular and subsequently adopted by Roman women. This standing woman, draped and veiled,22 was recovered from the ‘Middle Roman Unit’ (Fig. 26), dating from the late second to the third century C.E. The figure, loosely styled on Tanagra figurines that appeared at the beginning of the Hellenistic period, represents a matron type dressed in a tunic and cloak worn as a veil when going out. A bust of a man on a fluted plinth shows him wearing a tunic clasped at the shoulders;23 (Fig. 27) this too was brought to light from the ‘5.90m complex’ and can be dated from the second to the third century. Particularly notable is this handsome head of a Roman woman,24 perhaps even a portrait (Fig. 28), recovered from the cemetery and dated to the second century. It is distinguished by a complex coiffure based on the hairstyle of Sabina, the wife of Hadrian, who ruled from 117 to 138, and has deeply hollowed-out pupils and a tear on each of the cheeks. Fig. 26. Female standing

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After Goldman 1950, inv. 36-18 Fig. 27. Bust of a man on a pedestal

After Goldman 1950, inv. 35-471 Fig. 28. Portrait of a Roman woman (Louvre, Tarse 140)

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Figurines for a City at a Cultural Crossroads

25 There are three categories of discovery contexts for the figurines in the present corpus.

26 Six of them came from the habitation area in Sector B (Middle and Late Roman Unit, from the duct built into the perimeter wall south of the mound and the pit located beneath the cemetery of the perimeter wall) (Fig. 2); these are dated between the second and the early fourth century C.E. A few more, some 10 in all, came from the necropolis and probably include those eight that are now in the Louvre. This is suggested by Langlois’s records concerning an area within Sector B that was excavated by Goldman. It was situated on the perimeter wall to the south of the mound of the third and fourth century C.E., not far from the habitation area. Finally, the remainder of the figurines and figurine moulds were discovered in Sector A located at the highest point of the mound to the east, in an area occupied by coroplasts’ workshops or even shops, complexes known as ‘5.90m’ and ‘5.20m.’ This identification is based on the presence of two kilns, secondary assemblages of votive offerings, and figurine rejects from workshops; they are dated to the second and third centuries C.E. (Fig. 2).

27 These terracotta figurines therefore fulfilled at once a religious role in the domestic sphere, since they were dedicated in private lararia (household shrines), as well as a votive role in the case of those clustered in the secondary pits in accordance with the practice of burying ex-votos so as to make room in the shrines where they had been dedicated. Finally, a funerary function may be ascribed to those from burials that accompanied the deceased in the afterlife. There is also ample evidence for the presence of production workshops on the Gözlükule mound. It therefore provides a quite remarkable opportunity to chart the life cycle of these figurines from the early

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empire through to the later Roman empire, from their creation in the coroplast’s workshop through to their burial in the graves. However it should be stressed that similar iconographic types can be found indiscriminately throughout these various contexts. The meaning of the figurine therefore varied according to the way in which it was used by its owner. This feature is not specific to the city of Tarsus, but is very common to all cities that produced terracotta figurines.

28 However, what is specific and unique to the city of Tarsus is the importance of religious syncretism beginning with the early empire. The traditional deities of the Greco-Roman pantheon are adorned with new attributes, the ivy wreath of Dionysos in particular, which practically became the norm irrespective of the identity of the god represented. The cult of Dionysos therefore eclipsed all others. The ivy wreath of Dionysos is, in a sense, a hallmark of the Tarsus workshops. Also of note is the very strong influence of Eastern religions on the iconography of Greco-Roman gods and, in particular, the advent of certain Eastern and Egyptian gods (such as Attis, Harpokrates, or Serapis) in the religion of the city’s inhabitants. There reveal close links between Tarsus and Egypt, in both the adoption of these Greco-Egyptian deities and in the use of plaster moulds, hitherto specific to Egyptian workshops, that emerged among the coroplasts of Tarsus. Did Egyptian craftsmen settle in Tarsus, bringing these new techniques with them? Indeed, the links were already long-standing, since we know that Antony and Cleopatra came to Tarsus in the first century B.C.E. to celebrate the wedding of Dionysos and Aphrodite-Ariadne. The so-called Cleopatra’s Gate erected not far from the Gözlükule mound, still stands to mark the visit of the Queen of Egypt to Tarsus.

29 The geographic location of Tarsus, at the crossroads of routes linking the Aegean coast to the nearby cities of the East and the Levant and open to the southern reaches of the Mediterranean basin via its access to the sea, easily accounts for the importance of Eastern religions in the city. As a place of transit, Tarsus thus absorbed many influences, as reflected in its figurines.

30 These syncretic deities also illustrate the importance of the mystery religions that had become pervasive in Roman religion since the early Empire. The secret initiation of a community of devotees into these mysteries gave them hope and the promise of future bliss. Because of this these new cults sprang up alongside the worship of the official pantheon as they probably fulfilled a growing spiritual need of the populace. We should also bear in mind that these foreign forms of worship were open to women. In addition to the progression of popular piety towards gods of salvation and initiatory cults, certain emperors themselves fostered the emergence of foreign deities, as was the case with Septimius Severus and the cult of Serapis.

31 In conclusion, the remains of the Roman city of Tarsus, which lie buried beneath the present-day city, are gradually emerging as a result of successive excavations. These include the programmed excavations of the Gözlükule mound by Boğaziçi University, Istanbul, but also the rescue operations at various locations within and around the ancient city: a Roman bridge over the River Cydnus that was uncovered beneath the Mosque of Danyal not far from the Gözlükule mound; the forum with a wide porticoed street found close to the court of justice; the remains of a temple taken from a church; an imperial temple podium of huge dimensions at a site known as Donuktaş to the east of the mound; the triumphal arch known as Cleopatra’s Gate (Fig. 29). These vestiges, located far from one another, are all indicative of a Roman city of considerable size and notable prosperity. The Gözlükule mound enables one to chart the development of

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housing within an urban complex that dates from the early to the later Roman era. Within this, it also is possible to see the extent to which the coroplasts’ workshops located to the east of the domestic quarter catered to the populace’s cultic requirements. In particular, these were centered around the celebrations of Bacchus, due perhaps to the proximity of the theater, and to the needs associated with a necropolis on the southern slope of the mound at the turn of the third and fourth centuries C.E. Fig. 29. Location of the mound of Gözlükule in Tarsus and the other Roman monuments of the city

From Özyar et al. 2005, 10

32 Continued excavations in Sector A will undoubtedly shed more light on the way that the craft production district was organised. In any case, a comprehensive study of the coroplastic production of Tarsus that considers the Louvre collections and those conserved in Tarsus illuminates the nature of popular piety during the later Roman empire at Tarsus, the distinctive characteristics of the religious syncretism present in the city, and the originality of the coroplastic production in relation to other cities in the region. This study will ultimately result in an updated publication of the terracotta collection from Tarsus in the Musée du Louvre as a recontextualising initiative. However, it also is hoped that it will result in the development of a database that will bring together the full range of the coroplastic production of Tarsus as it is currently known to exist that currently is scattered across a number of institutions.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Besques 1972. Besques, S. Catalogue raisonné des figurines et reliefs en terre cuite grecs, étrusques et romains, III. Paris: Editions des Musées Nationaux.

Collins 1991. Collins, R. Early Medieval Europe, 300-1000. New York: Basingstoke.

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Goldman, H. 1935. “Preliminary Expedition to Cilicia, 1934, and Excavations at Gözlü Kule, Tarsus, 1935. AJA 39-4:526–549.

Goldman, H. 1956. Excavations at Gözlü Kule, Tarsus. Volume II: From the Neolithic Through the Bronze Age. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Goldman 1960. Goldman, H. Excavations at Gözlü Kule, Tarsus. Volume I: The Hellenistic and Roman Periods. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Goldman 1963. Goldman, H. Excavations at Gözlü Kule, Tarsus. Volume III: The Iron Age. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Özyar, Danışman, Özbal 2005. Özyar, A., G. Danışman and H. Özbal, “Field seasons 2001–. 2003 of Tarsus, Gözlükule Interdisciplinary Research Project.” In Field Seasons 2001–2003 of the Tarsus- Gözlükule, Interdisciplinary Research Project, edited by A. Özyar, 8– 47. Istanbul: Ege Yayınları.

NOTES

1. This paper follows a lecture given at The Roman Archaeology Conference XIII at Edinburgh on April 13, 2018. The authors would like to thank Aslı Özyar, the Director of the Tarsus-Boğaziçi Excavation Project for her invitation to collaborate on the material from the Boğaziçi University Excavations and for her comments on earlier drafts of this paper. 2. English translation: Susan SchneiderMusée du Louvre 3. Collins 1991, 39. 4. Reports of the excavations were published swiftly, as early as 1935: Goldman 1935; Goldman 1950; Goldman 1956; Goldman 1963. 5. Goldman1950, 308, n°9, fig. 212. 6. Goldman 1950, 357, n°393, fig. 241. 7. Goldman 1950, 319, n°67, fig. 216. 8. Goldman 1950, 319, n° 66, fig. 218. 9. Goldman 1950, 320, n°82, fig. 219. 10. Musée du Louvre, Tarse 23 and Tarse 24. Besques 1972, E 233, E 234, pl. 403 G, I. 11. Musée du Louvre, S 2939. Besques 1972, E 213, pl. 353 B. 12. Goldman 1950, 382, n°632, fig. 254. 13. Goldman 1950, 326, n°123, 124, fig. 222. 14. Musée du Louvre, Tarse 63. Besques 1972, E/D 2295, pl. 354. 15. Musée du Louvre, Tarse 300. Besques 1972, E/D 2338, pl. 359. 16. Goldman 1950, 327, n°133, fig. 223. 17. Goldman 1950, 328, n°138, fig. 223. 18. Musée du Louvre, S 3798. Besques 1972, E 214, pl. 359 I. 19. Goldman 1950, 346, n°271, fig. 234. 20. Goldman 1950, 346, n°273, fig. 234. 21. Musée du Louvre, Tarse 97. Besques 1972, E 225, pl. 368 D. 22. Goldman 1950, 354, n° 355, fig. 239. 23. Goldman 1950, 360, n° 420, fig. 243. 24. Musée du Louvre, Tarse 140. Besques 1972, E 243, pl. 414 F, H-J.

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ABSTRACTS

From the Bronze Age to Greco-Roman antiquity, Tarsus was an important urban center because of its proximity to the famous Cilician Gates that connected central Anatolia to the Mediterranean coast and northern Syria, as well its maritime connections to the eastern Mediterranean through its harbor. The mound of Gözlükule, the oldest and continuously inhabited part of the ancient city, informs modern scholarship about the material and visual culture of Roman Tarsus, as well as the earlier periods of habitation. The mound was explored in the middle of the 19th century, excavated in the mid-20th, and for the last 10 years was the focus of renewed excavations by the Boğazici University. During the course of all these investigations a number of deposits of Roman terracotta figurines was brought to light. This rich coroplastic material shows the evolution of a coroplastic typology according to changes in the occupation of this city from the early Imperial to the late Imperial eras. It also reveals new aspects of coroplastic production and use in the city of Tarsus, demonstrating the importance of these figurines for provincial Roman religion, especially in the transitional period of the late Roman Empire2.

INDEX

Keywords: Tarsus, terracottas, Gözlükule, Roman period, late Roman empire, Langlois, Goldman, Ozyar, workshop, ex voto, cemetery, syncretism

AUTHORS

ISABELLE HASSELIN ROUS Musée du Louvre, Département des antiquités grecques, étrusques et romaines [email protected]

SERDAR YALÇIN Macalester College [email protected]

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News and notes Chroniques

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New Finds of Terracottas from the Sanctuary of the Nymphs and Demos on the Hill of the Nymphs in Athens

Maria Dourou and Vassiliki D. Georgaka

The hills to the west of the Acropolis

1 According to the archaeological evidence, the first attested activity on the hills to the west of the Acropolis took place with the foundation of the Assembly of the Citizens (Ekklesia tou Demou) on the Pnyx, as well as the launching of the road that led from Athens to Piraeus, known as “road through Koile” (Fig. 1) (Herodotus 6, 103). This road connected Athens with Piraeus through the Long Walls that crossed the urban fabric of the city.1 After the Persian wars, the Western Hills were incorporated into the organized classical city of Athens (Thucydides I, 89,3 and 93,1) protected by the Themistoclean Wall (479–478 B.C.E.). Being densely inhabited, the whole area was transformed into two of the most important demes of Athens, that of Melite2 and Koile,3 which flourished during the sixth and fifth centuries B.C.E. Fig.1. Plan of the western hills

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After Curtius and Kaupert 1878

The Nymphs and Demos Sanctuary

2 The Nymphs and Demos Sanctuary was identified by Kyriakos Pittakis in 1835, who discovered on the top of the Hill of the Nymphs the rupestral inscription ΗΙΕΡΟΝ ΝΥΜΦ[ΩΝ] ΔΕΜΟ ( IG I3 1065) that was dated to the fifth century B.C.E. 4 (Fig. 2). This inscription is carved into the local hard limestone5 that has numerous natural cavities and niches, an ideal place for a house of the Nymphs.6 The sanctuary was founded at the summit of the hill in the early Archaic period at the end of the seventh century B.C.E., but it flourished during the sixth and fifth centuries. Belonging to the Melite deme, it was protected by the Themistoclean enclosure. Around the middle of the fifth century the cult of the personified Athenian Demos7 was introduced into the sanctuary as a result of the democratic innovations of Ephialtes.8 Fig.2. The Sanctuary of the Nymphs and the Demos

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After Stademann 1841 Fig. 3. Deposit (apothetes) Ι

Repository I

3 The Sanctuary of the Nymphs was excavated in 2000 when two repositories (I, II) were brought to light. Repository I is a semi-circular cutting in the rock to the south-west of the inscription.9 Its contents consisted of fragmentary pottery and handmade

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terracotta figurines10 dating from the late seventh to the early fifth century B.C.E. 11 Repository II included both mould-made and handmade terracotta figurines and fragmentary pottery that dated from the middle of sixth to the middle of fifth century B.C.E.12 For the purposes of this note, however, attention is focused only on the handmade figurines from Repository I, since the mould-made examples from both deposits will be presented in another study.

4 These handmade figurines represent standing figures with no gender characteristics. Very schematic in their representation, they comprise a cylindrical body13 with a bird- faced head and triangular, outstretched arms, and are embellished with a dark red or brownish color over a white slip. The head is distinctively formed by the coroplast’s thumb and index fingers that pinch the nose into shape, the only facial feature portrayed in clay. The eyes of figurines, as indicated by traces of paint preserved on several examples, are depicted with a black-painted dot. The top of the head, pinched flat by the coroplast’s index finger and thumb, is rounded and is usually covered entirely with paint or decorated with one or two bands. Some figurines present a horizontal decorative band (single or double) around the neck that resembles a necklace. The upper torso is flat or concave and the arms are represented as outward projections from the shoulders. Sometimes these projections are short and slant downwards resembling fins and are therefore described as “fin-shaped;” in rare cases they slant upwards. The arms of others are simply outstretched to the side, while in still other cases the arms have triangular terminations that appear “spearhead-shaped” or that clearly project forward.

5 Although many of these figurines are only partially preserved, enough remains so that they can be classified according to the typological classification of handmade terracotta figurines of the Archaic period from the Athenian Acropolis that was proposed and published in the CSIG News.14 Within the context of the Classification Chart for these figurines as presented in Fig. 4, one can observe that the lower body of the handmade figurines in the first category “Handmade” (HM) Ia,i is cylindrical without indication of the separation of legs; this has resulted in the designation “column-shaped” used by some scholars (Figs. 5, 6). This cylindrical lower body widens into a conical base that is hollow underneath and is usually decorated on the front only with painted horizontal bands. A garment is sometimes indicated that usually bears densely painted decoration at the chest area in a linear crosshatched pattern of vertical black and red lines. Many also have one or two horizontal bands under the chest and at the point where the base widens, possibly a schematic representation of the termination of the figure’s garment. Fig. 4. Typological classiﬁcation of the handmade Archaic terracotta ﬁgurines of the Athenian Acropolis

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After Georgaka 2008 Fig. 5. Handmade ﬁgurines of Group HM Ia,I from the Hill of the Nymphs

Author photo Fig. 6. Handmade terracotta ﬁgurines from the sanctuary of the Nymphs end Demos

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Author photo

6 The second group in the Classification Chart on Fig 3 (HM Ia,ii) includes figurines of the same type as those of the HM Ia,I group, but with an additional clay strip on the head that resembles a polos, while Group HM Ib,i consists of standing, flat-bodied figurines with a bird-shaped head. Handmade, seated, flat-bodied figurines with a bird-shaped face are classified in group HM IIb,ii.

7 Along with the completely handmade figurines that represent the majority in this corpus, there are also a small number of figurines of mixed technique. The group “Mixed Technique” (MT) Ia,ii, which is a variation of group HM Ia,i, includes cylindrical figurines with a mold-made head. Group MT Ib,ii, which is a variation of group HM Ib,i, includes flat-bodied figurines with a mold-made head. Even in cases where the head is not preserved, the traces of the joining of the mold-made head onto the figurines’ shoulders and neck indicate their inclusion into group MT Ib,ii. Finally, seated flat- bodied figurines with a mold-made head are incorporated in group MT IIb,ii. The pottery that accompanied these figurines in Deposit I included miniature vessels, such as skyphoi, oinochoai, lekythoi, pyxides and hydriai that parallel the simple votive offerings found in other Nymph sanctuaries in Attica.15 Some scholars assume that these miniature vases are thought to copy the corresponding full-sized vessels, without commenting on the reasons behind this cult practice.16 Water vessels, such as hydriai, have been associated with land fertility, while pyxides have been linked with marriage and the daily lives of women.17 Most of the pottery can be dated from the mid-sixth to the early fifth century B.C.E.

The wider context

8 Figurines of the types belonging to the above-mentioned groups were in widespread use in Attica, such as those found in a deposit on the Acropolis, north-east of the Propylaea, along with a great quantity of archaic pottery and terracotta figurines 18 in the base of the cult statue from the pre-Kallikratean temple of Athena Nike.19 A review

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of the overall technical characteristics of the handmade figurines from these Attic sanctuaries has revealed that they were made of different clays, which indicates the existence of several coroplastic workshops in Attica, all following the same coroplastic tradition. This common tradition appears at the end of the seventh century B.C.E. and flourishes throughout the sixth century, while some examples have been dated as late as the early fifth century B.C.E.

9 The chronological spectrum of the pottery from the Sanctuary of the Nymphs and the Demos also indicates that the sanctuary was in continual use from the late seventh to at least the early fifth century B.C.E., testifying to it a popular place of worship frequented by women to ensure fertility and a successful marriage. However, by the mid-fifth century the new cult of the personified Athenian Demos had already been installed, as is indicated by the inscription. Yet, the importance of the cult of the Nymphs on the Hill of the Nymphs perhaps is best reflected in the Roman sanctuary of Pan and the Nymphs that was discovered in a chamber carved in the rock on the north slope of the Pnyx.20 This is near the ancient sanctuary of a Byzantine church dedicated to St. Marina, protector of newborns, sick children, and pregnant women, aspects that mirror the concerns that were associated with the worship of the Nymphs in antiquity.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Brann, E.T.H. 1961. “Protoattic Well Groups from the Athenian Agora.” Hesperia 30:305–379.

Coldstream, N. 1973. Knossos. The Sanctuary of Demeter. BSA Suppl. 8. London: British School of Archaeology at Athens.

Dakoura-Vogiatzoglou, O. and K. Lazaridou. 2004. “Hills of Philopappos-Pnyx- Nymphs.” Archaeological Promenades Around the Acropolis. Athens: Association of Friends of the Acropolis.

Dakoura-Vogiatzoglou, O. 2009. “Η διά Κοίλης οδός.” In Αττικής οδοί. Αρχαίοι δρόμοι της Αττικής, edited by M. Κορρές, 220–235. Athens: Melissa.

Dakoura-Vogiatzoglou, O. 2013. “Αναδιφώντας την ιστορία των Δυτικών Λόφων.” In Αρχαιολογικές Συμβολές, Τόμος Β: Αττική, A ΄και Γ΄ Εφορείες Προϊστορικών και Κλασικών Αρχαιοτήτων, edited by S. Oikonomou and M. Donga-Toli, 193–212. Athens: Museum of Cycladic Art.

Dourou, M. 2013a. “Το ιερό των Νυμφών στον ομώνυμο λόφο: στοιχεία από τις νεώτερες έρευνες” In Αρχαιολογικές Συμβολές, Τόμος Β: Αττική, A ΄και Γ΄ Εφορείες Προϊστορικών και Κλασικών Αρχαιοτήτων, edited by S. Oikonomou and M. Donga-Toli , 215–229. Athens: Museum of Cycladic Art.

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Dourou, M. 2013b. “Το ιερό των Νυμφών και μια νέα επιγραφή.” Horos 22–25, 2010–2013 [2013]: 199–208.

Ervin, M. 1959. “Geraistai Nymphai Genethliai and the Hill of the Nymphs.” Platon 11:1959, 146– 159.

Gardner, E.A. 1902. Ancient Athens, London: Macmillan.

Georgaka, Β. Δ. 2008. “Χειροποίητα ειδώλια Αρχαϊκών Χρόνων από την Ακρόπολη των Αθηνών και από το ιερό της Νύμφης στη Νότια κλιτύ Ακροπόλεως (Διδ. Διατριβή).” PhD Dissertation, University of Ioannina. http://phdtheses.ekt.gr/eadd/handle/10442 /26710?locale=el

Georgaka, V.D. 2013, “Typological Classification of the Archaic, Handmade Figurines of the Athenian Acropolis. CSIG News. Coroplastic Studies Interest Group Newsletter, 5-6. www.coroplasticstudies.org/newsletters/CSIG%20News,%20No.%209,%20Winter%202013

Giraud, D. 1994. Study for the Restoration of the Temple of Athena Nike, Vol. 1a-b. ( Ministry of Culture. Committee for the Preservation of the Acropolis Monuments). Athens: Ministry of Culture.

Higgins, R.A. 1967. Greek Terracottas. London: Methuen.

Judeich, W. 1931. Topographie von Athen, 2nd ed., Munich: Beck’sche.

Kron, U. 1979. “Demos, Pnyx und Nymphenhügel. Zu Demos-Darstellungen und zum ältesten Kultort des Demos in Athen.” MDAI(I) 94, 1979:49–75.

Lalonde, G.V. 2006. Horos Dios: An Athenian Shrine and Cult of Zeus, Monumenta Graeca et Romana 11. Leiden: Brill.

Langdon. M.K. 1976. A Sanctuary of Zeus on Mount Hymettos, Hesperia Suppl. 16. Princeton: American School of Classical Studies at Athens.

Lauter-Bufe, H. and H. Lauter. 1971. “Wohnhaeuser und Stadviertel des Klassischen Athen.” AM 86: 109–124.

Lauter, H. 1982. “Zum Steienbild in Alt- Athen.” AntW 13-4:45–46.

Lazaridou, K. 1997. Εργασίες Ενοποίησης Αρχαιολογικών Χώρων. AD 52:39–43. Leake, W.M. 1821. The Topography of Athens with Some Remarks on its Antiquities. London: John Murray.

Leake, W.M. 1841.The Topography of Athens. London: J. Rodwell.

Lindstrom-Pilz, G. 2013. “Votivspektren von Heiligtümern.” In Sanktuar und Ritual; Heilige Plätze im archäologischen Befund, edited by I. Gerlach and D. Raue, 267–274. Rahden: Marie Leidorf.

Milchhöfer, A. 1892. Untersuchungen über die Demonordnung des Kleisthenis, Berlin: Reimer.

Miles, M.M. 1998. The City Eleusinion, The Athenian Agora 31. Princeton: American School of Classical Studies at Athens.

Payne, H. et al. 1940. Perachora: The Sanctuaries of Hera Akraia and Limenia; Excavations of the British School of Archaeology at Athens 1930–33, I. Architecture, Bronzes, Terracottas. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Pittakis, K.S. 1835. L’ancienne Athènes, ou, La description des antiquités d’Athènes et de ses environs. Athens: Antoniades.

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Schattner, Th. and G. Zuchtriegel. 2013. “Miniaturisierte Weihgaben: Probleme der Interpretation.” In Sanktuar und Ritual; Heilige Plätze im archäologischen Befund, edited by I. Gerlach and D. Raue, 259–265. Rahden: Marie Leidorf.

Stademann, F. 1841. Panorama von Athen. München: Franz Wild.

Szabό, M. 1994. Archaic Terracottas of Boeotia. Studia Archaeologica 67. Rome: L’ERMA di Bretschneider.

Themelis, P. 1992. Μεσσήνη, Γυμνάσιο, “Το Έργον της εν Αθήναις Αρχαιολογικής Εταιρείας 1992.” To Ergon 29, «H Εν Αθήναις Αρχαιολογική Εταιρεία», Αθήνα. Thomson, H.A. and R. L. Scranton. 1943. “Stoas and City Walls on the Pnyx.” Hesperia 12:269–383.

Travlos, I. 1993. Πολεοδομική Εξέλιξις των Αθηνών. Athens: Kapon.

Vlassopoulou, Ch. 2003. Αττικοί ανάγλυφοι πίνακες της Αρχαϊκής εποχής, ADDem 79. Athens: ΤΑΠΑ.

Zerefos, C.H., O. Vogiatzoglou, V. Ganiatsas, et al. 2013. Αι Επτάλοφοι Αθήναι και το Εθνικόν Αστεροσκοπείον Αθηνών, Proceedings of the Academy of Athens 66. Athens.

ENDNOTES

1. Judeich 1931, 174,180,186; Thompson-Scranton 1943, 312–313, Lauter 1982, 45–46; Travlos 1993, 80,122; Lazaridou 1997, 39–43, Dakoura-Vogiatzoglou 2009, 220–235; Dakoura-Vogiatzoglou 2013, 196. 2. Milchhöfer 1892, 29; Judeich 1931, 168–169, pl. 14, 389–391; Dakoura-Vogiatzoglou 2013, 195. 3. Leake 1821, 181; Leake 1841,23; Gardner 1902, 66, 74–75; Travlos 1993,42, pl. II; Lauter, Bufe- Lauter 1971, 123; Dakoura-Vogiatzoglou 2013, 196. 4. Pittakis 1835, 459; ΑΡΜΑ 3 (1998), 109, Λ.520 (αα, 459), ΑΕ 1852, 670. On the eastern spur of the Hill of the Nymphs Pittakis also discovered two other rupestral inscriptions ΗΟROΣ ΔΙΟΣ (IG I 1055A) and ΗΟROΣ (IG I 1055B) dated between the late sixth and early fifth centuries. The inscriptions attest to the cults both of Nymphs and Zeus on this hill (Kron 1979, 75; Lalonde 2006, 1–12). 5. Ζερεφός-Βογιατζόγλου 2013, 38–39. 6. Ervin 1959, 155. 7. Kron 1979, 66. 8. LIMC III.1, 375, s.v. Demos [Alexandri-Tzahou]. 9. Langdon 1976, 1–8, fig. 3; Themelis 1992, 35; Miles 1998, 16-20, pl. 24–26. 10. Szabό 1994, 111–115; Georgaka 2008, 33, pl. 1–13, 53. 11. Dourou 2013a, 215–229, fig. 13,16,17; Dourou 2013b, 199–208. 12. Dourou 2013a, 220–221, fig. 8 and fig. 15. 13. The term “column-shaped” is also found in the literature. 14. Georgaka 2013, 5–6. 15. See Arapoyianni 2000. 16. For miniatures as votive offerings see Coldstream 1973, 183; Payne 1940/1962, II, 290–291; Schattner, Zuchtriegel 2013, 259–265; Lindstrom, Pilz 2013, 267–274. 17. Brann 1961, 365–366; Kurtz, Boardman 1971, 210–211. 18. Balanos 1956, 785; Giraud 1994, 32–34, pl. 102. 19. Georgaka 2008, 15–29. 20. Dakoura-Vogiatzoglou, Lazaridou, 2004, 26.

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ABSTRACTS

The archaeological area encompassing the hills to the west of the Athenian Acropolis, namely the Hill of the Muses (Philopappos Hill), the Pnyx, and the Hill of the Nymphs, (Asteroskopeion Hill), comprises a rocky formation of some 700 acres. Because of their key geographic location these hills played a crucial role in the history of the city of ancient Athens. Archaeological exploration at the summit of the Hill of the Nymphs revealed a sanctuary dedicated to the Nymphs that can be traced back to the late seventh century B.C.E.; by the mid-fifth century this had become known as the sanctuary of the Nymphs and Demos. A large number of handmade terracotta figurines belonging to the typical Attic repertoire of the sixth century B.C.E. found in many sanctuaries of female deities in Attica were unearthed from repositories in this sanctuary. Their presence reinforces the Nymphs’ reputation as protectors of fertility and marriage, as these figurines were popular offerings at the sanctuary for a period of a century and a half.

AUTHORS

MARIA DOUROU Ephorate of the Antiquities of the City of Athens/Hellenic Ministry of Culture

VASSILIKI D. GEORGAKA Ephorate of the Antiquities of the City of Athens/Hellenic Ministry of Culture

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Terracottas in the Mediterranean Through Time II

Adi Erlich

1 Held under the auspices of Association for Coroplastic Studies and the University of Haifa (Zinman Institute of Archaeology, the Onassis Program of Hellenic Studies, the Haifa Center for Mediterranean History, Office of the Rector, Faculty of Humanities, Landscapes of Knowledge and School of History).

Keynote

2 The Study of Greek Figurative Terracottas: A Cautionary Tale Jaimee Uhlenbrock, State University of New York, New Paltz, President of the Association for Coroplastic Studies (ACoSt)

3 According to the Macmillan English Dictionary a cautionary tale comprises a series of events during which something bad happens that then can be used as a warning for the prevention of unfortunate events in the future. While my presentation is not intended to label as “unfortunate” some popular directions that have been taken over the course of the last two centuries in the study of Greek figurative terracottas, it is hoped that it will provide some guidance in the avoidance of future misdirection when interpreting coroplastic material. Most important in this regard is an awareness that past scholarship and current interpretations must be used critically, and that the researcher must be willing to look beneath the veneer of an argument to its core to determine its soundness. With each study that contributes to conclusions I would advise asking its author a simple question: “How do you know that?”

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Session 1: Terracottas at Shrines from Corinth.

4 Terracottas from the Sanctuary of Demeter and Kore at Acrocorinth: The Usual and the Unusual Finds Sonia Klinger, University of Haifa

5 The typical votives dedicated to Demeter and Kore from the Archaic through the Hellenistic periods raise associations with fertility, agricultural, and human, marriage, and imagery related to the underworld. Observation of the terracotta models from the sanctuary, however, reveals a wider range of imagery. The proposed paper considers some of the usual and the more unusual finds, and even some unexplained finds. Variation in the imagery requires explanation. Do these differences point to the propitiation of different divinities within the sanctuary? To what extent were there social distinctions in terms of age and gender? Exploration of these questions offers varying viewpoints from which to appreciate the role that terracottas played in the lives of individual members of the community.

6 Dancers, Riders, and Standing Ladies Leading Figures in Terracotta Assemblages at Small Corinthian Shrines Theodora Kopestonksy, University of Tennessee

7 In coroplastic centers such as Corinth, a wide range of terracotta figurines were produced and available for purchase. Not surprisingly, excavations from the sanctuaries at Corinth have revealed terracotta assemblages that include many different types of figurines. However, analysis of the mixed assemblages from the small shrines, shows that, rather than a random mixture, specific types of figurines often were offered in higher numbers than others. Finds from two shrines in particular demonstrate the distinctly different choices made by dedicators for the divinities at each sanctuary. For example, at Kokkinovrysi, dancing groups were the most common offering, representing more than half of the assemblage, which suggests an unusual deity for a roadside shrine: nymphs. In contrast, at the Stele Shrine under the South Stoa, horse and rider figurines dominated the assemblage attesting to a divinity associated with aristocratic and/or masculine pursuits, likely a hero. On the other hand, the Classical Corinthian mold-made standing female figurine (i.e. Kore), although not the prevailing type offered at either shrine, was present in these two and almost every other shrine in Corinth. These observations show that each shrine in Corinth had a distinct character even though they are often categorized together as a homogenous group. When certain figurines, such as the standing female, appear at all the sanctuaries, this suggests that it is an all-purpose type that can have many different identities. These figures help us to understand the appropriateness of certain types of figurines for particular locations and/or divinities. This paper contextualizes these assemblages within Corinth and, ultimately, utilizing comparative data, attempts to reconstruct ritual practice and the meaning of these offerings at small Corinthian shrines.

Session 2: Greek Figurines

8 Animal and Human Figurines at Minoan Peak Sanctuaries: Interspecies Relationships Expressed in Clay Céline Murphy, The Heritage Management Organisation

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9 Minoan anthropomorphic and zoomorphic clay figurines from peak sanctuary contexts have frequently been studied in isolation, apart from the rest of their accompanying dataset and their geographical setting. In addition, examinations of figurines representing the human body were prioritised over those of the animals. Moreover, these studies have been primarily oriented towards the figurines’ appearances in attempts to understand the concerns and beliefs they served to communicate. The anthropomorphs have been interpreted as adorants, while the zoomorphs have been considered as simple representations of livestock or domesticated vermin-hunters. In the light of recent archaeological studies on prehistoric figurines and philosophical research on the animal-human relationship, the above dichotomous, anthropocentric and functionalist perspective needs shifting. I therefore propose to examine both types of Minoan peak sanctuary figurines together and to investigate precisely why they are so frequently associated, but also why a distinction is made between the animal and human bodies. I also consider the geographical location of such sites, and why these specific types of figurines appear together, at mountain-tops, lost in the wild Cretan landscape. Turning to an examination of the figurines’ material composition, I investigate the implications of producing and consuming both figurine types alongside each other. This paper thus suggests that these Minoan representations of different bodies are indicative of expressions of ontological formulations that can be understood differently than hierarchically. They point to perspectives on agency, indeed share agency, and on the types of interspecies relationships might have existed or have been been imagined at, or around, peak sanctuaries. The animal representation is consequently deconstructed here, meticulously materially examined, before being reconstructed.

10 Figurines in Context An Overview of the Figurines from the Sanctuary of Despotiko Yannos Kourayos, Director of Excavations on Paros Erica Angliker, PhD candidate, University of Zurich

11 A large sanctuary dedicated to Apollo and Artemis has been discovered on Despotiko, a small Cycladic island, located in the jurisdiction of Paros, which is not mentioned in any written sources. The structure is of paramount archaeological importance because of its tremendous size and the complexity of its organization; in this regard, (in the context of the Cycladic archipelago), it is surpassed only by the sanctuary of Delos. Excavations have brought forth twenty buildings and numerous marbles statues, jewelry, common artefacts (seated female statues, a few protomes), and fine coroplastic items (vases in the shape of animals and genitalia). This paper sheds light on the cultic uses of these coroplastic items by analyzing, in detail, the entire archaeological context in which these objects were found. In the first part of this paper, we briefly present the importance of the sanctuary and its principal cultic spaces. Then, we systematically present the figurines uncovered at different spaces at the sanctuary. And finally, we discuss the role played by clay items in the sanctuary’s cultic practices, by considering the entire votive deposit. The clay items are also used to discuss aspects of the divinity worshipped at Despotiko (Apollo and Artemis). Moreover, the paper presents some comparisons with figurines found at the Delion on Paros, where similar items were also dedicated to Apollo and Artemis.

12 Female Terracotta Figurines of the Hellenistic Period Found in Burial Contexts in Bottiaea Eleni D. Palla, International Hellenic University of Thessaloniki

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13 The hundreds of female figurative terracottas that have been brought to light at the ancient Macedonian geographical region of Bottiaea, and which date back to the Hellenistic period, provide us with excellent information about the typology, diffusion, function, and purpose of those figurines. The established affinities of the terracotta figurines produced by the large terracotta workshops in Pella and Beroia, the two most important cities of Bottiaea in producing clay figurines, reveal the popularity of certain iconographic types and their variants. The main iconographic types were formed in regions of the eastern Mediterranean, and from there they spread to the local coroplastic centers of Macedonia, mainly through the trade in molds. Apart from studying the iconographic types and their diffusion, it is essential that we place figurines in specific contexts. Dealing with issues of the function and meaning of the female figurative terracottas, secure and meaningful burial contexts lead to satisfying conclusions. Modern research in Bottiaea has acknowledged the existence of clay female figurines as grave offerings only in children and female burials, therefore terracotta figurines were part of the funeral ritual and their presence in a funeral context was commensurate with the gender, age, and the religious beliefs of the deceased. Finally, we look at the complex issue of figurine types influenced by their use as grave goods or figurines manufactured regardless their usage?

Session 3. Greek Theater and Grotesques.

14 Behind an Actor's Mask A Study of Ancient Theatrical Activity in Dobrudia Through the Coroplastic Finds Linca Kucsinschi, Nanterre University, Paris

15 The purpose of this study is to identify and present the terracotta finds from the Romanian shore of the Black Sea that are related to the ancient theater. From this perspective, the study focuses on theatrical activity in three poleis (Tomis, Callatis, Istros) belonging to the Black Sea Area and the its evolution in Roman times, that is, from the 5th century B.C.E to the second century C.E. The paper will present a thorough study of the iconography of the terracotta masks and actor figurines that were discovered during the first excavations in these three cities. It will also analyze the commercial activity of the area from which these terracottas were brought to light and discuss the problem of the workshops. The ultimate goal of this paper is an understanding of the differences evident among the figurines and masks of these three places in terms of export and import. This paper finally hopes to present how active the cultural life of the Greek population in Dobrudja was during the Greek and the Roman periods in a globalized world, although certainly in its own local way.

16 Physically Dysmorphic Votives at the Corinthian Sanctuary of Demeter and Kore Heather E Bowyer, PhD candidate, Arizona State University

17 At Corinth, Demeter and Kore’s devotional following is evidenced through the copious remains of terracotta figurines excavated by the American School of Classical Studies between 1961 to 1975 and in 1994. Within this corpus of terracotta figurines beginning in the fourth century B.C.E. and continuing through the second century C.E. exist figures with physically dysmorphic bodies and facial features, including characters believed to represent personages from Middle and New Comedy. Although these types do not dominate the larger votive corpus, their presence deserves analysis. In this paper, the dysmorphic figurines will first be examined according to their types, sizes,

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decoration, and production technique. The role of the figurines is validated through their presence at the site and their number. The figurines will be compared to additional Corinthian dysmorphic figurines to ascertain if the Demeter and Kore sanctuary types are localized, or distributed throughout the polis. Next, a connection of these Demeter and Kore votives to Dionysos during the Late Classical through Roman Imperial periods will be proposed. This suggestion is founded on their presence at the sanctuary, Demeter and Kore’s mythological connection to Dionysos, and the standardization of theatrical performance and its popularity on the Greek mainland during the fourth century B.C.E. Given this evidence, an argument will be made for dysmorphic, Middle, and New Comedy figurines as a characteristic votive offering during this period at the sanctuary.

18 The Athlete Grotesques of Smyrna The Originality of a Subject of Caricature and the Identification of a Production Workshop Isabelle Hasselin Rous, Department of Greek, Etruscan, and Roman Antiquities, Louvre Museum

19 The figurines from Smyrna are easily recognizable by their very distinctive clay and careful technique. They are divided in three categories: replicas of well-known statuary types, hand-modeled miniatures, and highly detailed representations of aberrant physical or mental conditions, the so-called grotesques. The last ones are among the most original productions of the city. This article aims to specify the difficult definition of such an atypical production. Furthermore, it points out a very particular type on which few have commented: the athletic caricatures. The question of a specific workshop is also considered.

Session 4. Modern Attitudes: Collections and Fakes.

20 The Collection of Terracottas of Raffaele Gargiulo in the National Archaeological Museum of Naples Riccardo Berriola, National Archaeological Museum of Naples

21 This paper will be about the collection of terracottas of Raffaele Gargiulo (1785-after 1864), ceramist and restorer, leading figure of the Museum of Naples, and Neapolitan merchant of antiquities in the twenties and thirties of the 19th century. The sale of his collection to the Museum of Naples was proposed in December, 1852. But it was only after more than two years of negotiating that the sale was finalized on May 29, 1855, for 6000 ducats. In order to understand the figure of Gargiulo as an antiquities and art merchant, 315 documents, kept in the State Archive of Naples and in the Historical Archive of the Archaeological Superintendence of Naples, have been analyzed. By the study of 11 royal decrees dated between 1807 and 1852, the legislative framework in force at the time was rebuilt, as part of the trade and export of archaeological and art objects. In Gargiulo’s collection of terracottas small figurines (443 specimens, or 73.88%) is the most documented class, accounting for about three-quarters of the collection. The provenances recorded are mainly Apulia and Campania, with 578 items, or 95.54%. Most prevalent are the towns of Gnathia, Ruvo, and Canosa in Apulia, and Capua and Cales in Campania. If the architectural material is dated from the end of the 6th century B.C.E. to the 1st century C.E., the coroplastic material lies mostly between the mid-4th to the end of the 3rd B.C.E. The pottery ranges between the 4th century and 3rd century B.C.E., especially that with plastic and polychrome decoration, and

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achromatic ceramics. The chronology of plastic vessels represented is wider, falling between the late 6th and the 3rd centuries B.C.E. The lamps, finally, are dated to the 1st century C.E.

22 Terracottas Are a Forger's Best Friend Kseniya Polezhaeva, PhD candidate, Lomonosov Moscow State University

23 The history of the art market should be viewed as beginning at the time when there was such a phenomenon as the collecting of antiquities in the second millennium B.C.E. In classical Greece, there were lists with detailed descriptions, such as material, weight, characteristics, name of the customer, etc., and the first suggestion of provenance begins to appear. The phenomenon of the private collection is well documented by the 1st century B.C.E. in Rome. At the same time, the market was flooded with fakes and the first experts to identify them were artists, restorers, and copyists, as well as aesthetes from the nobility. Now the art market is global; its main players are professional intermediaries (auction houses and private art dealers), experts, restorers and buyers. But there is no clear, understandable pricing. In this situation, the market for ancient Greek and Roman sculpture provides an example of exceptional stability - both from the point of view of consumer interest, and in terms of value. Demand for such items is always there, and prices, although they do not beat records at auctions compared to works of the twentieth century, are quite high. Hence, it is not surprising that figurines, which were forged in antiquity and in Renaissance Rome, still remain the object of criminal assault. The crimes associated with the circulation of Greco-Roman sculpture occur all over the world. Most often, there are thefts of such items, their illegal removal from sites, and the fraud that is associated with falsification. When falsifying sculptures, criminals, as a rule, pay special attention to its material and techniques. The most convenient material for making a fake is terracotta. In this it surpasses marble, bronze, wood. Second only to precious metals, the technical and technological research cannot reveal the time of the creation of the work. The popularity of terracotta forgeries is primarily due to the convenience and low cost of their manufacture. This report reviews the milestones in the history of terracotta fakes by examining the cases of Alceo Dossena, Shaun Greenhalgh, and other forgers.

Session 5. Terracottas in the Ancient Near East.

24 Beyond Terracotta Bone and Stone Figurines from Seleucia on the Tigris Roberta Menegazzi, Centro Ricerche Archeologiche e Scavi di Torino per il Medio Oriente e l’Asia The site of Seleucia on the Tigris in present-day Iraq provides us with the largest coroplastic corpus of the Seleucid and Parthian Near East, made up of over 11,000 examples. Beside terracottas, twenty archaeological campaigns brought to light around 300 bone and stone figurines, mainly coming from the American excavations of the dwelling block G6. As with the terracottas, the majority of the bones and stone figurines from Seleucia share significant features, such as size, finishing, and iconographies. Since the same subjects were produced in terracotta, as well in stone and bone, the question arises if different materials implied differences in personal or social status of the user, or rather were meant for different uses. The aim of this paper is to present some preliminary results of the study of the bone and stone figurines, 25 focusing in particular on their connections with the terracottas.

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26 A Unique Female Figurine's Head from En Gedi Anna de Vincenz, W. F. Albright Institute of Archaeological Research During the 2013 excavation north of the synagogue compound at En Gedi, a unique head of a female figurine was retrieved. This head is hand-made of a light clay and is hollow. The nose is pointed and its continuation forms the eyebrows. The eyes are made by adding two circular clay bands with a small clay dot in the center. The mouth is an incised line, which seems to have cut the lower part of the nose as well. The outstanding feature of this figurine is the hair. It is put together by three twirled bands of clay on each side of the face and four short twirled bands forming a ponytail. The back of the head is covered by ten such twirled bands. The figurine is heavily burnt and the rest of the body (if there was any) is missing. The findspot in the excavation in a destruction layer dated to the Late Byzantine period points to a date into that period, however no parallel has been found. In this presentation I will be looking at the hairstyle, of which parallels can be found on mosaics in Istanbul and Ravenna, for example. Other parallels can be drawn from Roman sculptures, which show similar hairstyles, or even from earlier examples dated to the Hellenistic period. Analyzing the facial features one is reminded of statues from ancient Mesopotamia, but also of 27 figurines produced during the Late Byzantine and Umayyad period. Coroplasts as Ritual Experts? The Religious Role of Figurine Producers in the Iron II 28 Levant Erin Darby, University of Tennessee This paper explores what ritual knowledge figurine producers possessed and how that knowledge may have been acquired. Did producers maintain their own specialized body of ritual knowledge and religious iconography or did they have access to the knowledge base curated and transmitted by ritual specialists? Did only the leader of a production line need this knowledge? Were religious symbols adapted from other media or were they based in some other visual vocabulary? Was the process of production accompanied by specialized rituals? While these questions are difficult to answer with surety, they pose challenges to our reconstruction of the production and function of figurines. In fact, our (often unspoken) assumptions about the answers to these questions impact the way we interpret ancient religious objects in general. Furthermore, posing these questions humanizes the production process for cultic objects, complicating our explanations for how such objects were generated. These questions also ask us to articulate our assumptions about visual literacy in the ancient world and which groups of people in a given culture had access to particular types of ritual knowledge. To that end, this paper first summarizes the current state of knowledge about figurine production in the Iron II Levant, including objects from both domestic structures and non-domestic cultic assemblages. It then compiles ethnographic studies of craftspeople to articulate some of the scenarios that could account for the way coroplasts gain and maintain ritual knowledge. Moving to the textual record, the paper will summarize what can be said about the production contexts of figurines and other cultic items within the Mesopotamian corpus, where figurine ritual texts are in greater abundance. Finally, the paper will address the various possible explanations for how coropolasts may have acquired and curated their 29 ritual knowledge in the Iron II Levant, assessing the likelihood of each explanation.

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Session 6. Terracottas from the Iron Age in the Levant.

The Characteristics of the Figurine Fragment Assemblage Discovered in the Temple 30 Mount Soil Aaron Greener, Post-doctoral fellow, Zinman Institute of Archaeology, University of Haifa Gabriel Barkay, Bar-Ilan University Zachi Dvira (Zweig), PhD candidate, Bar-Ilan University. The Temple Mount Sifting Project (TMSP) is the first comprehensive and systematic archaeological project retrieving and studying artifacts from all periods, which originate from within the Temple Mount Compound. Thus far, the meticulous wet sifting has enabled the discovery of over 250 figurine fragments. The majority date to the Iron Age II, while others are from later periods, especially the Hellenistic, Roman and Early Muslim periods. We will present several of the interesting figurines from all periods, but focus on the unique characteristics of the Iron Age II Judahite figurine assemblage. A comparison of the TMSP figurines to similar assemblages from Jerusalem and Judah, as well as to those from neighboring regions, highlights the absence of figurines with “foreign” influences at the Temple Mount. We suggest that the reason for this is related to a Judahite rejection of outside influences during Iron Age II, which found its greatest manifestation in the cultic and national center on the Temple Mount. Our broad study and fresh observations allowed us also to make updated 31 generalizations regarding the use of the figurines in Judah during the Iron Age II. Warriors and Matrons The Late Iron Age Society at Karkemish Through the Coroplastic 32 Arts Barbara Bolognani, University of Bologna The paper presents a recent study on the Iron Age clay figurines from Karkemish. Data and results presented in this paper are mostly based on the analysis of new finds from the joint Turco-Italian expedition at Karkemish (2011-2015 campaigns). According to the subject of figurines, these have been divided into two main classes: The Handmade Syrian Horses and Riders (HSHR’s) and the Syrian Pillar Figurines (SPF’s). Many aspects of these figurines are dealt with in this paper, from the definition of types to the manufacturing technique, from the contextual to the iconographic analysis. A precise chronological frame, as well as a defined regional production is also argued. These figurines are, in the fact, the material evidence of the new socio-political scenario under the Assyrian hegemony. The close relationship among these figurines with social changes that took place with the Neo-Assyrian political and military influence is presented here. Costumes, gestures, and subjects portrayed in the coroplastic repertoire are clear indicators of the gradual acculturation of the Assyrian agency to local traditions. Within this flourishing social background, clay figurines represent a miniaturist expression of values and social roles lived by people at Karkemish and in 33 the Middle Euphrates Valley under the Neo-Assyrian domination. Figurines from Tel Beer-Sheba and Tel Malhata Two Late Iron Age Sites in the Judean 34 Negev Dr. Raz Kletter, University of Helsinki

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The lecture will discuss the figurine assemblages from two sites in the Negev of Judah, dating mainly to the later Iron Age Period: Tel Beer Sheba and Tel Malhata. The Late Prof. Pirhiya Beck defined in her studies the style of the well-known Tel Malhata figurative cult stands. A question can be asked whether the independent figurines from this area and period also exhibit a unique style. Tel Beer Sheba furnished the largest collection of clay figurines found in the Negev so far with 341 items, while Malhata added “only” 79 items. I will discuss various types of figurines (Judean Pillar Figurines, male figures, zoomorphic vessels, horses, horses and riders, birds/snakes, bed mode6sl, a kernos, etc.), and address the similarities and differences between the figurines from 35 these two sites.

Session 7. Production: On Coroplasts, Technology, and Workshops.

36 Techniques of the Coroplast Evidence from the Ancient Marion and Arsinoe Nancy Serwint, Arizona State University It is a truism in the artistic corpus of ancient Cyprus that clay was the ubiquitous medium for votive sculpture in most places on the island. Although many sites support this assertion, the cities of Marion and Arsinoe, situated on the northwest coast, evidence the most extensive presence of terracotta sculpture for any one locale. Excavation begun by Princeton University in 1983 produced over 30,000 fragments of terracotta sculpture, and the corpus provides an extraordinary opportunity for the study of the coroplastic arts. Since the conclusion of excavation activities, the Princeton team has embarked on an aggressive investigation of the material remains, and the terracotta sculpture has received particular attention. With a chronological breadth of over 600 years and a range in scale from miniature to over-lifesize, the material is ideal for consideration of how production techniques and manufacturing strategies were practiced over time. Recent study of the material has involved modern replication of the ancient forms, which not only has allowed researchers to reproduce several types of objects, but also has invited consideration, in a most immediate way, of how ancient artisans handled their material and developed expedient work strategies. This paper will offer commentary on the latest phase of the study of the Marion/ Arsinoe terracotta coroplastic assemblage, focusing on the techniques employed for 37 small and large-scale works in clay. Fingerprints on Terracotta Figurines and Oil Lamps from the Late-Roman Beit Nattif 38 Workshop Achim Lichtenberger, Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität Münster Kimberlee Sue Moran, Associate Teaching Professor & Director of Forensics, Rutgers University

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The paper deals with an assemblage of waste material from a Late Roman workshop of figurines and oil lamps in Beit Nattif in southern Judaea. The workshop was active around 300 C.E., and the waste of it was found dumped into two cisterns during the Mandate period and later, partly published by Baramki in 1936. More than 700 fragments of oil lamps and figurines were found forming a coherent group of material, which is unique to the southern Levant during this period. The authors analyzed the plastic fingerprints on the objects, which were left during the production of the lamps and figurines when the clay was pressed into moulds. It is possible to identify several individual fingerprints, some of them on multiple objects. In the talk, we present some of the results, which considerably increase our knowledge about workshop organization, workflows in the production and dynamic innovations within a 39 workshop. Piazza Arditi (Verona) A Coroplastic Workshop between the 1st Century BCE and the 3rd 40 Century CE Claudia Cenci, Soprintendenza Archeologia Belle Arti e Paesaggio per le Province di Verona, Rovigo e Vicenza Roby Stuani, PhD candidate, Universitat de Barcelona We are presenting a study of coroplastic material, comprising mostly clay figurines and masks, that was produced in the artisan district of Piazza Arditi, located in the western area of the Verona suburb. WE also will examine the production organization of the atelier dated from the 1st century B.C.E. to the 3rd century C.E. Here several production 41 structures have been identified, including kilns and clay processing tanks. The oldest stage of the workshop, obliterated during the 1st century C.E., has yielded a good number of clay figurines and ceramic fragments that represent an important cross-sample of the production of Verona in early decades of the 1st century C.E., while the production of terracotta masks, thanks to the archaeological data, is dated to the 42 2nd and 3rd century C.E.

Session 8. The Ancient Near East.

43 The Figurine from Ouleh and the Iconography of the Ghassulian Chalcolithic Ianir Milevski, Head of the Prehistoric Branch, Israel Antiquities Authority Found in a burial cave of the Ghassulian Chalcolithic, the clay figurine from Quleh is quite unique in the repertoire of the period (ca. 4500-3,800 BC) in the southern Levant. The iconography of the figurine, however, fits well with other artifacts of the Ghassulian culture, mostly applications on ossuaries found in several burial caves. The figurine was found in an ossuary of Cave K-1 together with human bones, broken in four parts from which three were restored. Our suggestion is that this figurine is a local representation of the southern Levantine Chalcolithic, while other figurines made of ivory and bone, represent a foreign influence of the Badarian culture in Egypt. This lecture will present the figurine in order to understand both its formal characteristics and its significance within its context in particular, and its “Sitz im Leben” of the Chalcolithic of the southern Levant in general. By introducing the figurine we will discuss not only its iconographic and symbolic values, but also its archaeological find 44 spot.

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Why figurines? Reflections on the Production and Possible Signific ance of Zoomorphic 45 Figurines from Tel Bet Yerah Nadeshda B. Knudsen, PhD candidate, Tel Aviv University The study of material culture from prehistoric periods is beset with analytical limitations due to the absence of written or other sources that could facilitate a clear understanding of the proper use and importance of its objects. However, in contrast to the obvious function of most artefacts, the study of miniature animal figurines poses additional challenges as, in themselves, they afford no immediate apparent practical application. The multiple excavations at Tel Bet Yerah over the last century have yielded a large quantity of such zoomorphic figurines dating to the Early Bronze Age. As part of on-going research on ceramic animal figurines from the southern Levant, this case study offers the opportunity to explore some possible reasons for their production and purpose during the start of the 3rd millennium B.C.E. This was a period of apparent peaceful co-habitation between the local inhabitants and the recently arrived migrant Khirbet Kerak Ware (KKW) people, who are thought to originally derive from Transcaucasia. Both of these groups simultaneously retained their independently distinct material culture packages and their own segregated and particular communal activities throughout this time. Moreover, they were also both consistent in their production and use of distinct miniature zoomorphic figurines. Viewed through the prism of the period, this paper will incorporate aspects of spatial use and organisation, animal economies and related material culture, as well as the technological and cognitive applications of figurine production. Benefitting from the prime opportunity of intra-site comparisons, an enhanced narrative is offered, indicating that alongside differing types of manufacture, there may equally be varying realms of social and cultural meaning attributable to miniature animal figurines, rather 46 than merely a single over-arching emphasis and identity. The Iron-Age Coroplastic Production of the Northern Levant Defining Chronologies and 47 Inter-Regional Productions Barbara Bolognani, University of Bologna

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This paper shows for the first time a comprehensive study of the coroplastic art from the Neo-Syrian kingdoms during the whole Iron Age. The study is part of a recently concluded Ph.D. research project that aimed at defining regional trends for the coroplastic production of the northern Levant. Thus, first of all, a general introduction to the many problematics encountered during the research is provided, i.e. the relative paucity of raw data and previous errors of method. Second, the new method adopted in the research is described, demonstrating that the coroplastic art of the northern Levant is characterized by a great heterogeneity in terms of numeric finds, chronologies, and types. Different traditions are in fact tentatively identified in the following micro-regions: the Middle Euphrates Valley (Karkemish, Tell Ahmar, Tell Amarna, Zeytinli Bahçe Höyük, Saraga Höyük, Kefrik, Deve Höyük, Tell Shiukh Fawqani), the Amuq Plain (Tell Tayinat, Tell Judaidah, Chatal Höyük), the Islahiye Valley (Zincirli Höyük), the Aleppo Plateau (Tell Afis, Tell Abou Danne, Tell Rifaat, Neirab), the Upper Orontes Valley (Hama), and the Khabur Valley (Tell Halaf). The heterogeneity of these clay figurines reflects the multi-ethnic character of these Neo- Syrian states. From one hand, during the Iron I period the incursion of the Aegean foreign element has deeply stimulated the local production of part of this large region. From the other hand, toward the end of the Iron II and full Iron III periods we assist to a new growth of figurine finds mirroring the penetration of a new wealthy economic 48 model imported with the Neo-Assyrian provincialization of the northern Levant.

Session 9. Phoenicians Around the Mediterranean.

49 Marking Food Phoenician and Punic Terracotta Moulds Meritxell Ferrer, Postdoctoral Researcher, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Barcelona Mireia López-Bertran, Universitat de València This communication analyses the existence of terracota moulds used to mark food, mostly loaves or cakes. These materials are neither numerous nor studied in depth. It is our intention to focus on three points: first, to prepare a data base with all the moulds recorded so far in the Phoenician and Punic western Mediterranean; second, to offer a contextual analysis of the findings, and, thirdly to undertake an iconographic study keeping in mind that these pieces present mould-made decoration imbued with high 50 symbolic meanings such as demon-like faces or palm trees, among others.

51 Phoenicia and Beyond: Comparative Analysis of the Persian-Period Terracottas from Tel Dor and Ashkelon Tanya Sokolsky, M.A. candidate , University of Haifa

52 Tel Dor is a coastal site in southern Phoenicia. The excavations at Tel Dor, conducted by E. Stern, A. Gilboa and I. Sharon, yielded some 430 Persian-period figurines. Stern published a basic typology for the figurines, dividing them to general types and categorizing them as either eastern (Levantine) or western (Greek). My current study aims at looking at the figurines as an assemblage rather than individual items, by reassessing Stern’s typology, and incorporating quantitative and comparative aspects and petrographic analysis for provenience. The terracotta assemblage may shed light on the social identity of the population at Dor in the Persian period. My research demonstrates that the categories of "eastern" and "western" types are not useful, but rather the picture is more complex. The new typology points to Phoenician types originating in Cyprus and northern Phoenicia, as well as Greek-influenced types, and

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many types that are local to Tel Dor. Moreover, despite the "Babylonian Gap" there is a continuity of certain types from the Iron Age, indicating that the Tel Dor population maintained both ancient and new traditions. As a whole, the assemblage is not varied, but quite standardized and is mainly Phoenician in character, emphasizing the association of Tel Dor with Phoenicia. The Tel Dor assemblage is compared with that of yet another coastal city in southern Israel, Ashkelon. According to historical sources Ashkelon was dominated by Tyre during the Persian period, and therefore considered by many to be Phoenician, despite its distance from Phoenicia proper. This comparison indicates significant differences between the assemblages: The Ashekelon assemblage is much more eclectic and includes many more Greek types than Tel Dor. This study therefore, shows significant differences between the figurines of Dor and Ashkelon, which shed light on differences in cultural life and traditions of populations in these cities. The differences are viewed in light of the location of the two cities and their status in relation to Phoenicia.

Session 10. Phoenician Terracottas in Cult.

The Cult of Youth Phoenician Influence on the Terracottas from the Roman Temple at 53 Omrit Adi Erlich, University of Haifa

54 Omrit is located in northern Israel, sitting atop a foothill of Mount Hermon overlooking the Hula valley. The site encloses a cultic complex with three major phases: an early shrine dated ca. 50 B.C.E., a Roman imperial temple of the Herodian period, (ca. 20 B.C.E.) and a second phase of the temple from the time of Trajan (ca. 100 C.E.). During the excavations, about 100 figurine fragments were found throughout the temple and its temenos, dated to the 1st century B.C.E. The terracottas were found scattered in and around the temple, as a result of the constructions activity of the later phase. The Omrit figurines are divided to two groups. The first group, small-scale figurines (ca. 10-20 cm high) in the Hellenistic tradition, comprises a typical assortment of deities, mortals, and animals. The figurines are well established in the Late Hellenistic-Early Roman period in the Levant. Part of the iconography finds exclusive parallels in Hellenistic Phoenicia, in figurines from Kharayeb and stone reliefs from the Hellenistic shrine at Umm el-Amed, both in the Tyre region. The second group is of large-scale figurines (ca. 30-50 cm high) of children with upraised arms with open palm, endemic to Omrit. I suggest that they belong to a specific cult performed at the temple, related to rites of passage, and perhaps mystery rituals, or thanksgiving ceremonies for children's welfare and health. Children's cults are known elsewhere in Phoenicia, at the Eshmun temple near Sidon, and the shrine at Kharayeb near Tyre. Furthermore, petrographic analysis points to the Tyre region as the origin of the terracottas. The upper Galilee was under the control of Tyre and Hellenistic-Phoenician influence is evident in nearby sites of the Hellenistic period, such as Tel Anafa and Tel Kedesh. The terracottas from the temple at Omrit render the cult at the site as a local, Phoenician cult of a personal character.

55 Sunken Votives? Figurines from the Seabed and Seashore in Southern Phoenicia Meir Edrey, University of Haifa Assaf Yasur-Landau, University of Haifa

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Figurines are the most commonly found popular cult expression in the southern Levant. They can be found in domestic, cultic, or funerary context and are most often interpreted as representing deities, and to a lesser extent humans performing cultic activities. The latter are commonly attributed to the Phoenician culture in the eastern Mediterranean, which exhibits not only a wide range of figurine types, such as the naked female, the pregnant female, musicians, and bakers, as well as other rarer forms, but also the largest caches of figurines found in the southern Levant. At the Phoenician temple at Kharayeb alone, over 15,000 figurines were found dated to the Persian and Hellenistic period, and similar, yet significantly smaller, favissa pits were also found at sites such as Dor, and Akko. To these contexts, one must add another seldom- mentioned source—the Mediterranean seabed. Since the emergence of underwater archaeology during the mid-20th century, many figurines, as well as other cultic objects, such as ship and boat models, were found on the seabed near Levantine and Cypriot ports. We suggest that the frequent occurrence of such objects in the Mediterranean represent cultic maritime activities performed by sailors on route in the Mediterranean, rather than the cargo of shipwrecks as was previously suggested. An analysis of such finds, their spatial, and cultural context, as well as their chemical composition, may provide evidence for the use of such figurines and other votive objects as offerings presented by mariners to apotropaic deities in the hopes of a safe 56 journey, or as gratitude for their safe return. The Terracottas of the Iberian Sanctuary of la Serreta (Alcoi-Cocentraina-Penàfuila, 57 Alacant, Spain) Ignacio Grau Mira, Universitat d’Alacant Mireia López-Bertran, Universitat de València Iván Amorós, PhD candidate, SIP, Museu de Prehistòria de València The terracottas of la Serreta comprise the biggest sample of this material found in Iron Age eastern Iberia. They are formed by nearly 15000 fragments and 434 identified pieces, most of them representing devotees attending to an open-air sanctuary. They are mostly mould-made, although a small sample is hand-made and wheel-made, and more often than not a combination of techniques is recorded. The aim of this presentation is threefold: first, we will explain the system of classification in order to have a complex and comprehensive typology. Second, the main features of each type will be explained. Finally, an interpretation of the materials will be considered, keeping in mind two features: on the one hand, the corporeal issues that these figurines construct in connection to the ritual practices that were undertook at the site, such as gestures and body decoration, and, on the other hand, we will shed light into the social and ritual implications that figurines embodied, such as rites of passage in connection with age and gender, and the value of kinship relations. In all, the Serreta figurines reveal a complex society connected to Mediterranean traditions in representing human bodies (Punic and Greek), using clay, but also adapting the terracottas to the local 58 constructions of people.

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ABSTRACTS

The international conference Terracottas in the Mediterranean Through Time II will be held at the University of Haifa, Israel, from March 12 to March 15, 2018.

INDEX

Mots-clés: Greek terracottas, Near Eastern terracottas, Phoenician terracottas, terracotta production.

AUTHOR

ADI ERLICH University of Haifa [email protected]

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Works in Progress Travaux en cours

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Rediscovering Phoenicians in their Homeland from the Perspective of Iron Age Coroplastic Art

Barbara Bolognani

The Project

1 The collective imagery of the Phoenicians is well known both within and outside of the academic world in large part because of the representations of daily life in its coroplastic art. Yet, there still is no comprehensive study of this genre of their material culture. In this brief communication, a new research project is presented that concerns a regional survey of Iron Age clay figurines from Phoenician sites in the eastern Mediterranean. The sites included in this research range beyond the borders traditionally ascribed to the Phoenicians and cover the entire Syrian, Lebanese, and Israeli coasts. This research aims to illustrate the regional distribution of these figurines, including their production centers, as well as their types, uses, chronologies, and the meanings of this class of artifacts.1

A Matter of Absence

2 Clay figurines have been considered one of the most characteristic of the artifacts of Phoenician culture.2 The production of these figurines is particularly prolific at sites on the Levantine coast from the so-called “Dark Age” (12th–11th centuries B.C.E.) to the periods of the Neo-Assyrian and Achaemenid occupations (7th–4th centuries B.C.E.). 3 During this long period, figurines were produced using both hand-modeled and mould- made techniques, although specimens presenting mixed manufacture are not rare. Their widespread distribution increased with the growth of Phoenician commercial activities throughout the Mediterranean basin, especially after the 8th century B.C.E.4 The presence of these figurines within earlier phases of Punic settlements in north Africa, south-eastern Iberia, Sardinia, and Sicily is a clear indicator of the expansion of

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Phoenician culture westward.5 Furthermore, some studies have documented the transmission of models and iconographies to the southern Levant, especially in the coroplastic tradition of the Transjordan area.6

3 Although Punic figurines from the western Phoenician colonies have been widely studied,7 an in-depth analysis of those from the Phoenician homeland is still lacking.8 This largely is due to issues of typological classification, the chronological problems of retrieval contexts, and the individual studies that have focused too narrowly on the development of Phoenician figurines through time and space. Studies have been undertaken for a few specific classes, such as for human and animal masks,9 for the shrines,10 and for the ships.11 In other cases, clay figurines were discussed because of exceptional circumstances, such as underwater systematic and rescue excavations,12 or some specific retrieval contexts, such as the shrine excavated at Sarepta.13 Also well- known is the coroplastic corpus from the sanctuary of Kharayeb,14 or from the funerary assemblages of the cemeteries in Achziv.15 For the rest, clay figurines are generally treated among other small finds in the excavation reports.

Phoenicia Between Nationalism and Revolutions

4 The main reason for the absence of a comprehensive study lies in the contemporary political situation of the territory that was home to the Phoenicians. Ancient Phoenicia is divided today among different political entities often in conflict with one another. The Lebanese Civil War (1975–1990) and later the political disagreements between Lebanon, Israel, and Palestine prevented integrated archaeological research. Furthermore, the study of Phoenician culture in the state of Israel has been somewhat neglected due to the focus on the cultures and nations of greatest biblical interest (Israelites, Judahites, Philistines, etc.).16 Finally, exploration in some sites lying on the Syrian coast is temporarily blocked due to the Syrian Civil War (2011–present). Yet, in spite of this complicated scenario, archaeological research continues and has resulted in exciting developments.

5 Archaeological exploration at Phoenician sites is being pursued with renewed interest. In Lebanon, after the end of the Civil War, new archaeological teams have returned to significant sites. Thus, in the mid-1990s the American University of Beirut entered into a partnership with the University of Tübingen to begin exploration in different districts in Beirut; additionally, in 2001 this partnership extended to a new project at Tell el- Burak. In the summer of 1997 the Pompeu Fabra Univesity (UPF), began exploring the necropolis of Tyre Al-Bass in collaboration with the Lebanese Department of Antiquities. In the following year, the British Museum and the Lebanese Department of Antiquities launched a series of lengthy campaigns at ancient Sidon. In northern Israel, in less than ten years, four Phoenician sites received renewed attention: Tel Shikmona, from the summer of 2010 onwards, by the Zinman Institute of Archaeology; the Spanish-Israeli expedition at Tel Regev beginning in the summer of 2011; the French- Israeli expedition at Achziv that began in 2013; and the American-Israeli expedition at Tel Keisan that started in summer 2016.

6 In addition, increasing interest in Phoenician material culture is evident at both academic and non-academic institutions. In Lebanon, about twenty years after the reopening of the Beirut National Museum, coroplastic finds became the focus of new horizons in museum display. The figurines at the Archaeological Museum of the

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American University of Beirut now can be studied at home through a 360° virtual tour of the galleries. In 2017 a futuristic project comprising floating figurines was presented to the Kharayeb Archaeological Museum (KAM). 17 At the The Haifa Center for Mediterranean History (HCMH) in Israel an engaging annual program that focuses on Phoenician studies (The Haifa Phoenician Series) was inaugurated in November 2016. Finally, the Tel Akko Total Archaeology Project integrated archaeological research with public archaeology for a holistic approach to the appreciation of local heritage.18

7 All these positive initiatives, however, clash with the reality of the facts. Every scholar of ancient near eastern culture knows that academic collaborations across contemporary national borders are extremely complicated and rare indeed. It also is a reality known to all that scholars sometimes tend to work in one country rather than another for political reasons. Often, and quite regrettably, relevant research is not even mentioned in particular studies for the reasons mentioned above. The proposal outlined in this report, which involves sites in modern-day Israel and Lebanon, will attempt to surmount these difficulties so that ancient Phoenician culture can be better understood at its core.19 It is the role of the international scientific community to promote cultural relations between those countries opposed by political ideologies that have nothing to do with the history and the archaeological heritage they share. We must present a united front in support of cultural heritage every single day and not only under exceptional circumstances, such as the cultural and humanitarian poverty brought on by wars. We as intellectuals must understand that when we come together only after important world heritage monuments are destroyed by neglect or conflict this appears to the general public as an opportunistic and useless act.

Scope and Relevance of the Research

8 My research project aims at analyzing Phoenician coroplastic production during the Iron Age and early Achaemenid Persian periods in the territory spanning the Syrian coast, eastwards to the mountains of Lebanon, and southwards to the greater Mount Carmel region.20 As shown in the map (Fig.1), the sites that are considered in this research project cover both those at the center and those at the periphery of Phoenician-controlled lands. Even though many important sites are not considered in this research project because of the inconsistency of their material culture, other sites not properly labeled “Phoenician,” and often considered outliers, are included on the basis of important finds of figurines recovered during the course of excavations. One of the objectives of this research is to determine if there were any specialized production centers for a particular class of coroplastic artifact, perhaps linked to worship requirements. At the same time, it is hoped that the relationship between the urban and the rural presence of this class of artifacts will become evident. In the broader sense, the aim is to understand the material and ideological differences between the Phoenician sites of the north and the south, noting substantial variations within each class as already observed by Moorey.21 This project will also consider the wider socio- political climate as evidenced by these Phoenician figurines, and their relationship to those from the Neo-Assyrian, Neo-Babylonian, and Persian empires. Fig. 1 Sites considered in the research.

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9 This analysis will be completed with a semantic study of the figurines’ gestures, dress, and decoration by comparing them with the these aspects found in the overall artistic repertoire—metals, ivories, glyptic, golden and glass jewelry, official art—and ethnographic parallels, i.e. figurines in distant cultures and gender related studies. In my PhD research on the coroplastic tradition of the northern Levant, this kind of analysis demonstrated the continuation of traditions throughout centuries and empires.22 The ultimate goal of this current research is to show that figurines can be valuable sources for understanding cultural variations within local populations. This application of coroplastic studies moves far beyond earlier approaches that regarded clay figurines as simple artifacts of a folk art. In other words, clay figurines will be studied as “material culture in motion”23 to reconstruct an aspect of Phoenician history through an important part of its material culture. It is anticipated that the results of this project could serve as a basic manual for future research, because it will contain orderly, detailed, and clear descriptions of types, their retrieval contexts, and their chronologies. At the same time, a more accurate social and contextual explanation of these objects can be used as a starting point for an empathetic approach to their museum display, which currently is often in groups or isolated from their original context.24 An historical empathy was well expressed by Oggiano when she stated that “(…) le terrecotte, attraverso l’uso sapiente di luci e voci, dovrebbero parlare, raccontando la loro storia di partecipanti al rituale.”25

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ENDNOTES

1. This is a post-doctoral research project supported by the Golda Meir Fellowship Fund. The study is carried out in partnership with a research team directed by Tallay Ornan from the Institute of Archaeology of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, to whom goes all my gratitude. 2. Markoe 2000, 159. 3. Bisi 1997, 380-381. 4. Bisi 1997, 380; Moorey 2005, 219.

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5. For an updated overview on Phoenician origins of Punic settlements with related references see Crawley-Quinn, Vella 2014. 6. See Beck 1995, 112, 186; Kletter 1996, 35-36; Daviau 2014, 6. 7. Just to quote some of the most important studies, see for Sardinia: Aubet 1969; Uberti 1973; Chiera 1980; Moscati 1980. Sicily: Ciasca, Toti 1994; Poma 2013; Orsingher 2014, 2018. North Africa: Charles-Picard 1965-66; Ferron, Aubet 1974. Cyprus: Karagheorghis 1999, 2007; Fourrier 2007. Iberia: Aubet 1969; Tarradell 1974; Almagro Gorbea 1980; San Nicolás Pedraz 1987; López- Bertran, Aranegui,-Gascó 2011. 8. Ciasca 1995, 442-443; Poma 2013, 47, 52, n. 74. Some partial studies are included in Gubel 1986; Bisi 1990, 1997; Ciasca 1995; Brody 1998; Nunn 2000, 47-69, 75-77, 79-81; Badre 2007; Caubet 2009, 51; Oggiano 2012. 9. Culican 1975-76; Stern 1976, 2011; Bikai 1978, 67-68; Ciasca 1997a; Martin 2014; Jasmin et al. 2016; Berlejung 2018; Orsinger 2018; Stern 2018. 10. Culican 1976a. 11. Chollot 1973; Basch 1987, 254-258; Raban, Kahanov 2003. 12. The most well-known context is probably that of Shavei Zion, see Linder 1973a, 1973b, 1993; Culican 1976b. 13. For a list of other contexts see Moorey 2005, 219-220. 14. Oggiano 2015a, 2015b. 15. Mazar 1994, 29-33, 2003, 65 no.1, 118-119, 121, 124-125, figs. 55-56, 2004, 79-89; Dayagi- Mendels 2002, 156-160, nos. 2-24, figs. 7.20-23; Karlin, Mazar 2013: 251-258. 16. Different political problematics and their effects on the historical background of the territory are well explained for Lebanon in Ciasca 1997b and Oggiano 2015b. 17. For the socio-political importance of this project see Oggiano 2015b. 18. Please note that in this short communication only the most recent activities are mentioned. 19. The author also hopes that Palestinian scholars, as well as the general public, will take part in the future in this cultural revolution in the arts and everyday life. 20. Aubet 1993, 14, fig.3; Yon 1995, 85-87, fig.1; Salles 1995, 554-555, 563-569; Lipinski 2004, Ch.8. 21. Moorey 2005, 220. 22. Bolognani 2017, in press, forthcoming. 23. Garcia-Ventura, Lòpez-Bertran 2010, 740. 24. The most famous case is the stunning coroplastic corpus from the rural sanctuary of Ayia Irini. About 2000 figurines of varying size are displayed in a large case both at the Cyprus Museum in Nicosia and in the Medelhavsmuseet in Stockholm. These are exhibited without providing cognitive tools suitable for inexperienced visitors. In other words, it is not possible to perceive the importance of the single figurine, its manipulation and connection with the shrine and the worshippers who frequented it. The figurines turn out to be aseptic objects, physically and ideologically decontextualised. 25. Oggiano 2015b, 295.

ABSTRACTS

The collective imagery of the Phoenicians is well known both within and outside of the academic world in large part because of the representations of daily life in their coroplastic art. Yet, there still is no comprehensive study of this genre of their material culture. In this brief communication, a new research project is presented that concerns a regional survey of Iron Age clay figurines from Phoenician sites in the eastern Mediterranean. The sites included in this research range beyond the borders traditionally ascribed to the Phoenicians, and cover the entire Syrian, Lebanese, and Israeli coasts. This research aims to illustrate the regional

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distribution of these figurines, including their production centers, as well as their types, uses, chronologies, and the meanings of this class of artefacts.

INDEX

Keywords: Phoenicians, terracottas, clay figurines, southern Levant, northern Levant, Iron Age

AUTHOR

BARBARA BOLOGNANI The Hebrew University of Jerusalem [email protected]

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At the Museums Au musée

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Ancient Bodies: Archaeological Perspectives on Mesoamerican Figurines, Los Angeles County Museum of Art (LACMA), July 1, 2017–February 4, 2018, Los Angeles County Museum of Art

1 Ancient Bodies: Archaeological Perspectives on Mesoamerican Figurines explored the central role of archaeological excavation in situating ancient art and artifacts within a cultural framework. In April 2006, archaeologists discovered a masonry tomb chamber while excavating a grand pyramid in the ancient Maya city of El Perú-Waka’, Petén, Guatemala. The tomb, dating to 600–650 CE, contained the remains of a ruler of the city and a rich array of funerary objects selected to accompany the ruler into the afterlife. Among these was an elaborate scene composed of ceramic figurines (Fig. 1.) depicting an ancient funerary ritual. Mourners purposefully arranged the figurines in the tomb to tell a story, perhaps their own story, and archaeological excavation documented and preserved that story. This assemblage of 23 individual figurines is a compelling example of the critical importance of archaeological context, or provenience—the location of an object and its position relative to other objects. While each figurine is singularly expressive, their meaning and power are truly anchored in the story they tell when engaged together as a scene.

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2 Ancient Bodies presented figurines from Burial 39, one of the royal tombs excavated at El Perú-Waka’, and nearly 50 additional figurines from LACMA’s collection that represent ancient cultures from across Mesoamerica. Through an archaeological perspective, this exhibition invited new ways to perceive and experience the meaning embodied by the figurines in LACMA’s collection.

3 The installation was organized by the Los Angeles County Museum of Art with the generous cooperation of Guatemala’s Museo Nacional de Arqueología y Etnología and the Ministerio de Cultura y Deportes.

4 Major support was provided by Daniel Greenberg, Susan Steinhauser, and the Greenberg Foundation; April and Ronald Dammann; and the Ethnic Arts Council of Los Angeles, and additional support was provided by The Arvey Foundation, and the Hitz Foundation via the Waka' Research Foundation.

5 Reprinted from http://www.lacma.org/art/exhibition/ancient-bodies

ABSTRACTS

Ancient Bodies: Archaeological Perspectives on Mesoamerican Figurines was on view at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art (LACMA) from July 1, 2017 to February 4, 2018. This exhibition explored the central role of archaeological excavation in situating ancient art and artifacts within a cultural framework.

INDEX

Keywords: Mayan terracottas, Mayan figurines, El Perú-Waka’, Mayan funerary customs

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Terracottas in News Les terres cuites à la une

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Italian Police Nab Suspects in an Antiquities Smuggling Ring After a Years-Long Investigation Code- Named ‘Operation Demetra’

Eileen Kinsella

Suspects in at least four countries are implicated in the looting of Sicily's most famous site

1 After a four-year investigation known as “Operation Demetra,” Italian authorities have carried out a wide-ranging crackdown on an international smuggling ring associated with trafficking thousands of Sicilian artifacts to collectors and auction houses in Europe.

2 According to reports in The Telegraph and the art crime blog ARCA (Association for Research into Crimes against Art), a British art dealer and 20 Italians have been arrested, as have two other men in Spain and Germany. The arrests were made after police identified objects looted from Greek and Roman archaeological sites in Sicily.

3 The Public Prosecutor’s Office of the Court of Caltanissetta in Italy held a morning conference on July 4 to detail the news, ARCA reported.

4 Authorities allege that for the past several decades, the ring has plundered sites in the provinces of Caltanisetta and Agrigento, specifically from the Valley of the Temples, a UNESCO heritage site and Sicily’s main attraction. The items were later sold at auction in Munich, though the auction houses were not identified by name in either report.

5 The Carabinieri did not immediately respond to artnet News’ request for comment. The EU law enforcement agency Europol reportedly financed and facilitated meeting between the countries’ respective enforcement agencies, given that key facilitators in the smuggling ring acted from Barcelona and London, helping to coordinate the supply chain.

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6 Among those arrested was British dealer Thomas William Veres, 64, who was based in London. A large quantity of antiquities and coins were reportedly seized in connection with his detainment. Last year, Veres was also arrested by Spanish police on charges of alleged possession of dozens of stolen artifacts.

7 In November 1995, ARCA reports, Veres received a suspended sentence of a year and ten months imprisonment for his role in US Customs’s seizure of a fourth century BCE gold phiale, valued at $1.2 million. That object had been sold to art collector Michael Steinhardt.

8 Also detained as part of Operation Demetra was 76-year old Francesco Lucerna, alleged to be the mastermind of the Sicilian smuggling operation. Lucerna is said to have regularly dispatched stolen archaeological objects to northern Italy through a network of couriers who then made contact with a gang overseen by Veres, the Telegraph reports.

9 Spanish Guardia Civil agents arrested 36-year old Andrea Palma, an alleged accomplice, in Barcelona, while German police from Baden-Wurttemberg arrested another alleged gang member in the German town of Edingen. The latter was identified as another Italian, Rocco Mondello, aged 61.

10 The gang further set up workshops where teams of counterfeiters copied some of the archaeological remains and sold replicas as originals.

11 The country-spanning investigation was initiated in 2014 when police discovered an illegal archaeological dig in Riesi, which the Telegraph describes as a “sleepy Mafia- infested town in the impoverished Sicilian province of Caltanisetta.” In all, some 3,000 archaeological objects, worth an estimated €20 million ($23 million) have reportedly been recovered by authorities.

12 As reported in artnet News, July 5, 2018.

13 https://news.artnet.com/art-world/italian-police-crackdown-international-smuggling- ring-1313552 Fig. 1. Objects seized by the Carabinieri during “Operation Demetra”

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ABSTRACTS

An article in artnet News published in July 5, 2018, details the results of a four-year investigation by Italian carabinieri known as “Operation Demetra,” during which dozens of Greek figurative terracottas and scores of Greek vases, among other artifacts, were recovered from sites in western Sicily.

INDEX

Keywords: Looted antiquities, plundered antiquities, Operation Demetra, smuggled Greek artifacts, looted terracottas, Sicilian antiquities

AUTHOR

EILEEN KINSELLA Senior marketing editor, artnet News

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In a Crackdown on ‘Illicit’ Antiquities, the Manhattan District Attorney Seizes 6 Statues From Phoenix Fine Art

Henri Neuendorf

New York's crackdown on looted artifacts widens.

1 Investigators from the Manhattan district attorney’s office seized six artifacts valued at a combined $450,000 from New York antiquities dealers Phoenix Fine Art last Friday (Fig. 1). According to a search warrant issued by the New York Supreme Court, the items taken from the gallery include a Rhodian seated monkey from 580–550 B.C. (valued at $150,000) (Fig. 2), a Corinthian sea-serpent from the 6th century B.C. (valued at $140,000) (Fig. 3), and an Attic red-and-black female head flask from 500–490 B.C. (valued at $80,000). The gallery could face charges of criminal possession of stolen property, filings show.

2 In a statement to artnet News, a spokesman for Phoenix Fine Art said, “We immediately notified the US private collection that consigned the works to us of the situation, and we do know that the works have a long museum exhibition history spanning from the Geneva Musée d’art et d’Histoire, 1978–1981, and at the Getty Museum, Los Angeles, 1984–1996.”

3 The afternoon seizure was part of a widening crackdown on illicit antiquities trafficking led by the Manhattan district attorney Cyrus R. Vance Jr. On the same day, Vance’s office also confiscated nine artifacts from the home and office of financier and collector Michael Steinhardt that the DA says were looted from Greece and Italy.

4 Vance has vowed to battle the illicit antiquities trade in New York, a major global art and antiques marketplace, and has spearheaded a number of high-profile seizures

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across museums, private collections, art fairs, and commercial galleries. Vance’s pledge culminated in the formation of a dedicated antiquities trafficking unit last month.

5 According to a report in the New York Times, the district attorney’s aggressive approach has provoked criticism from some collectors, who argue that questions of provenance should be resolved in court, especially as many have spent millions of dollars on acquisitions and research.

6 Reprinted from artnet News, January 11, 2018.

7 https://news.artnet.com/art-world/phoenix-ancient-art-illicite-antiquities-1197380 Fig. 1. Ionian ﬁgural vessel representing a Siren (500-525 B.C.E.).

Photo courtesy of Manhattan district attorney. Fig. 2. Rhodian Seated Monkey with missing arms (580–550 B.C.E.).

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Photo courtesy of Manhattan district attorney. Fig. 3. Corinthian ﬁgure representing a Sea-Serpent with a human torso and head of a man (6th century B.C.E.).

Photo courtesy of Manhattan district attorney.

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ABSTRACTS

A report appeared in artnet News on January 11, 2018, concerning six Greek terracotta artifacts of illicit provenance, of which four are figurative terracottas of the sixth century B.C.E.

INDEX

Keywords: Looted artifacts, illicit antiquities, looted terracottas, Phoenix Fine Art

AUTHOR

HENRI NEUENDORF Associate editor, artnet News

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Italian Police Seize $1 Million Worth of Antiquities From Roman Businessmen

Naomi Rea

Ancient artifacts worth an estimated €900,000 ($1 million) were seized by police in the central Lazio region of Italy on Friday.

1 Some of the objects dating back to the 4th century BC were recovered after being advertised for sale on Facebook. The antiquities, which reportedly date back to the 4th century BC and the 2nd century AD, were recovered by the Cultural Heritage and Anti- Counterfeiting department of the Carabinieri, the Italian police service. The seizure was reported in a notice on the Carabinieri’s website from ANSA, the country’s leading wire service (Fig. 1).

2 The seizure was the result of a two-part operation: Police tracked the financial activity of two Roman businessmen who allegedly used large sums of money to buy artwork. According to police, one of the businessmen even set up a small private museum featuring dozens of objects of historical and artistic interest, including some ceramics and two coroplastic (ancient terracotta) heads: a bull and a horse, which likely belong to a larger sculptural grouping. He did this without informing the relevant offices of the Ministry of Cultural Heritage and Activities and Tourism (Mibact).

3 The second part of the operation involved monitoring online activity, particularly a Facebook profile which police say was used to sell a fragment of a Roman column made from tuff (porous rock formed by the consolidation of volcanic ash) dating back to the site of the ancient town of Ardea, 22 miles south of Rome. (Ardea was founded during the 8th century BC, and it is described in the Aeneid as being the capital inhabited by the legendary Rutuli tribe.)

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4 The seizure of the artifacts is part of a recent trend in the marketplace, which has seen a surge in the sale of looted artifacts online. According to a Wall Street Journal investigation, 80 percent antiquities available online at any given moment have no recorded provenance—which means they are probably looted or fake. Two volatile factors are driving the spike: Unprecedented looting by ISIS across the Middle East has brought an avalanche of illicit objects into the marketplace. And novice collectors now have nearly unfettered access to un-vetted material as a result of the rapid growth of online outlets like Facebook, WhatsApp, eBay, and Amazon.

5 Reprinted from artnet News, May 14, 2018,

6 https://news.artnet.com/art-world/italian-police-seize-1-million-worth-ancient- objects-roman-businessmen-1285142 Fig. 1. The objects seized by the Carabinieri

ABSTRACTS

An article in artnet News published on May 14, 2018, details the seizure of Roman antiquities in Lazio that included several figurative terracottas, including two animal heads of monumental size. These are related to the recent surge of illegal antiquities sales that take place on-line through Facebook, Ebay, and Amazon, among other portals.

INDEX

Keywords: Looted antiquities, plundered antiquities, looted terracottas, illegal antiquities trade, on-line antiquities trade

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AUTHOR

NAOMI REA Associate editor, artnet News

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Book Reviews Revue de presse

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Figurines. A Microcosmos of Clay. Exhibition catalogue.

Marina Albertocchi

NOTIZIA

Figurines. A Microcosmos of Clay. Exhibition catalogue. P. Adam-Veleni, A. Koukouvou, O. Palli, E. Stefani, E. Zografou, eds., Archaeological Museum of Thessaloniki, publication no. 36. Color illus., b&w, pp. 502. Thessaloniki: Hellenic Milistry of Culture and Sports/ Archaeological Museum of Thessaloniki, 2017. ISBN 978-960-9621-29-8, pbk.

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1 L’imponente volume, curato da un team di archeologhe facenti capo al Museo Archeologico di Salonicco, con la sapiente guida della direttrice P.Adam-Veleni (autrice di diversi saggi), costituisce il catalogo di una mostra tenutasi presso il Museo tra l’aprile del 2017 e lo stesso mese del 2018.

2 Dopo la prefazione e l’introduzione - rispettivamente a cura di P.Adam-Veleni e E.Stefani- il volume è diviso in due parti principali: la prima contiene alcuni saggi organizzati seguendo un ordine cronologico e tematico (pp.19–180), mentre la seconda comprende il catalogo dei pezzi in esposizione (pp.181–478). Segue una corposa bibliografia (pp. 481-502).

3 Il primo gruppo di saggi riguarda l’epoca preistorica (pp.18–33): dopo l’introduzione, a cura di E.Stefani, sono analizzate le produzioni della Macedonia occidentale (dalle aree di Amyntaion e Kozani), centrale, orientale e della Tracia, che presentano caratteri distinti e diversi rapporti con la Tessaglia e l’area balcanica. La quasi totalità dell’evidenza è rappresentata dalle figurine di epoca neolitica; meno di una decina di pezzi si datano all’Età del Bronzo, momento in cui si assiste ad una decisa contrazione produttiva, di cui non sono ancora chiare le cause.

4 Segue poi una parte (pp.35–56) che funge da introduzione alle sezioni successive: dopo un saggio introduttivo a cura di M.Lilimpaki-Akamati su uso e interpretazione delle figurine nei diversi contesti di rinvenimento e a seconda delle diverse iconografie rappresentate, seguono quattro contributi che considerano specificamente gli aspetti tecnici della produzione: la manifattura (K.Bechtsi), gli artigiani (A.Koukouvou), l’organizzazione delle botteghe (G.Sanidas) e la policromia (K.Tzanavari).

5 Le produzioni degli ateliers dell’area sono distinte in quattro sezioni in ordine cronologico, dal periodo arcaico a quello romano. Nella prima (pp.57–76), introdotta da un saggio a cura di S.Huysecom-Haxhi e A.Muller sulla produzione di epoca arcaica, sono presentate le caratteristiche delle officine di Thasos, Aiani, Archontiko presso Pella, Sindos e Thermi. Tra questi siti, l’unico ad aver restituito un’evidenza da contesti santuariali è Thasos (in particolare dal Thesmophorion e dall’Artemision); per quanto riguarda gli altri, vengono considerate solo le figurine provenienti da necropoli. Diversamente da altre aree del mondo greco, molti corredi funerari comprendono un numero significativo di statuette e vasi configurati (in particolare alcuni ricchi corredi dalla necropoli di Archontiko).

6 Nella seconda sezione (pp.77–108), introdotta da un contributo di E.Naoum riguardante le iconografie maggiormente attestate nell’area e le influenze stilistiche riconosciute, sono raggruppate le produzioni di epoca classica dai siti di Olinto, Aphytis, Akanthos, Pidna, Dion, Lete, Anfipoli e Abdera. Le provenienze delle figurine per questo periodo

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cronologico sono più varie: se nel caso di Akanthos e Pidna sono prese in considerazione le statuette provenienti da contesti funerari, i contributi relativi a Dion e Lete presentano invece le statuette da santuari demetriaci. Per quanto riguarda gli altri siti vengono fornite delle presentazioni generali sui rinvenimenti, che nel caso di Anfipoli riguardano tutti i periodi cronologici a partire dalla fondazione del centro nel 437 a.C.

7 Nella terza sezione (pp.109–132) sono considerate le statuette di età ellenistica, introdotte da un saggio a cura di P.Adam-Veleni: si tratta qui dei centri di Pella, Beroia, Salonicco, Petres e Kallipetra. Questa fase appare indubitabilmente la più ricca nella storia dell’area: con la creazione del regno macedone, nella nuova capitale Pella si sviluppano botteghe dalla produzione ricca e variata, così come in un secondo momento a Beroia, luogo d’origine degli Antigonidi. In tutti i siti sono state rinvenute molti indizi relativi all’esistenza di officine coroplastiche, e in particolare matrici (140 frammenti solo nello scavo dell’agorà di Salonicco).

8 La sezione relativa alle produzioni di epoca romana è la più ridotta (pp.133–140) e, oltre ad un saggio introduttivo ad opera di P.Adam-Veleni, si presenta l’evidenza dagli scavi urbani di Salonicco, che hanno restituito statuette in contesti funerari fino al III sec.d.C.

9 Queste sezioni sono seguite da otto saggi tematici (pp.143–180), che riguardano singoli tipi iconografici e questioni di conservazione e di carattere museografico, e si rivolgono più specificamente ad un pubblico di specialisti. In questa parte vengono formulate delle osservazioni generali, introduttive ad alcune delle sottosezioni espositive, sulle protomi, i vasi plastici, le figurine nello stile di Tanagra, le terrecotte teatrali, i giochi e le figurine apotropaiche destinate a proteggere il lavoro dei ceramisti nella fase della cottura dei pezzi. Si trovano, infine, un saggio a cura di D.Karolidis sulla conservazione e il restauro delle terrecotte figurate, e una breve presentazione dei criteri espositivi e delle scelte museografiche effettuate nella mostra (G.Tsekmes).

10 Il catalogo è curato da molti studiosi, che con una serie di schede dettagliate e corredate da ottime illustrazioni a colori presentano i 670 pezzi in esposizione, tra cui - come detto nell’Introduzione- ben 348 esemplari provengono dai magazzini del Museo Archeologico di Salonicco e sono per la prima volta stati esposti al pubblico.

11 Il catalogo segue per la sezione preistorica un ordine cronologico e geografico (suddivisione nelle tre unità geografiche della Macedonia occidentale, centrale, orientale e Tracia), in accordo con l’ordine di esibizione. Per quanto riguarda l’epoca storica, sono state mantenute il più possibile le suddivisioni tematiche proposte in sede espositiva, concernenti: 1) le tecniche di manifattura e la decorazione 2) lo sviluppo dell’arte coroplastica in Macedonia e Tracia 3) l’interpretazione e il simbolismo dei tipi iconografici, distinguendo divinità e fedeli, protomi, corredi funerari, vita quotidiana, vasi plastici, animali e terrecotte teatrali.

12 Nell’ampia rassegna sono stati considerati esempi di tutte le categorie, dalle figurine intere a quelle abbreviate, dalle protomi alle maschere, dalle matrici alle placchette, dai vasi configurati alle figurine articolate e ai sonagli.

13 Scopo dell’esposizione, di cui il volume in esame è il riflesso, è stato quello di presentare la pluralità di approcci ora rivolti allo studio della coroplastica, e di far comprendere come questa categoria di oggetti possa fornirci informazioni su diversi aspetti del mondo antico: la lettura del catalogo ci consente di dire che questo intento è stato certamente raggiunto. L’attenzione all’aspetto produttivo si accompagna infatti

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ad una presentazione sintetica dei siti principali e delle loro caratteristiche specifiche, senza dimenticare l’aspetto interpretativo, che tanta parte ha giocato nello studio di questa classe di oggetti fino ad epoca recente, e di cui viene offerto un repertorio completo, spesso di nuova acquisizione e molto ben documentato. Si offre inoltre uno sguardo d’insieme su tutti i contesti di rinvenimento, da quelli funerari a quelli sacri a quelli domestici, così come su un numero vastissimo di tipi iconografici. Un aspetto significativo, in particolare, ci sembra quello delle numerose evidenze relative all’esistenza di botteghe coroplastiche, autonome o associate a quelle ceramiche: l’elevato numero di matrici presentate, l’indicazione di nuove firme di artigiani, l’attenzione alle caratteristiche tecniche della produzione dei singoli centri rappresentano certamente un grande arricchimento delle conoscenze in un campo ancora oggetto di scarsa attenzione da parte degli studiosi.

14 Si tratta in definitiva di un’opera di ampio respiro, che fornisce una documentazione accurata della produzione fittile della Grecia del Nord, e che rappresenta certamente un punto di riferimento per chi si occupa di questo tema e per chi desidera trovare confronti e punti di contatto con le produzioni dell’area in un arco cronologico che copre un periodo che va dal Neolitico al III sec.d.C.

RIASSUNTI

The exhibition catalogue Figurines. A Microcosmos of Clay is reviewed by Marina Albertocchi.

INDICE

Keywords : Terracotta figurines, Macedonian terracottas, Neolithic figurines, funerary terracottas, coroplastic production, coroplastic workshops.

AUTORE

MARINA ALBERTOCCHI [email protected]

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Heroic Offerings: The Terracotta Plaques from the Spartan Sanctuary of Agamemnon and Kassandra

Stéphanie Huysecom-Haxhi

REFERENCES

Salapata, Gina. Heroic Offerings: The Terracotta Plaques from the Spartan Sanctuary of Agamemnon and Kassandra. Pp. viii + 393, b&w pls. 25, maps 3. University of Michigan Press, AnnArbor 2014. $70. ISBN 978-0-472-11916-5 (cloth).

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1 Although many deposits with terracotta figurines have been brought to light at various sites in Lakonia and neighbouring regions, the publication of large assemblages of figurative terracottas remains exceptional, and figurines are often mentioned only briefly in excavation reports, even though on occasion they could be the object of more scientific study. Because of this, the detailed study of the terracotta relief plaques from the sanctuary of Agamemnon and Kassandra/Alexandra in Amyklai by Gina Salapata represents a fundamental contribution to our knowledge of the coroplastic craft of Lakonia and sheds light on its hero cults. This study comprises seven thematic chapters and a synthetic catalogue, preceded by a lengthy introduction that examines in detail the question of the nature of hero cults in Greece, and more specifically in Sparta, where they are believed to have been related to the emergence of social groups wishing to assert their identity and power.

2 The first chapter provides the reader with significant background information on the history of Amyklai and on the identification of the sanctuary to which are associated two votive deposits found in 1955 and 1998 near the church of Agia Paraskevi and the tower of Mahmoud-Bey. The present study, however, is limited only to the relief plaques discovered in 1955. These constitute a set of 1,273 objects, complete or fragmentary, that are dated from the late 6th to the 4th century B.C.E. In addition to these plaques, the deposit also included a quantity of other offerings, such as pottery, both miniature and normal sized, terracotta figurines, some metal objects, and a few antefixes and tiles, all still unpublished. The second deposit, more recently excavated and containing the same kind and number of offerings, is neither published nor even available to be considered for this study. According to literary, epigraphic, and archaeological sources, which are thoroughly examined by Salapata, the sanctuary can be identified without question as that of the hero Agamemnon and his consort Kassandra (known in Lakonia as Alexandra). The sanctuary is indeed mentioned by Pausanias (3.19.6), who saw the grave of the hero there. This identification is also confirmed by the presence in the deposit of ceramic sherds bearing graffiti of the names of both heroes.

3 In the second chapter, dedicated to the story of the recipient heroes, the author explores more deeply the Laconian tradition that places Agamemnon’s palace, and thus his murder and that of Kassandra, in Lakonia. The alleged presence of their graves in the sanctuary attests to the heroic character of the cult that was dominated from the beginning by the figure of Agamemnon. The association with Kassandra is attested only from the 5th century B.C.E. onwards, both by inscriptions on vases and by the

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iconographic themes of the plaques. It is interesting to note that perhaps because of political changes, Kassandra superseded Agamemnon as the main recipient of the cult in the late Hellenistic period.

4 Production processes and the system of classification are developed in the third chapter. With the exception of three very large, handmade examples, all of the reliefs were made in a one-piece mold and in general are less than 30 cm, although some can be considered miniature. Substantial information is provided on Lakonian coroplastic practice. Discussions include the filling of the mold and the treatment of the back of the plaque that occasionally has fingerprints. A plaque can be pierced with one or two holes for suspension, or be equipped with a strut to hold it upright. Detailed observations are made on the shapes and the cutting of the outlines of the figures, the separately-molded heads that were then attached with slip, the retouch by hand or by incisions before firing, and the use of polychromy. In spite of the degraded quality of these plaques due to serial production, the author was able to distinguish 284 different types, produced in series comprising as many as five successive generations. These types are grouped into six basic categories according to their iconographic content: seated figures (SEA), standing figures (STA), riders (RID), warriors (WAR), banqueters (BAN) and miscellaneous (MIS). Each category is subdivided into various iconographic groups: the standing figures, for example, are divided into three groups (seated man : SEA 1, seated couple : SEA 2, seated woman : SEA 3), the riders into four groups (unarmed, armed, dismounted, chariot), the warriors into two groups (standing and attacking warrior). All these groups contain various technical types whose fragments are classified according to their place in the series: in the code SEA 1/3b1, “3” corresponds to the technical type, “b” to the generation, and “1” to variants. For each category, the typological and iconographic approaches curiously are separated from the catalogue placed at the end of the study, forcing the reader to look for information concerning one type in two different sections of the book, making consultation awkward. For each iconographic group, the author gives some general information on the technical features and on the distribution of the types, and thus on the circulation of the models throughout Lakonia and Messenia.

5 Chapters 4 and 5 concern seated figures, which represent a particularly important motif among the terracotta plaques and in Laconian art in general. The most popular iconographic type is the seated man holding a kantharos and generally accompanied by a snake, often alone (260 plaques, 21 series), or occasionally with a standing woman (126 plaques, 10 series). On the other hand, seated couples and seated women are very rare (4 plaques, 2 series and 3 plaques for 1 series). To understand the meaning of the scene represented on the terracotta plaques, the author takes into account the regional stone reliefs widely distributed throughout Laconia and Sparta that are decorated with the same subject of a seated man holding a drinking vase. The analysis results in the suggestion that this subject was very popular in Laconian imagery over the course of four centuries. It is believed that the terracotta plaques had a similar function, and were less expensive versions of the stone reliefs. In any case, the stone reliefs were certainly a major source for the iconography of the plaques.

6 In the fifth chapter, the difficult questions relating to the interpretation of the scenes on the plaques and their significance are discussed. The goal of the author is clearly to better understand the nature of the cult and the personality of the associated heroes. Her methodological approach is based on an analysis of all the components of the

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plaques, notably the attributes and the various other objects associated with the figures. The kantharos appears as an important marker, linked to the symposion and the consumption of wine, perhaps even within a Dionysiac context, expressing the aristocratic status of the individual who holds it. It can be a very appropriate attribute for a hero, as the author notes, but also undoubtedly also for a mortal who would be represented here with a symbol of his social status and one of the typically male activities that this status implies. The snake is the second most important motif, whose presence anchors the chthonic character of the scene and emphasizes the heroic status of the figures. The kantharos and the snake are the two attributes that enable the author to identify the seated man with a hero.

7 Chapter 6 is devoted to the other categories of types. The standing figures are all feminine, except on 25 plaques where a couple is represented, with the woman holding a wreath, a symbol of marriage. Among the other reliefs, the most significant represent triads, sometimes without attributes, or sometimes accompanied by a snake. The former are identified with worshipers, the latter, because of the presence of the chthonic animal, with the Erinyes who, according to the author, refers to the murder of Agamemnon and Kassandra. But it also is possible that they are only mortals, since from the Geometric period onward the motif of the snake is often associated with girls and young women. Other motifs include figures holding hands that surely are mortals performing dances in a ritual context, the dance often being a meaningful component of many cults. The other reliefs are related to the male world. Riders, warriors, and banqueters evoke not only the various typical aristocratic activities, but also, in the opinion of this reviewer, the fields of education of the young Greek male, such as hunting, warfare, athletic contests on the occasion of rites of passage from adolescence to adulthood, and the symposion and its access. Plaques with dismounted riders showing a youth holding a cock or an œnochoe, as well as a representation of a beardless man, seem thus to refer to the world of youth.

8 In the seventh and last chapter, the author briefly and very prudently (perhaps too much?) examines the nature of the cult and of its dedicatory practices. Because the plaques convey images that are the expression of heroic and aristocratic values, they could have been deposited in any sanctuary of a hero. If some of them do show recognizable representations of Agamemnon, as the author suggests, others must be considered generic and standardized images that have a symbolic meaning. The iconographic themes point out the civic character of the cult where the figures of Agamemnon and Kassandra could serve as paradigmatic models for members of the community. On the basis of the images, we can conclude that the cult included rituals intended for the young, boys as well as girls. Perhaps it would have been profitable had the author explored this in a more meaningful way.

9 In the conclusion the author summarizes the main contributions of the study. The terracotta reliefs seem to have been a major offering in the sanctuary, linked to the nature of the worship and to the personality of the recipient heroes. Their quantity and their dedication during four centuries attest to the importance of the sanctuary and of the rituals that were practiced there. The cult was an important ideological vector allowing the community to assert its identity and its hegemony on the neighboring cities.

10 The book includes 25 plates in black and white and three maps. The plates provide illustrations for only 113 of the plaques, but the complete corpus can be found

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illustrated in color on the website of the publisher, the University of Michigan Press, at this address: http://www.press.umich.edu. This solution, while very innovative, is not very practical. Of the maps, the first is of Sparta, the second is of the southern Peloponnese with the findspots of the terracotta plaques indicated, and the third is a map with the sites that are mentioned in the text. Two appendices complete the analysis of the material. The first gives us an exhaustive list of the findspots of Lakonian and Messenian terracotta relief plaques, showing the important distribution of this kind of offering throughout these regions. The second appendix lists all the known Lakonian stone reliefs with seated figures, a theme copiously illustrated in the repertory of the terracotta plaques; these stone reliefs are also accessible on the website of the University of Michigan Press. A full bibliography and an index conclude this study.

11 The few minor remarks expressed above on the iconographic analysis and on its interpretation should not diminish the importance of the research carried out by the author, or its general quality. Both of these make this book an indispensible reference for the knowledge of the coroplastic craft in Lakonia, as well for shedding light on the sanctuary of Agamemnon and Kassandra in Amyklai.

ABSTRACTS

Heroic Offerings: The Terracotta Plaques from the Spartan Sanctuary of Agamemnon and Kassandra by Gina Salapata is reviewed by Stéphanie Husecom-Haxhi.

AUTHORS

STÉPHANIE HUYSECOM-HAXHI CNRS, University of Lille [email protected]

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Figurines de terre cuite en Méditerranée grecque et romaine Vol 1: Production, diffusion, étude

Jaimee Uhlenbrock

REFERENCES

Figurines de terre cuite en Méditerranée grecque et romaine Vol 1: Production, diffusion, étude, edited by A. Muller and E. Lafli; collaboration by S. Huysecom-Haxhi. Bulletin de correspondance hellénique, supplément 54. École française d’Athènes, Paris/Athens 2016. Pp. 517.

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1 The discipline of coroplastic studies is a relatively recent addition to the sub- specialties that comprise archaeological research into the cultures of the ancient world. While over the course of the later 20th century a number of dedicated scholars recognized the important role that figurative terracottas could play in the religious, political, and social structures of antiquity, it was only in the first decade of the 21st century that a larger community of researchers came into being for the support and encouragement of the study of that most entangled of research concentrations, mass-produced sculptural images made in clay. The catalyst for the coming into being of this community was unquestionably the international conference “Figurines de terre cuite en Mediterranée grecque et romaine” that was held at Dokuz Eylül University in Izmir in 2007 and that was organized by Ergün Lafli of Dokuz Eylül University in Izmir, Michel Feugère of the European working group Instrumentum, and Arthur Muller of the University of Lille 3 in France. This conference brought together some 136 participants, of whom 45 gave papers and 91 presented posters. So exceptional was the response to the theme of figurative terracottas of the Greek and Roman Mediterranean that the publication of the proceedings of this conference that consisted of 90 papers required a division into two separate volumes that was made possible by a collaboration between Dokuz Eylül University, the École française d’Athènes, and HALMA UMR 8164 of the University of Lille 3. The first volume is the subject of this present review, while the second volume, the first to appear in print in 2015, was reviewed by Marina Albertocchi in Les Carnets de l’ACoSt 16, 2017. This division of the proceedings was in part responsible for the delayed appearance of volume 1, since it was published by the École française d’Athènes as a BCH supplement, while volume 2 was published by the Presses Universitaires du Septentrion.

2 The present volume presents a very wide array of papers of varying topics, length, and quality, which is not surprising given the encyclopedic scope of the conference. An attempt at an organization of the content into two separate sections, each containing a further division into sub-sections, makes for a useful structure, although this reviewer questions the placement of some papers into specific sections, while others of similar themes were placed elsewhere. Nonetheless, the editors of this volume should be commended for what must have been a daunting task of organization, once the papers began to be submitted. Because of the division of the proceedings into two volumes, published separately by different agencies more than a year apart, the editors also made the wise decision to include the preface, the introduction with a map, the full table of contents, and the combined lengthy bibliography in both volumes.

3 The first section in the volume under review, titled “De la fabrication à la collection et à l’étude,” has four sub-sections dedicated to “(1.1) Officines,” “(1.2) Techniques et outils

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de production,” “(1.3) Diffusion et constitution de koinès,” and “(1.4) Étude, collections.” Thus, in the first section, the papers by GIORGOS SANIDAS, JUTTA STROSZECK, and MARCIE HANDLER present the evidence for actual coroplastic production at sites in the classical and post classical city (SANIDAS), in the Kerameikos of Athens (STROSZECK), and bordering on the Athenian Agora (HANDLER), as documented by the presence of production facilities, such as kilns with remnants of figurines or figurine wasters and finds of production tools, such as patrices, moulds, gravers, or coloring material, among other objects. A more general review of the evidence for workshop activity in Egypt is made by PASCAL BALLET, who noted the distinction in typological preference between cosmopolitan centers and those in the chora.

4 The sub-heading “(1.2) Techniques et outils de production” ostensibly was dedicated to those papers that explored the creation of figurative terracottas from specific production perspectives, rather than in relation to the actual physical places where they were produced, as we saw in the first section. STÉPHANIE HUYSECOM-HAXHI focused on two iconographic types belonging to the so-called Aphrodite Group” of Reynold Higgins that illustrated successive stages in production practices developed by south Ionian coroplasts that expanded the repertoire by interchanging heads apparently belonging to two different stylistic milieu. SOPHIE FÉRET introduced a corpus of some 40 moulds from a pastas house in Tricarico, Lucania, that attested to the presence of a domestic workshop at the house, a topic that perhaps should have been placed in the first sub- section dedicated to ateliers. ARTHUR MULLER and CHRISTINE AUBRY presented the database COPCor, an international collaboration dedicated to bringing together under a single umbrella all moulds for the production of Greek figurative terracottas by reference to the terracottas from which they were produced.

5 The third section, “(1.3) Diffusion et constitution de koinès,” contained four papers, of which two, by SILVIA MARTINA BERTESAGO and LAURA GASPARRI respectively, singled out types of 6th century Ionian kore alabastra at Bitalemi (BERTESAGO) and Selinus (GASPARRI) and illustrated their influence on local Sicilian workshops. Here it must be pointed out that in the paper by Bertesago, the reference to the earliest examples of kore alabastra from tombs at Kamiros dating to the second half of the 8th century (“secondo metà del’VIII sec.,” ftn. 8) is surely a typographical error. MARINA ALBERTOCCHI also focused on the presence of East Greek figurines at Gela, but these were from the later 7th and early 6th centuries B.C.E. With the paper by SABINE FOURRIER in this sub-section the attention shifted away from Sicily and to Cyprus. The author traced the diffusion of Cypriote terracottas in the eastern Mediterranean that took place in the 7th and earlier 6 th centuries B.C.E. While these generally were marketed along East Greek transportation networks, nevertheless she believes that they all came from the same production center, which she ascribes to Salamis.

6 Two papers on unrelated approaches and themes were placed together in the final sub- section of this first section called “(1.4) Études, collections.” The first, by CLARISSA BLUME, focused attention on the use of polychromy on Hellenistic figurines in an attempt to illustrate the significance that certain colors conveyed to the viewer. She believed that color could indicate different age groups, as well as divinity. The second was by MARTIN MASCHBERGER, who reviewed the history of the collection of figurative terracottas in the Berlin Antikensammlung, emphasizing current attitudes toward their display and authentication. He also highlighted a new collaborative partnership with the Pushkin

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museum in Moscow for the restoration of terracottas, as well as other antiquities, taken by Russian troops after the fall of Berlin in 1945.

7 The second main section of this volume was titled “2. Centres de production” and comprised the bulk of the papers, as many participants took advantage of the opportunity to present new finds of coroplastic material or to re-evaluate evidence that had been discussed in previous studies. Of the 19 papers that make up this second section, seven deal with material from mainland Greece and are organized under the rubric “(2.1) Grèce proper.” The second sub-section “(2.2) Éolide, Ionie, Carie” has seven papers devoted to figurines and related material from Asia Minor, while the third, “(2.3) Marges du monde classique,” consists of five that discuss coroplastic material from Israel, Iraq, Cyprus, Thrace, and Illyria.

8 The results of recent excavations in the cemeteries of ancient Thebes were the focus of two papers in the first sub-section that make a considerable contribution to our understanding of the development of the coroplastic production of Boeotian Thebes from the Archaic through the Hellenistic period. In both the papers by ELENA KOUNTOURI ET AL and MARCELLA PISANI figurative terracottas from recent excavations in the necropoleis of the ancient city were discussed in order to further illuminate the picture for terracotta manufacture there, with the exception of a roughly 50-year period after the destruction of Thebes in 335 B.C.E. MARCELLA PISANI, who focused her attention on material from Hellenistic graves, confirmed that on-going coroplastic activity can again be documented by the early 3rd century. During the Hellenistic period she saw Thebes as at the center of a lively network of coroplastic diffusion that was represented by products from sites in central Greece, including Athens, as well from Alexandria, that continued until the second half of the second century B.C.E.

9 Figurative terracottas from other centers in Greece proper also received attention. MARIA CHIDIROGLU presented a group of little-known figurines in the National Archaeological Museum in Athens from three sites in Euboea: Chalkis, Eretria, and Karystos. She viewed this material against the evidence presented by more recent excavations in southern Euboea in order to identify the varying influences at play among the local workshops. The coroplastic production of Corfu of the 6th and 5 th centuries B.C.E. was discussed by KALLIOPI PREKKA-ALEXANDRI, who surveyed the evidence from seven sanctuaries, as well as a large industrial district with workshops where figurines were manufactured alongside ceramics and tiles. However, a characterization of the style of the workshops of Corfu was the main thrust of this study that revealed the dominant influence of Corinth. JOANNIS MYLONOPOULOS assessed the evidence for the corpus of the figurative terracottas found during early 20th century excavations at the so-called Polis cave in Ithaca. He concluded that Ithaca was a recipient of a vast trading network that encompassed the products of most major centers of the Greek mainland, as well as south Italy and more distant Rhodes.

10 Two papers presented aspects of coroplastic production in cities within the Macedonian orbit. POLYXENI ADAM-VELENI reviewed the figurines of the late Hellenistic period from the Macedonian city of Petres and determined that they were derivative of the production of Pella. She suggested that the figurines and plastic vases recovered from areas of houses at Petres could indicate that these locales functioned as centers for female cults. ÉLÉNI TRAKOSOPOULOU introduced a modest corpus of figurative terracottas that was brought to light in the Macedonian city of Akanthos that comprised imported Ionian alabastra, archaic Corinthian, Boeotian, and Attic figurines,

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a small number of late classical to Hellenistic figurines, and at least three mould fragments. The Ionian alabastra conform to very well-known types, whose origins have been the object of a number of studies. Because of this, it is unfortunate that this author has maintained several outdated notions, such as a possible Rhodian provenance for the Ionian alabastra, or the identification with Aphrodite for the standing kore type.

11 Seven papers in the sub-section “(2.2) Éolide, Ionie, Carie” were dedicated to coroplastic material from various sites in Asia Minor. The figurative terracottas from Aeolian Kyme dating from the Classical to the Hellenistic period were the object of the paper by SEBASTIANA LAGONA, who assessed previous studies that dealt with this material in the light of recent finds. The author concluded that Kyme was a center of production as well as diffusion. JAN BREDER introduced a novel type of archaic plaque figurine from Didyma that preserves the proper right part of a human chest with a bent arm that is held across the waist. Decorated in black glaze in the Wild-Goat style, it was interpreted by the author as a fragment of an applique for a vase of a type hitherto undocumented. FIRKET ÖZCAN reviewed the evidence for the gradual resumption of coroplastic activity at Miletos after its destruction in 494 B.C.E. This suggests that workshops may have specialized in terracotta votives for specific sanctuaries. Moreover, in the Hellenistic period, at least, the evidence also suggests that Milesian coroplasts did not participate in a larger, region-wide network.

12 Recent coroplastic finds from several areas of the city of Priene were presented by FREDERICK RUMSCHEID, who demonstrated that previously-held assumptions about the totality of the coroplastic production of a given site can be completely shattered by new discoveries. These recent finds have broadened the typological and thematic spectrum of the figurative terracottas from Priene. ISABELLE HASSELIN-ROUS discussed a small corpus of 47 late Hellenistic and Roman small-scale figurines from Smyrna that replicate well-known Greek monumental sculptures of the 5th and 4th centuries. Emphasizing the exceptional techniques of these figurines, that included gilding in imitation of bronze statuary, she suggested that they may have been the products of specialized workshops at Smyrna active over the course of at least three centuries that were dedicated to the production of luxury objects for the home. CHANTAL CORTOIS analyzed a collection of some 900 mostly Hellenistic figurine fragments assembled by Beatrice De Candolle when living in Izmir in the early years of the 20th century. While the majority were attributed to Smyrniote workshops, a few were assigned to Myrina, Illion, and Klazomenai, among other sites in Asia Minor. SUAT ATEŞLIER presented select examples of a large corpus of archaic architectural terracottas found together in a bothros at a sanctuary of Zeus in Euromos in Caria They belonged to as many as three or four Ionic buildings built and renovated between the mid- and the late-sixth century B.C.E. Discussed were fragments of relief plaques, pedimental sculpture, simas, scrolls, and acroteria, most preserving impressive polychrome decoration.

13 The final sub-section, “(2.3) Marges du monde classique,” illustrated the very wide diffusion of Greek culture via figurative terracottas. A survey of the presence of Greek or Greek-inspired terracottas of the Hellenistic period in two cities in the southern Levant, Akko and Maresha, was made by ADI ERLICH. She noted the prevalence of these coroplastic finds in domestic, rather than sacred, contexts, and commented on their rarity in tombs. As to be expected, some types show an admixture of Phoenician, Egyptian, and Greek elements, although the author asserted that this is not reflective of

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cultural assimilation, but rather co-existence. ROBERTA MENEGAZZI discussed two coroplast’s dumps that were found in and around a structure at the south side of the Archives Square at Selucia on the Tigris. Consisting of roughly of 4,000 figurine fragments dating to the late Hellenistic period, including fragments of some 50 moulds, this corpus reveals a greater level of Greek influence than has hitherto been recognized in the terracottas from this Mesopotamian city.

14 The rich coroplastic production of the ancient city of Marion in Cyprus was presented by NANCY SERWINT. More than 25,000 fragments of figurative terracottas recovered from securely-dated contexts comprise this corpus that dates from ca. 700 B.C.E. until Marion was destroyed in 312 B.C.E. by Ptolemy 1 Soter. This extensive corpus is illustrative of the many and varied cultural influences that swept over the island over a period of more than 300 years. KALINA PETKOVA surveyed the finds of figurative terracottas from a number of Thracian sites on the northwest coast of the Black Sea and further inland. All Hellenistic in date, these terracottas, while not numerous, nevertheless were said to reveal typological and functional consistencies with similar finds throughout the Greek world. BELISA MUKA made a similar observation in her survey of coroplastic production in southern Illyria.

15 The extraordinary geographic breadth of the papers that comprise this volume underscore a fundamental “truth” about the nature of figurative terracottas in the ancient Mediterranean world and its surrounding regions. In many of these presentations we are reminded yet again that terracottas travelled. It is assumed that this occurred via trading networks, a term that is used outright in one paper (FOURRIER), or that is implied in others (HUYSECOM-HAXHI, ALBERTOCCHI, BERTESAGO, GASPARRI, KOUNTOURI et al, Pisani, Prekka-Alexandri, Chidiroglou, Mylonopoulos, Adam-Veleni, Trakosopoulou, Lagona, Erlich, Petkova, Muka). Yet, conspicuously absent from the papers in this volume is any further enlightenment, no matter how brief, of the nature of these networks. Did figurines travel along a ceramics network, as may have been the case with Corinthian figurines that are found alongside Corinthian pottery at Sicilian sites, for example, or along the network that dealt in luxury goods, perhaps the reason behind the presence of East Greek figured alabastra at colonial centers with burgeoning populations, but not on the Greek mainland? Could there also have been an independent coroplastic network that was consumer driven and that gave rise to extensive surmoulage, as may have been the case for the archaic Ionian, Hellenistic Boeotian, or Hellenistic Macedonian centers of coroplastic activity, among others? An exploration of the place of figurative terracottas in trade networks could be a fruitful avenue for further consideration.

16 The importance and usefulness of the two volumes that make up the proceedings of this conference cannot be understated. Variations in scholarly quality not withstanding, when taken as a whole these proceedings make an indelible imprint on the field of coroplastic studies, providing researchers with a solid basis and firm points of departure for new and on-going investigations into aspects of the figurative terracottas of the Greek and Roman Mediterranean.

Table of Contents

Avant-Propos 1

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Introduction 3

1. De la fabrication à la collection et à l’étude

1.1. Officines

Giorgos M. Sanidas, La production coroplastique ἐν ἄστει. Questions et approches sur la période 17 classique

Jutta Stroszeck, Koroplasten im Kerameikos. Figurenvasen und neue Terrakotta-modeln 33

Marcie D. Handler, Roman Coroplasts in the Athenian Agora 47

Pascale Ballet, Ateliers de coroplathes dans l’Égypte hellénistique et impériale. Éléments de synthèse 57

1.2. Techniques et outils de production

Stéphanie Huysecom-Haxhi, Création et transformation des images dans la coroplathie ionienne 65 archaïque

Sophie Féret, Les moules de Civita di Tricarico (Lucanie) : contexte de production et techniques 79

Arthur Muller, Christine Aubry, Le projet COPCor : Corpus des outils de production des coroplathes 85 grecs

1.3. Diffusion et constitution de koinès

Marina Albertocchi, La coroplastica arcaica greco-orientale nella Sicilia meridionale. Vecchi problemi 95 e nuove acquisizioni

Silvia Martina Bertesago, Coroplastica greco-orientale nella Sicilia meridionale. Korai con colomba dal 113 Thesmophorion di Bitalemi

Laura Gasparri, Korai from the Malophoros Sanctuary at Selinus. Ionian Imports and Local Imitations 127

Sabine Fourrier, La diffusion des figurines de terre cuite chypriotes en Méditerranée orientale à 135 l’époque archaïque

1.4. Étude, collections

Clarissa Blume, The Interpretation of Hellenistic Terracotta Figurines. A New Approach Based on their 147 Polychromy 147

Martin Maischberger, Terracotta Figurines in the Berlin Antikensammlung. History of the Collection 165 and Research Perspectives

2. Centres de production

2.1. Grèce propre

Elena Kountouri, Alexandra Harami, Vangelis Vivliodetis, Coroplastic Art from Thebes (Boeotia). 181 Evidence from Terracotta Figurines Found in Graves

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Marcella Pisani, Produzione e diffusione delle terrecotte figurate a Tebe (Beozia) in età ellenistica 195

Maria Chidiroglou, A Contribution to the Study of the Coroplastic Workshops of Euboea, Greece 211

Kalliopi Preka-Alexandri, La coroplathie de Corcyre : atelier et sanctuaires 223

Joannis Mylonopoulos, Terracotta Figurines from Ithaca. Local Production and Imported Ware 239

Polyxeni Adam-Veleni, La coroplathie hellénistique de Petres (Florina, Macédoine occidentale) 253

Éléni Trakosopoulou, Vases plastiques, figurines et moules d’Akanthos 269

2.2. Éolide, Ionie, Carie

Sebastiana Lagona, Le terrecotte figurate di Kyme eolica 289

Jan Breder, Eine Tonplakette im Tierfriesstil vom Taxiarchis-Hügel in Didyma 303

Fikret Özcan, Klassische und hellenistische Terrakotten aus Milet. Ein Überblick 313

Frank Rumscheid, Neue Typen und Themen figürlicher Terrakotten aus Priene 325

Isabelle Hasselin-Rous, Les échos de types statuaires à travers la coroplathie smyrniote 337

Chantal Courtois, La coroplathie smyrniote dans la collection De Candolle (Musée d’Art et 355 d’Histoire, Genève)

Suat Ateşlier, Archaic Architectural Terracottas from Euromos (Caria) 371

2.3. Marges du monde classique

Adi Erlich, Terracotta Figurines from Israel: Greek Inspiration and Local Traditions 381

Roberta Menegazzi, Terracotta Figurines from Seleucia on the Tigris. A Coroplast’s Dump in the 395 Archives Square

Nancy Serwint, The Coroplastic Art of Ancient Marion 403

Kalina Petkova, Hellenistic Terracotta Figurines from Ancient Thrace. Context and Interpretation 413

Belisa Muka, Terracotta Figurines from Southern Illyria 425

Bibliographie cumulée 431

Table des matières 511

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ABSTRACTS

The conference proceedings Figurines de terre cuite en Méditerranée grecque et romaine Vol 1: Production, diffusion, etude is reviewed by Jaimee Uhlenbrock.

INDEX

Keywords: Terracotta figurines, coroplastic research, coroplastic centers of production, coroplastic diffusion.

AUTHORS

JAIMEE UHLENBROCK State University of New York, New Paltz [email protected]

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Bibliography Bibliographie

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Bibliography for 2017

Bibliographic references are taken from Dyabola, whose geographic range covers the Mediterranean world. Bibliography for coroplastic research dealing with Cyprus, Egypt, the Levant, and Mesopotamia, among other geographic areas, are enthusiastically welcomed and can be sent to Jaimee Uhlenbrock([email protected]). • Adam-Veleni, P.; Koukouvou, A.; Palli, O. et al, eds: Figurines. A Microcomos of Clay, exhibition catalogue. Archaeological Museum of Thessaloniki, (Thessaloniki 2017). • Adam-Veleni, P.: Coroplastic production in the hellenistic era. in: Figurines. A Microcomos of Clay, exhibition catalogue. Archaeological Museum of Thessaloniki, (Thessaloniki 2017) 109-112. • Adam-Veleni, P.: Coroplastic production in the Roman era. -in: Figurines. A Microcomos of Clay, exhibition catalogue. Archaeological Museum of Thessaloniki, (Thessaloniki 2017)133-135. • Adam-Veleni, P.: The coroplastic workshop of the Hellenistic city of Petres. in: Figurines. A Microcomos of Clay, exhibition catalogue. Archaeological Museum of Thessaloniki, (Thessaloniki 2017) 125-127. • Adam-Veleni, P.; Touloumtzidou, A.: Figurines from the sanctuary of Demeter at Lete. in: Figurines. A Microcomos of Clay, exhibition catalogue. Archaeological Museum of Thessaloniki, (Thessaloniki 2017) 99-100. • Adornato, G.: Architecture, cults, and terracottas in the archaic sanctuaries of Akragas. in: Akragas. Current issues in the archaeology of a Sicilian polis. (Leiden 2017) 35-49. • Albertocchi, M.: I rinvenimenti coroplastici dallo scavi del teatro di Agrigento. in: Agrigento. Nouve richerche sull'area pubblica centrale. (Roma 2017) 69-76. • Andreocci, A.: La coroplastica nel territorio di Strongoli-Petelia. Alcune note e osservazioni. in: Nel territorio di Filottete. Ricognizioni archeologiche nella Crotoniatide settentrionale (2010 - 2012). (Roma 2017) 333-351. • Attenni, L.; Ghini, G.: La stipe votiva in località Pantanacci. - in: Sacra nemora. La cultura del sacro nei contesto santuariali in area albana. Rinvenimenti archeologici e recuperi della Guardia di Finanza. (Mozzecane 2017) 59-71. • Avronidaki, Ch., Vivliodetis, E.: La collection des figurines en terre cuite du Musée National d’Athènes : formation et muséographie, Les Carnets de l’ACoSt [Online], 17 | 2018, URL : http://journals.openedition.org/acost/1130 ; DOI : 10.4000/acost.1130 • Barfoed, S.: The Rawson deposit. Evidence of an archaic spring shrine near the sanctuary of Zeus at Nemea. -Hesperia 86 (2017) 645-722.

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