Jaffa's Ancient Inland Harbor: Historical, Cartographic, and Geomorphological Data �� 89 Aaron A

Home , Ayalon River, Highway 44 (Israel), Inland harbor, Jaffa, Tel Dor, Tel Michal

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Jaffa’s ancient inland harbor:

historical,cartographic, and geomorphological data

a aron a. burke,1 shelley wachsmann,2 simona avnaim-katav,3 richard k. dunn,4 krister kowalski,5 george a. pierce,6 and martin peilstöcker7 1UniversityofCalifornia,Los Angeles; 2Te xasA&M; 3UniversityofCalifornia, LosAngeles; 4Norwich University; 5Johannes GutenbergUniversity; 6BrighamYoung University; 7Humboldt Universität zu Berlin

Thecontext created by recent studies of thegeomorphologyofLevantine harborsand renewedarchaeologicalresearchinthe Late Bronze AgelevelsofTel Yafo (Jaffa) by theJaffa Cultural Heritage Projecthaveled to efforts to identifythe location of apossible inland Bronze andIronAge harbor at Jaffa, Israel.Althoughseveral scholarsduring thetwentieth centuryspeculatedabout theexistenceand location of an ancient inlandharbor, theextent of theproxy data in supportofits identification hasnever been fullyassessed. Nonetheless, a range of historical, cartographic, arthistorical,topographical, andgeomorphologicaldata can be summoned thatpoint to theexistenceofabodyofwater thatlay to theeastofthe settlement andmound of ancient Jaffa. This feature is likely avestige of Jaffa’searliestanchorage or harbor andprobablywentout of usebythe startofthe Hellenisticperiod.

slongasbiblicalscholars, archaeologists, always directly relatedtoits declineasaport(see historians,and geographershaveconcerned historicaloverviews in Peilstöcker andBurke 2011). athemselves with Jaffa, itsidentityhas revolved Jaffa’seclipse by anotherportisfirstattestedwiththe around itsroleasthe primaryportonthe centralcoast of establishmentofCaesareaMaritimaduring theEarly ancient Israel (Figures 4.1 and4.2). Were it not forits role Romanperiod (Notley2011:103) andlater followed by as aport, alltraditional explanations forJaffa’slocation theconstructionofTel Aviv harbor in 1938 andthenby wouldfailtoaddressits raisond’être. It wasnever regarded theharborofAshdodin1965.Tothe extent that Jaffa’s as aparticularly agriculturallyproductiveregion, nordid role as aportrevived,thisappears to have been in direct itsimmediate environs yield unique natural resources. It relationship to increasing trafficdue to religious pilgrim- didnot sitastride an overlandroute thatmight explain age by Christians,Jews,and,tosomeextent, Muslims, itsnear five-millennium-longsettlementhistory,nor do andaddedtolater by Zionists. Despitehistoricalsources historicalsources emphasize Jaffa’sindependence. Instead, thatdirectlyattestJaffa’sroleasaportfromthe Classical areviewofJaffa’shistoryindicates, to thecontrary, that period onward,geomorphologicalchanges to thecoast- Jaffa’svarious periodsofdecline in importance were line of thesouthernLevantwould suggest that Jaffa’s

89 90 t he history and archaeologyofJaffa 2

Figure 4.1. Mapofthe centraland southernLevantine coast. MapbyKrister Kowalski.

ancient harbor,during theBronze andIronAges, wasnot Here we seek to outlinethe evidencefor an internal thesameharborthatservesthe citytoday.Processes such Bronze andIronAge harbor long sinceobscuredbyvari- as thosecharacteristicofmanyancient harborsaround ousnatural andanthropogenic processes. This effortlays theMediterranean, like Ephesus andMiletus,revealthe thegroundworkfor anew research initiative by theJaffa gradualsilting andrelocation of these harbors(Brückneret CulturalHeritageProject, in cooperationwiththe Institute al.2005; Kraft et al.2007; Marriner andMorhange2007; of NauticalArchaeology,named theIoppa Maritima Stocketal. 2013). Nevertheless, no systematicefforthas Project, oneofthe primarygoals of which is locating the been undertaken to date to confirm an alternative location ancient harbor.Webegin with themodernevidencethat forthe site’smostancient harbor.1 contributestothe recognitionofthe importance of Jaffa’s J affa’s ancient inland harbor 91

Figure 4.2. Mapofstreets in Te lAviv–Jaffashowing location of stadium, park,and location of Ayalon andYarkonrivers. Israel Transverse Mercator (New Israel Grid)projection. MapbyKrister Kowalski. 92 t he history and archaeologyofJaffa 2

ancient harbor,despite theabsenceofdirectevidencefor painting to have featuredastone-built quay on itswestern it, andreviewthe earliestreferencestomaritimeactivities andnorthwestern sides(Figure 4.3), alimited part of it in Jaffaaspreserved in earlysources such as theHebrew appearstohavebeenuseful forloading andunloading Bible. This is followed by an examination of thelines of cargo from ships, with thestone wall servingprimar- evidence, primarily from thenineteenth centuryCE, for ily as a breakwater protecting thebuildingsbehindit. theswamp locatedonJaffa’seastern side thatisknown in Elements of this quay were exposedbyJacob Kaplan Arabic as al-Bassa.Inthiscontext,wepresent the firsteffort during hisJaffaharbor(NamalYafo) excavationscarried to generate high-resolution topographic models from satel- outin1978 (Ritter-Kaplan 1978),and thesamefeatures lite data to explorethe existenceofanextensivedrainage were reexposedin2007 during salvageexcavationsbythe depressionassociatedwith al-Bassa that is no longer visible Israel Antiquities Authorityconducted forinfrastructure at ground level. Thecombination of this evidencesupports upgrades (Haddad 2009). thehypothesis that al-Bassa constitutes aportion of the Despitesuch facilities, inclement weatherand even mod- original extent of an earlierbodyofwater,anestuary, that estsurfwreakedhavocon thesmallcraft ferrying persons and mayhavefunctionedasananchorage or harbor forJaffa goodsfromships offshore thatwereeithertoo large forthe during theBronze andIronAges. harbor or uncertainofthe approach.GeorgeSmith states that thereefs at Jaffa“aremoredangerous in foulweather than they areuseful in fair”(Smith1932:130–31). During The Recent History winter, themajorityofthe boatsmooredwithinthe mouth of Jaffa’s Harbor of the Yarkon River,and smallerboats were simply beached Theeconomicand politicaldrawbacksassociatedwiththe (Hanauer 1903a:261; Avitsur1965:30). Thesamesituation absenceofagood harbor at Jaffawerebaldlyevident dur- is also documented from at least theCrusaderperiodwhen ing thenineteenthand earlytwentiethcenturies CE (Kark thepilgrim Saewulfstatesthatmorethan1,000 people 1990). Recent assessmentsofthe port during this period re- were killed trying to approach Jaffa, andthismay have veal thelimitsofJaffa’sharborfacilities (Mirkinand Goren contributedtoprominenceofthe harbor of Akko over that 2012; seeChapter 6, this volume). Echoing thestatements of Jaffaduring theCrusaderperiod(seeBoas2011:122). of many visitorstothe Holy Land,Baedeker’s guidebook, Hanauer(1903a:261) noted thatartificialrockcuttingsin forexample, notes that Jaffafeatures“no good harbor” theoffshore rocksatJaffaindicatedearlierattemptstousethe (Baedeker 1876:6). This statementwas intendedtoreflecta rockstocreateabetterharbor, butthese cannot be reliably situation wherebylargeshipswererequiredtoanchorwest dated. Variousschemes during thetwentiethcentury were of achain of rocksthatformedashallow anchorage,and also proposedtodredgethe harbor to accommodatelarger goodsand passengers were ferriedinlightersthrough the steamships, build breakwaters(Shacham 2011:fig. 13.10), rockstothe quayside in theharboronJaffa’swestern and andconnect the quay viatrackstorailroads, including plans northern sides, which layexposedtothe open sea. from an Italiansyndicate to fund an operationnot to exceed G. A.Barton (1904:92) describedthe unchangedsitua- $7,000,000 to improvethe harbor (Anonymous1922).2 As tion by theearly twentiethcenturyduring hispassagefrom earlyasthe 1830s, questionsevenlingeredabout thepossible Beirut in 1902: construction of an inlandharborusing the“Jaffamarsh” TheharboratJaffaisverybad.Ahalf-submerged reef runs (Avitsur 1965:32). alongthe shore. Shipsmust cast anchoroutsideofthis, and passengersmust go ashore in smallboats. This is thesystem in allofthese Eastern harbors, butatJaffaitisparticularly Jaffa’s Harborfromthe Middle bad, forthe unbroken swells of theMediterraneanbeatin Bronze Age to the Roman Period here,and it is often dangerous to pass thesunkenreefunder Jaffa’ssignificance became inextricably boundtoits identity such circumstances. as aportonthe southernLevantine coast from at least This situation wasaptly captured in theOrientalist paint- thebeginning of the Middle Bronze Age(MB IIA, ca. ing of Gustav Bauernfeind (seeFigure6.29, this volume; 2000–1800 BCE) andcontinuing throughthe Persian Vosseler2013:47, fig. 2). Despitethe fact thatthe harbor period. This is borneout by thesubstantialquantities of is depicted in at least onefamousnineteenth-century importedwaresfromacross theMediterraneanduring these J affa’s ancient inland harbor 93

Figure 4.3. TurkishRecruitsTaken to theShip,GustavBauernfeind (1888) (oil painting,1.52×2.8 m, Dahesh Museum,New York). periodsrecoveredbyexcavations both by Jacob Kaplan and mention in Egyptiansources during theNew Kingdom, theJaffaCulturalHeritageProject underthe directionof ca.1550–1075 BCE. AmpleMycenaean, Cypriot, and AaronBurke andMartinPeilstöcker (e.g., Epstein 1966:14; Egyptianimportedwares suggest theport’sroleinthis Peilstöcker 2011), which aretypical of thecharacter and commerce during this period. Indeed, the port also likely quantity of those recovered from excavatedports along functioned as astrategic supply pointfor Egyptianforces theLevantine coast such as Ashkelonand Akko.Before campaigninginthe southernLevant(Burke2011:68), as the Middle Bronze Age, thereislimited evidencefor well as apoint forthe disembarking of troops when neces- EarlyBronze (EB) Ioccupationonthe moundofTel Yafo sary.Beginning in year31ofThutmose III,his annals refer (Gophna2002:419) followed by an interlude during the to theannualinspectionand stocking of Levantine harbors thirdmillenniumbefore settlementresumedin the Middle in supportofhis military expeditions(Säve-Söderbergh Bronze IIA(from no laterthanca. 1800 BCE). This oc- 1946:33–36; Wa chsmann1998:10). It is generallyaccepted cupational gapischaracteristicofcoastal settlementsand thatJaffaplayedaroleinsuch astaging effort(seeMorris theissue of EB II–III portsisahighlyproblematic one 2005:138–139,n.90). Thesite’sstrategic importance to the alongthe coast of thesouthernLevant(seeFaust and Egyptians is revealed in the Tale of theCapture of Jaffa in Ashkenazy 2007, 2009). Thelimited evidencefor other which theEgyptiancommander wasforcedtorecapture the contemporaneous Middle Bronze Agesettlements along fortress from insurgentCanaanitesthrough aruse(Allen this centralstretch of coastthatcould have functioned 2001). Jaffa’spossibleidentification as an ḥtm-fortressin as harborsprovides an even stronger argument thatJaffa Egyptian, firstsuggested by EllenMorris(2005:158‒159), functioned as themainharborinthisregionand served the mayhavepermittedittoblock access to routes andtolimit hinterlandtothe east,including thehillcountry(seeBurke access to thecentral coastbymaritimetraffic. This would 2011:64, fig. 6.1). Something aboutJaffa, ancient Yapu as be particularly true if theharborwas situated in an estuary it wasknown,evokedbeauty, goodness,orafairquality.If with anarrow connection to thesea to thenorth of thetell. this wasnot areferencetothe region’s or site’s appearance It is during theIronAge thatbiblicalsources suggest (Burke 2011:66), it mayactuallyreflectacharacterization Jaffa’sroleinconnectionwiththe transportofPhoenician of thequality of Jaffa’sharbororanchorage. timber forthe constructionofthe FirstTemple andpalaces Althoughthe existenceofaharborinJaffaduring in Jerusalem, revealingits role as an Iron Ageportofcall theLateBronzeAge is hardly in doubt, it receives no forthe southern Levantinehinterland, including Jerusalem 94 t he history and archaeologyofJaffa 2

andthe hill country. In this context, it is importanttonote thelatesixth centuryBCE,Jaffaisonceagain explicitly that, despite this role, thereisnoarchaeologicalortextual mentioned.

evidencefor an IsraeliteorJudeanpresenceinJaffaduring So they gave moneytothe masons andthe carpenters, andfood, theIronAge.Likewise, thequestion of aSea Peoplesor drink, andoil to theSidonians andthe Tyrianstobring cedar Philistine presenceatthe siteremains open,despite the treesfromLebanon to thesea,toJaffa,according to thegrant presenceofPhilistineceramics (Burke 2011:70–71, fig.6.5). thattheyhad from King CyrusofPersia [Ezra3:7,NRSV]. Thebiblicaltextprovides the firstindications of Jaffa’s Despitethatthe direct referencetoJaffaoriginatesin maritime activityduring theIronAge,inconnectionwith biblical traditions authored during thePersianperiod, jointventuresbetween thePhoenicianking,Hiram of Tyre, thereisnorealreasonnot to accept thatJaffawas meant andthe Israeliteking,Solomon,originating with thelatter’s to be identified with theplace Solomonrequestedthe requestfor both laborers (1 Kings5:1–10) andcedarsfrom timberstobesent, if oneacceptsthe importationofat Lebanon(1Kings5:6). Solomonwrote, least cedar throughJaffaduring theIronAge. Therecov- Therefore commandthatcedarsfromthe Lebanonbecut for erybythe JaffaCulturalHeritageProject’sexcavationof me. My servants will join yourservants, andIwillgiveyou more than twodozen cedar beamsfromthe Egyptian whatever wagesyou setfor yourservants; foryou know that NewKingdomRamesside gate complex (LBIIB)inJaffa there is no oneamong us whoknows howtocut timber like in 2013lends credibility to Jaffa’spotential role in such theSidonians[1Kings 5:6, NRSV]. atrade corridordating no laterthanthe Late Bronze Age Thetradition also preservesHiram’sreply: (before ca.1100 BCE). Hiram sent word to Solomon, “I haveheard themessage that It is also from JaffathatJonah,the Biblerecalls, em- you have sent to me;Iwill fulfill allyourneeds in thematter barked on ashipheading to Tarshish,basically thecontem- of cedar andcypress timber.Myservantsshall bring it down poraneous equivalent of fleeing to “the endofthe earth”: to thesea from theLebanon;Iwillmakeitintoraftstogo But Jonahset outtoflee to Tarshish from thepresenceof by sea to theplace youindicate. Iwillhave them broken up theLord. He went down to Joppaand foundashipgoing to there foryou to take away.And youshall meet my needsby Tarshish; so he paid hisfareand went on board, to go with providing food formyhousehold” [1 Kings5:8,NRSV]. them to Tarshish, away from thepresenceofthe Lord [Jonah In addition to thetimberand laborers, thecontext forthese 1:3,NRSV]. interactions,according to thebiblicalaccount,would also Theembeddedreality in this passageisthatJaffa’sharbor likely have included thepassage of craftsmen such as the wasrecognizedfor itsability to handle some of thelarg- Gebalites(Byblites), whoweresenttoJerusalem forstone estseagoing shipsofthe day, which were used on therun cutting(1Kings5:18). Jaffais, however,never mentioned to Tarshish andare referenced elsewhereinthe Bible(I explicitly in theaccountinKingsbut is instead read into the Kings22:47; 2Chronicles 9:21; Wa chsmann1990:78, text on thebasis of thePersianperiodretelling of thetradi- 80; 1998:159, 299). Jaffa, therefore,atthe time of the tion in Chronicles, discussed below. Ascene from Sargon writing of theBookofJonah wasrecognizedtobean II’s reliefsatKhorsabad in which Phoenicians areshown importantharborfromwhich onecould embark by ship towinglogsbehind ships,mostlikelyonthe Mediterranean to distantshores. Sea, is evocative, however,ofthe maritime activityrelated While these textsevoke Jaffa’simportanceasaseaport in thepassage in 1Kings(Bottaand Flandin1849–1850 to theIsraelitehinterland, they provide clues neitherasto (I):pl.33; Basch 1987:306–307, figs.650–651). theprecise location of Jaffa’searly harbor or anchoragesnor Jaffaisexplicitly mentionedby name in connection with itsgeography. ThemostdirectdiscussionofJaffa’sharboris thetransport of timber forthe firsttimeonlyinthe Persian only to be found in theEarly Romanperiodinthe workof period biblical text of Chronicles: Josephus,whose statements aboutthe location of theport We will cutwhatever timber you need from Lebanon, and during the firstcenturyCEprovide theearliestdescription bringittoyou as raftsbysea to Jaffa;you will take it up to of thequality of thefacilities at thetime, which waslikely Jerusalem[2Chronicles2:16, NRSV]. amajor factor in theselectionofCaesareaMaritimaasa Likewise, in theroughly contemporaneous accountofEzra replacement during Herod’sreign.His comments reveal the concerning therebuilding of thetemple in Jerusalemduring absenceofany inlandharboratJaffabyatleast theRoman J affa’s ancient inland harbor 95

period.Josephus describesthe seaside rockyenclosure is carried north(Stanley1989) haveresultedinabarrier locatedwestofTel Yafo: accretion plainthatobscures former marine embayments NowJoppaisnot naturallyahaven (lit. harborless;Gk. andpotential ancientharbors.AsG.A.Smith wrote, ἀλίμενος), foritends in arough shore,where allthe rest of it “While thecruelty of many anotherwild coast is known is straight,but thetwo ends bend towardseach other, where by thewrecksofships, theSyrianshore southofCarmel thereare deep precipices andgreat stones thatjut outintothe is strewn with the fiercerwreckage of harbors” (Smith sea,and wherethe chains wherewithAndromedawas bound 1932:131). havelefttheirfootsteps, which attest to theantiquity of that In recent years, extensiveinvestigationshave been fable; butthe northwindopposesand beats upon theshore, anddashes mighty waves against therocks which receive undertaken to locate anumberofancient harborsalong them [Josephus, B.J. 3.9.3]. theLevantine coastsofSyria,Lebanon,and theGaza Strip. Amongthe portsstudied to date areRas IbnHani This text indicatesthe poorquality of Jaffa’sRoman period (Marrineretal. 2012), Beirut (Marriner, Morhange,and harbor,describing it as harborless(Greek: ἀλίμενος). This Saghieh-Beydoun2008), Tyre andSidon(Marriner and castsseriousdoubt on itsalso serving as thelocationof Morhange 2005; Marriner,Morhange, andCarayon theearliestharborsince if it hadalwaysbeenwithouta 2008;Marrineretal. 2006), andGaza(Morhange et naturalharbor, otherlocations,such as the Yarkon River, al.2005). Marriner andMorhangepresent atypology wouldmorelikely have served as thefunctionalportfor of “wrecked”harbors in theMediterraneanbasin based this stretchofcoast. on earthscience methods accounting fordistancetothe Basedonother examples alongthe Levantine coast,it modern coastline, position relative to modern sea level, seemslikely thatJaffahad previously exploitedthe estuary geomorphology, andtaphonomy,or“howthese ancient created behind theoutflow of the Yarkon River,ifnot also portscametobefossilizedinthe sedimentary record” the Ayalon River as originally suggestedbyJ.E.Hanauer (Marrinerand Morhange 2007:146–162).Relevant for (1903a) andfollowedlater by A. Raban(1985:27). this study areburiedurban,landlocked, andlagoonal Dredging of themodernharborduring S. Wa chsmann’s (properlyestuarine) harbors(Marriner andMorhange tenure as theInspector of Underwater Antiquities in the 2007). In general, reductioninthe rate of sea-level rise Israel Department of Antiquities andMuseums removed coupledwithhighnatural sediment supply (fluvialand/ sand thatwas virtually sterile. Wa chsmann suspects that or runoff origin), occasionally intensified by anthropo- thedearthofartifactsresultedfrommassivedredging genicmodification of watersheds(i.e.,deforestationand during theBritish Mandatoryperiod. Theearliestremains agriculture), ledtoacceleratedcoastal progradation and originating from efforts to explorethe harbor in modern theburialofharbors (landlockedand urban). timesincludedafourth-centuryBCE Persianperiod Urbanharbors like Beirut stillhaveanactiveport, but basket handle from ajar,which wasfound southofthe theancient harbor is beneathamodern city (Marriner modern harbor with some later finds datedtothe Roman andMorhange2007). Bronze Age Beirut hadthe same andByzantine periods(Sharvitand Galili 2002; Foran type of pocketbeach andprotected embaymentasTyre 2011:112).3 andSidon, which were favoredbyBronze Agemariners (Marriner, Morhange,and Saghieh-Beydoun2008:2507). Factors Affecting the As seafarerssailedbetween largercommercialpolities, natural anchorageswould have been favored; thus, Identification of Jaffa’s settlementsnearsuchproto-harbors like Tyre,Sidon, Ancient Harbor Beirut,and probablyJaffaflourished.Inadditiontothe Anumberoffactorshavelimited theprior identification of aforementionedports,the preeminent Phoeniciancities Jaffa’sand otherearly harborsalong theLevantine coast. of Tyre andSidonalso feature buried harborswithbasins As AvnerRaban noted,the main hindrance forharbors stillinmodernuse.Estuarine harborsoffer naturalprotec- on theMediterranean coast south of Carmel is theshal- tion as safe havens forships.However,suchlow-energy lowwater andshifting sands alongthe sea floor (Raban embayments gradually fill with sediment deposited by 1985:11). Coastalevolution associatedwithrelative natural andanthropogenic processes, making them un- sea-level changeand an abundance of Nilotic sand that serviceable to even vesselsofshallow draft. 96 t he history and archaeologyofJaffa 2

The Swamp of al-Bassa andthe body of watertothe east of Jaffaknown in Arabic asal-Bassa, Courseofthe Ayalon River which is usually translated as “swamp”and means “depression”inArabic. Sincethe earlytwentiethcentury,thisswamp Despitethe foregoing circumstantialdata suggestive of Jaffa’s hasbeententatively identified as theremnant of an ancient clearimportanceasaBronze Ageport, theprecise location bodyofwater that once servedasJaffa’sso-calledSolomonic of its harbor during the Bronze and Iron Ages remains harbor during theIronAge (Hanauer 1903a,1903b)and unknown. Therealization,asobserved from Josephus,that presumably functioning sincethe Bronze Age. perhapsbythe startofthe Hellenisticperiodthe portof Jaffa Amongthe mostimportant sources indicating theexis- wasrestricted to thewestern,sea,side of Jaffa—effectively tenceofal-Bassa to theeastofJaffaare historicalmapsofthe theharbor’slocationsince then—takentogetherwithmore siteand itsenvironsproducedduring thenineteenthcentury recent observations abouthow theeffects of silting up af- CE.Mapsmade by P. Jacotinand A. J. Denain,Napoleon’s fected earlyharbors suggests that Jaffa’sancient harbor may cartographers, recording hissiegeof Jaffain1799 serveasan nowlie buriedin alow-lying,terrestrial environeastofJaffa. important firstdatum pointfor thelocationand priorsize Geomorphological changes in the vicinity of Jaffa resulted of al-Bassa at thebeginning of thenineteenth centuryCE. primarily from thefact thatthe kurkar (calcareousaeolian In these maps, this bodyofwater is identified as the flaque sandstone) ridgeapproaching Jaffafromthe south didnot d’eau (poolofwater)and the etang (pond) (Figure4.4 and permit drainage to thewest. Variousmaps, illustrations, Figure 4.5; Shacham 2011:137–138, figs.13.2, 13.4–13.8). andaccounts beginning with Jacotin’s mapin1799 until Both French labels suggest that al-Bassa wasaveryshallow thefoundationofTel Aviv in 1909 reveal theexistenceofa bodyofwater at thetime.

Figure 4.4. Mapofcoast of Palestine northand south of JaffabyJacotin,1799. Jerusalemand Jaffasheet. Courtesy of Eran Laor Cartographic Collection,NationalLibrary of Israel. J affa’s ancient inland harbor 97

Figure 4.5. MapofJaffabyDenain &Delamare, 1830–1831. Bibliothèque nationaledeFrance:fonds géographique, Res. Ge.FF. 6421.

J. E. Hanauer,abiblicalscholar,also made anumberof To this, Hanauer (1903a:260) adds that“agreat many observations during hisvisitstoJaffainthe earlytwenti- years agopeoplerelatedthattheyhad heard of boat anchors ethcentury CE aboutthe location of theancient harbor. havingbeendug up in the‘Baasah’, as thelowestpartof Hanauerpersonallyobserved that theareacalled al-Bassa thehollowiscalled” andthatshaftssunkto11mfor wells was“coveredbyashallow lake or swampafter heavy rains, suggested thepresenceofa“massive seawall.” To lkowsky andlocal traditionasserts thatitmarks thelocationof (1924:27) indicatesthatthese “anchors” were made of theancient harbor of thetimeofSolomon”(Hanauer metal:ifcorrect,thissuggeststhatiftheywere anchors at 1903a:258). This bodyofwater was firstlabeledal-Bassa all, they were of aratherlatedatesince LevantineBronze (No. 37) in aseries of maps produced by TheodorSandel andIronAge anchors were made of stone(Wa chsmann beginning in 1875 forthe Baedeker guidebooks (Shacham 1998:255–293).Tolkowsky’sobservations draw on aware- 2011:fig. 13.19). Theswamp’s bedaccording to Hanauer ness of the findsstemmingfrom GeorgeBarton’s excava- (1903a:260) wasonly2.6 mabove sea level. He observed tionsin1902 to thenortheast of Te lYafo. Barton claimed thatinthe winter of 1892–1893, alakeappearedinthis thatthe “existenceofanancient innerharboratJaffa, used location following heavy rains,and after an outbreak of in theMaccabean period andinthe time of Saladin,and malaria thefollowing summer,a“ditch wasdug to drainit possibly also in thetimeofSolomon,was renderedproba- off”(Hanauer1903a:259). ble” by hisexcavations (Moore andBarton1903:41). While 98 t he history and archaeologyofJaffa 2

To lkowskymay have been mistaken regarding theperiod of adry alluvial plaintothe east of Te lYafo(Figure 4.6). during which theinner harbor functioned, Barton appears Although it appearsaslittlemorethanaflat andundevel- to have listedthose periodsinhis reportand in hisletter oped area behind thelow-lying ridge, itsconnectiontothe to Hanauer, basedonwhatheencountered andthe local sea throughthe ridgesuggeststhe location of an ancient traditionlinking theinlanddepressionwiththe Solomonic drainage basinthatonceconnected aformerriver mouth harbor (Hanauer 1903a,1903b).Nevertheless, Barton or an estuaryatal-Bassa to thesea. This gapinthe ridge laterconcluded thatthe elementsheencountered during is not visible in DavidRoberts’s painting butdoesappear hisexcavations betweenApril 20 andcompleted May12, on Jacotin’s mapasone of thelocations whereNapoleon’s 1903, were not, in fact, theremains of an ancientharbor. forces were stationedandwhere theymet resistance(Figure These excavationswerecarried outnearlandbelongingtoa 4.5; Shacham 2011:fig. 13.5). Thegeologicalmap of the Mr.Murad in thevicinityof al-Bassa in an efforttoidentify area (Figure4.7A,markedinblue) shows thesamegap be- an ancientanchorage(Barton 1903:185). He encountered tweenthe kurkar ridgeforming Te lYafo andthe lowerlying awallburiedonlyhalfameter down,which he suggested rockyelement northofthe tell. To dayinthe field,abundant wasofrelativelylateindateand wasdeterminedtobe4.5 artificial fill hidesmostoriginaltopographyand underlying mabove modern sea level(Barton 1903:186).Excavations geologic units, butlimited exposurestothe northreveal also produced cannonballfragments andanineteenth- coarse-grained,shell-rich sandstonethatrepresentsafacies centurycoin(Barton 1903:186, n. 16). variationofthe kurkar. Thetopographic breakand change DavidRoberts’s 1839 painting of Jaffafromthe north- in lithologymay have resulted from tectonic activityand east,created only 40 years after Napoleon’s map, depictsa subsequenterosion(notethe mostsouthernfault in Figure wide and flat expansethatappears to be thewestern part 4.7B). At this pointalong thecoast,aravine stillexists

Figure 4.6. Jaffaasportrayed in oneofDavid Roberts’spaintings,1839. Note the flat area (dry alluvial plain?) to theleftof both Te lYafo, which lies on the kurkar ridge, andthe continuation of theridge in theforeground. View northeast. J affa’s ancient inland harbor 99

Figure 4.7. (A)Geologicalmap of thesouthernSharonand thecontinental shelf, including thestudy area.Notethe yellowlinerepresenting thepresent coastline andthe area marked with blue representing thegap betweenthe kurkar ridgeforming Te lYafo andthe lowerlying rocky element northofthe tell,which presumably alloweddrainageofthe former Ayalon River andconnected thedepressioneastofTel Yafo to thesea.(B) Structural map of thesouthernSharonand thecontinental shelf. Faults areshown as solidlines with tick marksindicating thedown-thrown[down-faulted] side. Note thatal-Bassaand theproposedpathof theAyalonRiver aresituatedinastructural graben,oradown-dropped basin(figure after Gvirtzman 1990:20, 46). 100 t he history and archaeologyofJaffa 2

(possibly the“Ditch” on Hanauer’smap), spannedbya this proposedharbor, in additiontoother harbor locations bridge,which appearstodrain stormrunoff from thepart andmigrations, arediscussed below. of thecitybuilt up andaround Groningen Park,which lies In conjunctionwiththe drainage systems of seasonal in thecenterofthe al-Bassa feature.Additionally, a kurkar wadisand thestableoutputofthe Yarkon River,marshes ridgeoutcropinthe surf immediately northofthe ravine andwetlands were probably prominentcharacteristics mouth limits thenorthernextensionand overallwidth of of thelandscapeofthe coastal plain, similar to theland- thetopographic break. This geomorphological evidence scapethatprevailednorthward on theCarmel coastal furthersupportsthe hypothesis that thebodyofwater to plain. Discontinuouslongitudinalnorth-south kurkar theeastofJaffa, thevestigesofwhich arepresumablyjust ridges (onshore andoffshore)parallel to thecoastline outofviewonthe left in Roberts’s scene, mayhavebeen andseparatedbylongitudinaltroughs characterize the quitesizable in antiquityand couldcertainly have provided southeastern Mediterraneancoast (Figure4.7A;Sade et ashelteredanchorage behind thelinearlower lying rocky al.2006). Untiltwo to threethousand years ago, most elementsthatformthe shoreline to thenortheast of Te l of thecoastline of Israel thatisnow covered with sand Yafo.Suchwas AvnerRaban’s (1985:27) suggestioncon- consistedofwetlandsediments accumulatedinthe coastal cerning theoriginalcourseofthe Ayalon River in antiquity. andeastern bedrocktroughs (Sivan et al.2004:1046; Thequestion of thegradual disappearance of the al- Sivan et al.2011 andreferences therein).Coring along Bassaswamp is then directly relatedtothe lossofits water theCarmel coast (e.g., nearTel Dor), approximately 60 source, as well as localsedimentary processes. Forsome km northofJaffa,showedthatthe coastal marshescreated time, it hasbeenassumed thatits sourcewas achannel by these features driedupprior to thebeginning of the of the Ayalon River (Raban 1985:27),which wouldhave Pre-Pottery Neolithic(ca.8100 BP), yet marshes east of flowed westward forming an estuarythatconnected to the thecoast (inthe easterntroughs)survivedintohistori- Mediterraneannorth of Te lYafo. It wasonlylater then that calperiods(Sivan et al.2004:1046;Cohen-Seffer et al. thecourse of the Ayalon River wasdivertedtofollowthe 2005:117–118). During theearly Holocene,risingsea eastern side of aridge extending from immediately north levelassociatedwithwetterhydro-climatologicalcondi- of Highway44(Derech BenTsvi) andwestofthe Ayalon tionsled to higher groundwaterlevels andtoincreased Highway(Highway20) to apoint northofHa-RakevetSt. sediment transportationbylongshore currents,resulting andwestofHa-Masger St.(Figure 4.2). RaineyandNotley in accumulation of sandbars blocking thepaleo-river (2006:37) statethatthe NahalAyalonformerlyemptied mouths. Theseare themainprocesses explaining the into thesea nearJaffa, but“priortohuman habitation it origin of thesewetlands, whereas theirdisappearanceis wasdeflectednorthward by theintrusionofsandand had notclear(Sivan et al.2011:89–90). While swamps in to flow behind asandstoneridge untilitjoinedthe Nahr theareatothe east of Te lMichal, slightlyover 10 km el-’Auja”[Yarkon River].According to Raban(1985:27), northofJaffa, were drainedinthe Byzantineperiod, the alayer of riverpebbles found in acoredrilled off Jaffa’s valley bottomsalong thecoast were belowthe water table headland,which wasnot dated, “provesthe theory of andwere swampy as late as theearly twentiethcentury theexistenceofanancient outlet of theN.Ayalonatthis (Karmon 1959; Grossmann2001:13). Geomorphological part of theshore.” We have not been able to confirm this studies indicate theexistenceofswampygroundeastof observation, butRaban (1990–1993:100) suggestedthe theExhibitionGrounds site in Te lAviv(to thenorth possibilitythatthe change in thewadi’scourse was“an of Jaffa) (Golan 2009). Kaplan (Anonymous1971:26) artificialenterprise” andpositedthatitmay haveoccurred noted marshysoilwithmeager EarlyBronze Agesherds in thesecondmillenniumBCE as away to improvethe overlying the Chalcolithic remains at thesite. To lkowsky estuarineharboratJaffa, citing engineering parallelsin (1924:2)even speculated thatprior to theintroduction theNile Valley andMinoanCrete.Byusing thenatural of orangegroves,marshes in theareaeastofJaffa, such depressioneastofTel Yafo, including theformerriver as al-Bassa,would haveservedasanatural barrieragainst mouth or estuaryofthe Ayalon that wasundoubtedly approaching enemies.However,aroundJaffa,thedrainage deepened by an ingressionofthe sea,such efforts would of swamps wasassociatedwithefforts to enable settlement have yieldedaninlandharboreastofTel Yafo with an area andagriculturalproductionduring thelatenineteenth of approximately 30 to 40 ha. Thedateand feasibilityof century(Kark 1990:9, 43, 46, 207). J affa’s ancient inland harbor 101

Efforts to Identify Jaffa’s of what is identified on latermapsasal-Bassa,discussed above(Figure 4.8). While theprocess of georectification Inland Harbor of earlymapssuchasthese involves inaccuracies, theresult Thecartographic, arthistorical, andhistorical evidence is sufficientlyaccuratetoindicatethe generallocationof compiledabove constituteproxy data revealing aneed for this bodyofwater givenits size. Anumberofspecific furtherefforts to explorethe potential existenceofanin- inaccuracies, however,should be noted.First,there is the landharbororanchorageto theeastofTel Yafo that would question of theaccuracyofthe original 1799 map. Jacotin, have served thesettlementduring theBronze andIron forexample, traveledwiththe French army during their Ages.Additionaldata,however,supplyfurther supportin campaigninPalestine. Jacotin states thathehad to work favorofthe existenceofanestuarineharbororanchorage underverydifficult conditions while thearmywas either in thevicinity of the al-Bassa depression. These data stem on themarch or involved in heavycombatwithOttoman from thegeorectificationofJacotin’s map, analyses of digi- forces. Thearmyalso experiencedashortageoffoodand talelevation models forthe area,and coring efforts in the spreading diseases (Jacotin 1826:88). Because of maraud- vicinity of al-Bassa during thetwentiethcentury. ing Arabs, he couldnot wanderfreelyand hadtostaynear As groundwork forthe identification of Jaffa’sancient roads(Jacotin 1826:88). This meansthatareas further harbor, Jacotin’s mapfrom1799 (i.e., Shacham 2011:fig. away from roads aremappedfar lessaccurately thanthose 13.4) wasgeorectified. This processwas intendedtopermit adjacenttothem. Fortunately,the area forour interestsis aground-truthing of the al-Bassa depression.Itrevealed situatedbetween tworoads.Taking into accountthe dif- thatthe bodyofwater labeled Flaque d’eau and Etang on ficulties underwhich Jacotin worked andthe methodshe Jacotin’s maps does,infact, correlatewiththe location employed, such as measuring distancesbytime, amultitude

Figure 4.8. Georectified versionofone of Jacotin’smaps(seeShacham 2011) overlaid on an orthophoto of modern Jaffaand showing thelocationand orientation of theLBIIB Ramesside gateway(twelfthcentury BCE) excavatedbythe JaffaCulturalHeritageProject;Israel Transverse Mercator (New Israel Grid)projection. Outlineofthe fortified cityofJaffainJacotin’s mapishighlightedinred. MapbyKrister Kowalski. 102 t he history and archaeologyofJaffa 2

of errors in hismapsare to be expected.Nevertheless, these caveats, it appearsthatthe bodyofwater on the1799 Jacotin completed the firsttrigonometricsurveying of mapwas centered approximately 600 mtothe east of Te l Palestine (Karmon 1960:153).Contrarytoother maps Yafo, in thegeneral area todayoccupiedbyBloomfield of thesameage,everything visible on these maps was, in Stadiumand theGroningen Park,eastofJerusalemBlvd. fact, surveyed by Jacotin and, therefore,not copied from Ageographicaldepressionremains visible in this area today, earliermapsaslater became thecasefor many maps of wherethe streetsslope toward thecenterofthe bodyof Jaffa. Thesecondsourceofinaccuraciesoriginateswith waterasitappears on Jacotin’s map. thegeoreferencing processitself. As is often thecasewhen Theuse of hydrological geographic information system georeferencing very oldmaps, thereare veryfew common (GIS)tools enables thepossibility to identify stream net- controlpointsthatcan be used. This is because, first, the worksthatcould havefed this inlandbasin or estuary. This landscapeunderwent substantialmodificationsoverthe analysis employs adigital elevation model(DEM)obtained more than200 years sincethe mappingwas done, andJaffa from theShuttle Radar To pographyMission(SRTM) is todaypartofthe large metropolitan area of Te lAviv. andthe Advanced Spaceborne ThermalEmissionand Thecountryside outside of Jaffa’swalls, as seen in theold Reflection Radiometer (ASTER)data. TheSRTMDEM maps, is, therefore,now completely builtover. Also, theold features a90-mcontour resolution outside theUnited city of Jaffaitselfchanged considerably, andthere areno States, whileASTER data offer a30-mresolution.4 It is im- remnants of theold citywallonthe surface, which served portanttonotethatthe errorinthe verticaland horizontal as adistinct border betweenthe “outside” andthe “inside” data of both DEMs can be substantial,especiallyinurban andprovidedJaffawithdefinitive boundaries.Second, areas(Hirt et al.2010). Nonetheless, theresults reveal the Jacotin couldonlymap roughoutlinesofthe cityitselfor underlying contours of theterrain forwhich thedata are buildingsinthe surroundings. This leads to theproblem nototherwise readily accessible (Figure4.8). thatonlycorners of thecitywallcan be used as common Both DEMs were runthroughtheArcGISHydrological controlpoints. Although thecitywallisnolongervisible, To olboxtodetermine drainage networks(Figure 4.9). itslayoutcan stillbeestimated by thecourse of modern DrainageNetworkAnalysis indicatesthatthe main stream streets. Yefet St., forexample, followsthe course of theold andits feedersdrained into adepression(marked by adot- moat (Figure4.2; Pierce 2011:57). Unfortunately,there are tedwhite line), which includes theoriginallocationofal- no controlpointsinthe area outside thecityitself. Despite Bassa swamp(Figure 4.10 andFigure4.11).Atriangulated

Figure 4.9. Visual comparisonofSRTMand ASTERdata createdwithArcScene. While SRTM’s resolution produces amoregeneralizedterrainsurface, ASTERdepictseverylarge building as averticallyexaggeratedanomaly. Theal-Bassadepressiontothe left of Te lYafo is visible in both layers. MapbyKristerKowalski. J affa’s ancient inland harbor 103

Figure 4.10. Drainage NetworkAnalysis created with theArcGISHydrologyToolbox usingSRTMdata (Drainage1); Israel Transverse Mercator (New Israel Grid)projection. MapbyKrister Kowalski and George A. Pierce.

Figure 4.11. Drainage Network Analysis created with theArcGISHydrologyToolbox usingASTER data (Drainage2); Israel Transverse Mercator (New Israel Grid)projection. MapbyKrister Kowalski and GeorgeA.Pierce. 104 t he history and archaeologyofJaffa 2

irregular network (TIN)for each DEM wasgenerated to estuaryand itsmouth in Figures4.10 and4.11, suggest locate thedrainages thatcombinedtoformthe main outlet thesituation in antiquity. Thesignificanceofthisisthat drainageof theestuarytothe west. TheSRTMdatalocated theestuarycould have featuredasubstantiallywidemouth thedrainageabout 350 mtothe northofthe tell (Drainage with asufficiently deep center able to accommodatethe 1inFigure4.10), while theASTER data placed thedrain- passageofBronzeand Iron Ageships.InaW-E profile age’soutflow roughly800 mnorth of thetell(Drainage 2 generatedfromthese data,the al-Bassa depressioniseasily in Figure 4.11). Theslightdifferencesbetween theresults identified just to theeastofmodernBloomfield Stadium arelikely aproduct of theerrorsinthe DEM elevation data, (Figure4.12 andFigure4.13), which also makesclear the sinceSRTMdata tend to exaggerateelevation differences heightsofthe kurkar ridgeonwhich Jaffawas established more thanthe ASTERdata. TheSRTMresults (Drainage (nowTel Yafo)and thatofthe underlying ridgetothe east. 1), however,correlate mostclosely with adrainagesystem These ridges were responsible forlimitingdrainageofthis stillvisible at thebeach northofJaffa. area and, consequently, wouldhavehad significantcontrol In additiontosomedegreeoferror in theDEM data, on estuarymorphology. otherissues in these reconstructions meritdiscussion. In addition to thetopographic data, five corestaken Forexample, theDrainageNetwork Analysis shows only in 1933and in 1964revealthe underlying sedimentary possible drainagesbased on theelevation data employed. sequence (Table 4.1; Figure 4.14 andFigure4.15). The Theydo notnecessarily reveal theactuallocationofancient bedrockinthe vicinity of al-Bassa consists of calcareous streamsorwadis. They also do notindicatethe amount of sandstone overlain by lightbrownish to ochreclayey- waterthesedrainagesystems transported. Thesizeofthe siltysand(loam), both of which arebestunderstood as estuaryis, therefore,onlyanestimatebased on thelocation part of theupper HeferFormation of thePleistocene of thedrainages andindications of thesizeofthe depres- Kurkar Group, distributedinthe coastal plainand the sion. Also,noconnectiontoawater system to theeastwas continentalshelf of Israel (e.g., Gvirtzman et al.1997; identified in this analysis, which is complicatedbythe fact Avnaim-Katav et al.2012:676–677).Inwelllogs, theup- thatthe drainagesaroundJaffaare isolatedfromthe ancient permostsedimentaryunit hasbeendescribedasdarkgray drainage system. to black sandy,silty, clayey sediments, which we interpret Despitethesecaveats,the DEMdata permit afairly as having been depositedinalow-energy environment reliable reconstructionofthe paleo-topographyofJaffa’s thatcould include a fluvialvalleymouth/estuary, alagoon, environs. While theSRTMdata generate asituation closer or coastal wetlands. to that presently attested, thecombinedresults from these Te ll Mashuk,apotential candidate forPaleo-Tyre drainage models,shown as thedottedlines around the on thelittoraloppositeTyreinLebanon,may serveasan

Figure 4.12. West to east elevation profile of ridges anddepressions basedonDEM data.See Figure 4.13 forlocation. MapbyKrister Kowalski.

Table 4.1. Locations of five coresmadein1933 and1964 in thevicinityofal-Bassa.

JCHP Designation GSINo. Source Location (English)DateCore Elev. NorthEast Length (m) (m, rel. SL) 1933-0013728Yafo Municipality Yafo (al-Bassa) 1933 53 6.2 162.2 127.4 1933-002 3729 Yafo Municipality Yafo-MigdalHamayim 1933 30.6 3.5 162.2 127.4 1933-003 3730 Yafo MunicipalityYafo1933 49.3 8.2 162.22 127.52 1964-002 3731 Mekorot(Israel national MakhsomDan 31964 115.3 7.4 162.13 127.9 watercompany) 1964-001 3725 Mekorot(Israel national MakhsomDan 41964 118.5 7.5 161.916 127.719 watercompany) J affa’s ancient inland harbor 105 i. sk al ow rK te ris pbyK Ma ir. ab uK Ab of st he ea mtot adiu St eld fi om lo )atB sa as -B al i.e., n( io ss epre ed th gh ou hr tt es ew th on afo lY Te of op et th om .12) fr e4 ur ig eF le (se fi pro st ea o- -t west of on ti ca Lo re 4.13. gu Fi 106 t he history and archaeologyofJaffa 2

Figure 4.14. Locations of corestaken in 1933 and1964 within theal-Bassadepression; Israel Transverse Mercator (New Israel Grid)projection. MapbyKrister Kowalski.

analogyfor theenvirons of Jaffa, if Jacotin’s Flaque d’eau accretion ridgethatformedthe lagoon,cut off from the wasaremnantofanestuarine harbor,assuggested by the sea during thelatePersianorHellenistic periods. The preceding analysis (Marriner, Morhange,and Carayon estuaryformedbythe previousoutflow of the Ayalon 2008:1305–1306). Geoarchaeological studies of thesedi- River mayhavebeenprotected from open marine waves mentsnearTellMashukindicatethatthe coastal environ- andcurrents, as well as associatedsedimentinflux,by ment was flooded 6,000 years ago, andanestuary with offshorebedrock ridges or reefs, much like thenorthern communicationtothe sea subsequentlywould have served harbor of Tyre in antiquity(Marriner et al.2005:1319) or as thelikelyBronze to Iron Ageanchorage.Concerningthe by abaymouth barorbarrier-spit complex.Over time, the siltingand eventual blockage or infilling of Jaffa’sprobable bodyofwater was filled with sediment deposited as,but estuary, it is likely that“in theabsenceofafluvial flushing notnecessarily limitedto, fluvialgravel-sand-silt, shoaling system,any inlet wouldgradually have been blockedby lagoon sand-silt, marine storm washover,paludal mud, beach ridgeaccumulation” (Marriner,Morhange, and wind-blownsilt, the fine material from decomposition Carayon2008:1305–1306). At Te ll Mashuk,for example, of mudbrick constructions, andthe refuse generatedby once thebar hadformedand hadcut theestuaryofffrom useofthe harbor as adumpasevidenced by thewood, theopensea,the area becamemarshlandand remained so leather,ceramics, andmacrofaunarecoveredfromcores of untilthe nineteenthcentury. Tyre’s northern harbor (Marrineretal. 2005:1324). With Aparallel course of natural events should be considered regard to terrestrial-derivedsediment, Sandler andHerut forJaffainwhich thebasin adjacenttothe citywas an (2000) have shownthatsedimentsuppliedtothe Israeli estuarythatfunctionedasaharborduring theBronze coast andshelf hasasignificantcomponent of stream- andIronAgeswiththe eventual formation of abeach derivedclayalong with aminor windblown component. J affa’s ancient inland harbor 107

Figure 4.15. West to east cross sectionofsedimentary unitsbased on fourcores completed in 1933 and1964; elevation of core topasreportedbut not verified.

Remnants of the al-Bassa swampreappearedalmost Conclusion annuallyfollowingwinterrains untilthe earlypartofthe twentiethcentury. Theremains of thedepressionappear Areviewofthe availableevidencefor Jaffa’sharborprior to to be indicative of thecenterand deepestparts of the theClassical period supports thesuggestionthatanancient original stream bedand estuary. TheRamesside gate of the harbor or anchorage waslocated to theeastofTel Yafo,in Late Bronze Age(twelfthcenturyBCE) excavatedbythe theareaeastofJerusalemBlvd. surrounding theareanow oc- cupied by Bloomfield Stadium and Groningen Park.Ifthis JaffaCulturalHeritage Projectsince 2011 is revealed to hypothesis is correct, then this harbor appearstohavegone alignapproximately with this depressionand maylikewise outofuse priortothe FirstJewish Revolt (ca. 70 CE)and suggest thedirection of theharbor’slanding,tracing an perhapssomecenturies earlier, andfor this reason,Josephus east-southeast line from thesoutheastern side of thetell characterizedJaffa’sharborasinadequate. Historical maps (Figures 4.8 and4.13).Although it cannot be used to andillustrationsrevealthat al-Bassa is likely to have been pinpoint themissing featureswithaccuracy, this analysis is alate-surviving remnantofabodyofwater thatservedin useful in defining thelocationofthe center of theestuary ancient times asashelteredharbororanchorage.This harbor andpotential anchoragelocated to theeast. Thelineof waslikelyanestuaryor lagoon formedby thedebouchment thegateappears, therefore,toreflectacompromiseinthe of theoriginalcourse of the Ayalon River to thenorth of Te l gate’s orientationbyserving both theharbortoits east Yafo. Thesiteitselfmay have comprisedtwo urbannuclei andthe road leading away from thesite, which wouldhave with acitadel or uppercityonthe present mound anda circumscribedthe southern endofthe harbor to connect lowercitynearthe harbor,asatSidonand Beirut,and this with routes toward thesouth,east, andnorth. possibilityshould also be explored further. 108 t he history and archaeologyofJaffa 2

Notes Barton,GeorgeA. 1903 Researchesofthe American School in Palestine. Journal 1. Throughout this chapter, we employ theterms harbor and of BiblicalLiterature 22(2):164–186. port to distinguish betweenthe role that Jaffaplayedasaplace from 1904 AYear’sWandering in BibleLands.Ferris &Leach, which shipswenttoand fro(aport)and referencetoaspecificphys- Philadelphia. ical, manmade, or naturallocationorinstallation around Jaffa(its Basch, Lucien harbor[s])inwhich shipscould be sheltered. Thedistinction is clari- 1987 Le musée imaginairedelamarine antique.Instituthellé- fied by therecognition thataport canexistwithoutaproperharbor niquepourlapréservationdelatradition nautique, perse. Shipscould,for example, anchor offshorewhile employing Athens. smallercraft to bring goodsashoredespite thenatureofthe coastline. Bauernfeind,Gustav It is also possible thatasingle port (i.e., acityfunctioning as aport) 1881 LandinginJaffa.Watercolor on paper. mayfeature multiple, contemporaneously functioning harborsor, as 1888 Jaffa, RecruitingofTurkish Soldiers in Palestine.Oil on we wouldargue here,aport mightwitnesssubstantialmodifications, canvas. eithernatural or anthropogenic,such thatthe location of itsharbors Boas, Adrian J. shifted over time. 2011 Frankish Jaffa. In TheHistory and Archaeology of Jaffa 2. According to abrief column in SteamShoveland Dredge, 1,editedbyMartinPeilstöcker andAaron A. Burke, “commensuratewithharborimprovement,the city of Jaffaitselfis pp.121–126. TheJaffaCulturalHeritageProject 1. making planstocomeout of itslethargyand reap rich rewards,” MonumentaArchaeologica 26, AaronA.Burke and which includedproposedwaterfrontconstructionofwarehouses, Martin Peilstöcker,eds., CotsenInstitute of Archaeology restaurants,hotels,and privateresidences (Anonymous1922). Only, Press, LosAngeles. however,since thelate1990s havesuch plansactuallygainedsteam Botta, P. E.,and E. Flandin andvarioussuch constructions have been undertaken,albeit largely 1849–1850 Monument de Ninive. Paris. throughthe revitalization of olderstructures. Brückner, Helmut,AndreasVött, ArminSchriever,and MathiasHandl 3. Theauthorsdonote, however, thatinvariousplaces, the 2005 Holocene DeltaProgradationinthe Eastern accumulatedsandwas as much as 3.5 mthick (Sharvitand Galili Mediterranean—Case Studies in TheirHistorical 2002:54*). Context. Méditerranée 104:95–106. 4. TheSRTMdata were obtained throughthe “DEM Burke, AaronA. Explorer”website created by theCenterfor SpatialInformation and 2011Early Jaffa: From theBronze Agetothe PersianPeriod. In Scienceand Systems of theGeorgeMason University.ASTER data TheHistory andArchaeology of Jaffa1,editedbyMartin were downloadeddirectlyfromthe websiteofthe Japanese Ministry Peilstöcker andAaron A. Burke, pp. 63–78. TheJaffa of Economy, Tradeand Industry,NASA’spartner of theASTER CulturalHeritageProject 1. MonumentaArchaeologica program. Theraster fileswerecut outtothe area around Te lAviv. 26, AaronA.Burke andMartinPeilstöcker,eds., Cotsen InstituteofArchaeology Press, LosAngeles. Cohen-Seffer,R., N. Greenbaum, D. Sivan,T.Jull, E. Barmeir, S. Works Cited Croitoru, andM.Inbar 2005 Late Pleistocene-Holocene Marsh Episodes along Allen, JamesP. theCarmelCoast,Israel. QuaternaryInternational 2001 Taking of Joppa. In TheOxfordEncyclopediaofAncient 140–141:103–120. Egypt,editedbyD.B.Redford,pp. 347–348. Vol. 3. Epstein, Claire Oxford University Press, NewYork. 1966 Palestinian Bichrome Wa re.Documenta et monumenta Anonymous Orientisantiqui 12.Brill,Leiden. 1922 Reviving an Ancient Port. SteamShoveland Dredge 32:25. Faust, Avraham, andYosef Ashkenazy 1971Excavations in Te lAviv–1971. Hadashot Arkheologiyot 2007 Excess in PrecipitationasaCausefor Settlement 41–42:26–27. Declinealong theIsraeliCoastal Plainduring the Third Avitsur, Shmuel Millennium BC. QuaternaryResearch 68(1):37–44. 1965 Earliest Projects forImprovedHarbour Facilities at Jaffa. 2009SettlementFluctuationsand EnvironmentalChanges in Bulletin of theMuseumHaaretz 7:30–39. Israel’s CoastalPlain during theEarly Bronze Age. Levant Avnaim-Katav,Simona, D. Sivan, A. Almogi-Labin,A.Sandler, 41(1):19–39. NaomiPorat, andA.Matmon Foran,Debra 2012 TheChronostratigraphyofaQuaternary Sequenceatthe 2011 Byzantine andEarly Islamic Jaffa. In TheHistory and DistalPartofthe Nile LittoralCell, HaifaBay,Israel. Archaeology of Jaffa1,editedbyMartinPeilstöcker JournalofQuaternaryScience 27(7):675–686. andAaron A. Burke, pp.109–120. TheJaffaCultural Baedeker,Karl(editor) Heritage Project1.Monumenta Archaeologica 26,Aaron 1876 Palestineand Syria Handbook forTravellers.Baedeker, A. Burkeand Martin Peilstöcker, eds.,CotsenInstitute of Leipzig. Archaeology Press, LosAngeles. J affa’s ancient inland harbor 109

Golan,Sigal Josephus,Flavius 2009 Te lAviv, theExhibitionGrounds. Hadashot 1987 TheWorks of Josephus:Completeand Unabridged.Translated Arkheologiyot—Excavationsand SurveysinIsrael 121. by W. Whiston. Hendrickson, Peabody, Massachusetts. http://www.hadashot-esi.org.il/report_detail_eng. Kark,Ruth aspx?id=1035&mag_id=115. February 14, 2015. 1990 Jaffa: ACityinEvolution(1799–1917).TranslatedbyG. Gophna,Ram Brand. YadIzhak Ben-Zvi, Jerusalem. 2002 ElusiveAnchorage Points alongthe Israel Littoraland Karmon,Yehuda theEgyptian-CanaaniteMaritimeRoute during Early 1959GeographicalConditions in theSharonPlain and Their Bronze AgeI.In Egyptand theLevant: Interrelations Impact on ItsSettlement. Studiesinthe GeographyofIsrael from the4th throughthe Early3rd Millennium B.C.E., 1:111–133. edited by E. C. M. vanden Brinkand T. E. Levy, 1960 An Analysis of Jacotin’sMap of Palestine. Israel Exploration pp. 418–421. NewApproaches to Anthropological Journal 10(3):155–173. Archaeology, T. E. Levy,ed.,LeicesterUniversity, Kraft,JohnC., Helmut Brückner,Ilhan Kayan, andHelmut Engelmann London. 2007 TheGeographies of Ancient Ephesusand theArtemision Grossmann, Eva in Anatolia. Geoarchaeology 22(1):121–149. 2001 Maritime TelMichal and Apollonia: Resultsofthe Marriner,Nick, Jean-PhilippeGoiran,Bernard Geyer, ValérieMatoïan, Underwater Survey 1989–1996.BARInternational Michel Maqdissi, Marion Leconte, andPierreCarbonel Series 915. Archaeopress, Oxford. 2012AncientHarbors andHoloceneMorphogenesis of the Gvirtzman,G. RasIbn Hani Peninsula (Syria). QuaternaryResearch 1990 Geology andGeomorphology of theSharonPlain and 78(1):34–49. ItsContinental shelf. In TheSharonbetweenthe Yarkon Marriner,Nick,and ChristopheMorhange and Ayalon,editedbyA.Degani, D. Grosman, and 2005Under theCityCentre, theAncient Harbor.Tyreand A. Shmoeli, pp. 19–59. Miśradha-Biṭaḥon,Tel Aviv Sidon. JournalofCulturalHeritage 6:183–189. (Hebrew). 2007GeoscienceofAncientMediterraneanHarbors. Earth- Gvirtzman,G., G. M. Martinotti,and S. Moshkovitz Science Reviews 80:137–194. 1997Stratigraphyofthe Plio-Pleistocene Sequenceof Marriner,Nick, Christophe Morhange,MarcelleBoudagher-Fadel, theMediterraneanCoastal Belt of Israel andIts Michel Bourcier, andPierreCarbonel Implications forthe Evolution of theNile Cone. In 2005 TheGeoarchaeologyofTyre’sAncient Northern Harbor, ThePleistocene Boundary and theBeginning of the Phoenicia. JournalofArchaeologicalScience 32:1302–1327. Quaternary,editedbyJ.A.Van Couvering,pp. 156– Marriner,Nick,ChristopheMorhange, andNicolas Carayon 168. CambridgeUniversity, Cambridge, UK. 2008Ancient Tyre andIts Harbors: 5,000YearsofHuman- Haddad,Elie EnvironmentInteractions. JournalofArchaeologicalScience 2009 Yafo Harbor. Hadashot Arkheologiyot—Excavationsand 35:1281–1310. SurveysinIsrael 121. http://www.hadashot-esi.org.il/ Marriner,Nick,ChristopheMorhange, andClaude Doumet-Serhal report_detail_eng.asp?id=1184&mag_id=115. July 17, 2006 GeoarchaeologyofSidon’sAncient Harbors, Phoenicia. 2010. JournalofArchaeologicalScience 33:1514–1535. Hanauer, J. E. Marriner,Nick,ChristopheMorhange, andMuntaha Saghieh-Beydoun 1903a TheTraditional “Harbour of Solomon” andthe 2008 GeoarchaeologyofBeirut’sAncient Harbor,Phoenicia. Crusading Castle at Jaffa. PalestineExploration Fund JournalofArchaeologicalScience 35:2495–2516. Quarterly Statement 35(3):258–264. Mirkin, Daniel,and Haim Goren 1903b TheTraditional “Harbour of Solomon” at Jaffa. Palestine 2012 Jaffa:APortwithout aPort: FailureofNineteenth-Century ExplorationFund Quarterly Statement 35(4):355–356. PlanstoBuild aModernDeep-WaterPort. Cathedra Hirt,C., M. S. Filmer, andW.E.Featherstone 143:133–152, 209, 212 (Hebrew). 2010Comparisonand Validation of theRecentFreely Moore, GeorgeF., andGeorgeA.Barton AvailableASTER-GDEMver1, SRTM ver4.1 and 1903 Second AnnualReportofthe Managing Committeeof GEODATADEM-9S ver3 Digital ElevationModels theAmerican School forOrientalStudy andResearchin over Australia. Australian JournalofEarthSciences Palestine. American JournalofArchaeology 7:33–44. 57(3):337–347. Morhange,Christophe, M. Hamdan Taha,Jean-Baptiste Humbert, Jacotin, Pierre andNickMarriner 1826 Mémoiresur la construciondelaCarte de l’Êgypte. In 2005 HumanSettlementand CoastalChangeinGazasince the Descriptiondel’Egypteourecueil desobservationsetdes Bronze Age. Méditerranée 104:75–78. recherchesqui ontété faitesenÉgyptependant l’expédition Morris,Ellen Fowles de l’armée française. Vol. VIII,CarteTopographique de 2005 TheArchitecture of Imperialism: Military Basesand the l’Êgypte,editedbyC.L.F.Panckoucke, pp. 1–102. EvolutionofForeignPolicyinEgypt’s NewKingdom. Paris. Problemeder Ägyptologie 22. Brill, Leiden. 110 t he history and archaeologyofJaffa 2

Notley,R.Steven Shacham,Tzvi 2011 Greco-RomanJaffaand ItsHistoricalBackground. In 2011JaffainHistoricalMaps(1799–1948). In TheHistory TheHistory and Archaeology of Jaffa1,editedbyMartin and Archaeology of Jaffa1,editedbyMartinPeilstöcker Peilstöcker andAaron A. Burke, pp. 95–107. TheJaffa andAaron A. Burke, pp. 137–174. TheJaffaCultural CulturalHeritageProject 1. MonumentaArchaeologica Heritage Project1.Monumenta Archaeologica 26,Aaron 26, AaronA.Burke andMartinPeilstöcker,eds., Cotsen A. Burkeand Martin Peilstöcker, eds.,CotsenInstitute of InstituteofArchaeology Press, LosAngeles. Archaeology Press, LosAngeles. Peilstöcker,Martin 2011 AGroup of Late Bronze AgeTombs from theGanor Sharvit, Jacob,and Ehud Galili Compound. In TheHistory and Archaeology of Jaffa1, 2002 Yafo Harbor,Underwater Surveys. Hadashot edited by Martin Peilstöcker andAaron A. Burke, pp. 183– Arkheologiyot—Excavationsand SurveysinIsrael 186. TheJaffaCulturalHeritageProject 1. Monumenta 114:54*–55*. Archaeologica 26, AaronA.Burke andMartinPeilstöcker, Sivan,Dorit, D. Eliyahu, andAvner Raban eds.,CotsenInstitute of Archaeology Press, LosAngeles. 2004 Late Pleistocene to Holocene Wetlands NowCovered by Peilstöcker,Martin, andAaron A. Burke(editors) Sand, along theCarmel Coast, Israel,and TheirRelation 2011 TheHistory andArchaeology of Jaffa1.TheJaffaCultural to HumanSettlement: An Example from Dor. Journalof Heritage Project1.Monumenta Archaeologica 26. CoastalResearch (204):1035–1048. Cotsen InstituteofArchaeology Press, LosAngeles. Pierce,GeorgeA. Sivan,Dorit,NoamGreenbaum,Ronit Cohen-Seffer, GuySisma- 2011Archaeologyof Jaffaand GeographicInformation Systems Ventura, andAhuva Almogi-Labin Analysis. In TheHistory and Archaeology of Jaffa1,edited 2011 TheOriginand Disappearance of theLatePleistocene– by Martin Peilstöcker andAaron A. Burke, pp. 53–59. EarlyHoloceneShort-Lived CoastalWetlands alongthe TheJaffaCulturalHeritageProject 1. Monumenta Carmel Coast, Israel. QuaternaryResearch 76(1):83–92. Archaeologica 26, AaronA.Burke andMartinPeilstöcker, Smith, GeorgeAdam eds.,CotsenInstituteofArchaeology Press, LosAngeles. 1932 TheHistoricalGeographyofthe Holy Land.25thed. Raban, Avner Hodder&Stoughton,London. 1985 TheAncientHarbors of Israel in Biblical Times (from Stanley, D. J. theNeolithic Period to theEnd of theIronAge). In 1989 Sediment Transportonthe Coastand Shelfbetween the Harbor Archaeology,editedbyA.Raban,pp. 11–44. BAR International Series 257, Archaeopress, Oxford. Nile Deltaand IsraeliMarginasDetermined by Heavy 1990–1993 TheAncient HarborsofJaffa. Israel—Peopleand Land: Minerals. JournalofCoastal Research 5:813–828. EretzIsraelMuseumYearbook 7–8 (25–26):95–114, Stock, Friederike,AnnaPint, Barbara Horejs,SabineLadstätter, 13*–14* (HebrewwithEnglish summary). andHelmut Brückner Rainey,Anson F.,and R. Steven Notley 2013 In Search of theHarbors:New Evidence of Late 2006 TheSacred Bridge:Carta’sAtlas of theBiblicalWorld. Romanand ByzantineHarbors of Ephesus. Quaternary Carta, Jerusalem. International 312:57–69. Ritter-Kaplan,Haya To lkowsky, Samuel 1978 JaffaPort. Hadashot Arkheologiyot 65/66:25–26 (Hebrew). 1924 TheGateway of Palestine: AHistory of Jaffa.Routledge Sade, A.,J.K.Hall, A. Golan, G. Amit, L. Gur-Arie, G. Tibor, Z. Ben-Avraham, E. Ben-Dor,L.Fonseca,B.R.Calder, L. &Sons, London. A. Mayer, andC.P.deMoustier Vosseler, Peter 2006 AcousticBackscatterat95kHz from theMediterranean 2013 DerOrientmaler Gustav BauernfeindinJaffa. In Jaffa: Seafloor off Northern Israel.Reportsubmittedtothe Torzum Heiligen Land,edited by M. Peilstöcker,J. Geological Survey of Israel. Schefzyk, andA.A.Burke,pp. 46–51. Nünnerich- Sandler,A., andB.Herut Asmus, Mainz. 2000 CompositionofClays alongthe Continental Shelfoff Wa chsmann, Shelley Israel:Contribution of theNileversus Local Sources. 1990 ShipsofTarshish to theLandofOphir: Seafaringin MarineGeology 167(3–4):339–354. Biblical Times. Oceanus 33(1):70–82. Säve-Söderbergh, To rgny 1998 SeagoingShips &Seamanshipinthe Bronze AgeLevant. 1946 TheNavyofthe Eighteenth Dynasty.A.-B. Lundequistska Bokhandeln, Uppsala. Te xasA&M University, CollegeStation. The His tory and Archaeology of Jaffa

2 The Jaffa Cult u r al Heritage P rojec t Series, Volume 2

A a r o n A . B u r k e a n d M a r t i n P e i l s t ö c k e r , S e r i e s E d i t o r s

The History and Archaeology of Jaffa 2

E d i t e d b y A a r o n A . B u r k e , K a t h e r i n e S t r a n g e B u r k e , a n d M a r t i n P e i l s t ö c k e r

Monumenta Archaeologica 41

Cotsen Institute of Archaeology Press, Los Angeles The Cotsen Institute of Archaeology Press is the publishing unit of the Cotsen Institute of Archaeology at UCLA. The Cotsen Institute is a premier research organization dedicated to the creation, dissemination, and conservation of archaeological knowledge and heritage. It is home to both the Interdepartmental Archaeology Graduate Program and the UCLA/Getty Master’s Program in the Conservation of Archaeological and Ethnographic Materials. The Cotsen Institute provides a forum for innovative faculty research, graduate education, and public programs at UCLA in an effort to positively impact the academic, local and global communities. Established in 1973, the Cotsen Institute is at the forefront of archaeological research, education, conservation and publication, and is an active contributor to interdisciplinary research at UCLA.

The Cotsen Institute of Archaeology Press specializes in producing high-quality academic volumes in nine different series, including Monumenta Archaeologica, Monographs, World Heritage and Monuments, Cotsen Advanced Seminars, and Ideas, Debates, and Perspectives. Through a generous endowment by Lloyd E. Cotsen, longtime Institute volunteer and benefactor, the Press makes the fruits of archaeological research accessible to scholars, professionals, students, and the general public. Our archaeological publications receive critical acclaim in both academic communities and the public at large.

The Cotsen Institute of Archaeology at UCLA Willeke Wendrich, Director Aaron A. Burke, Editor-in-Chief Randi Danforth, Publications Director Deidre Whitmore, Director of the Digital Archaeology Lab

Editorial Board Willeke Wendrich Africa (Ex officio member) Lothar von Falkenhausen East Asia Sarah P. Morris Mediterranean Basin John K. Papadopoulos Mediterranean Basin Jeanne E. Arnold North America–Pacific Coast Gregson Schachner North America–Southwest Charles Stanish South America–Andes Richard G. Lesure South America–Mesoamerica Aaron A. Burke West Asia–Near East Randi Danforth Ex officio member

Edited by Gillian Dickens Designed by Sally Boylan Index by Matthew White

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

The Library of Congress has catalogued this record under LCCN: 2017047201

Yehoshua (Shuka) Dorfman (1950–2014) Director General of the Israel Antiquities Authority Without whose vision, the Jaffa Cultural Heritage Project would not have existed. Contents

List of Illustrations ��xi List of Tables ��xxi Preface ��xxiii Abbreviations ��xxv Introduction ��1 Aaron A. Burke, Katherine Strange Burke, and Martin Peilstöcker

Part I. Archaeological Research in Jaffa Chapter 1. The Jaffa Cultural Heritage Project, 2007–2016...... 9 Aaron A. Burke and Martin Peilstöcker Chapter 2. Excavations of the Jaffa Cultural Heritage Project, 2008–2014 �� 27 Aaron A. Burke and Martin Peilstöcker Chapter 3. Salvage Excavations in Jaffa’s Lower Town, 1994–2014 �� 63 Yoav Arbel Chapter 4. Jaffa's Ancient Inland Harbor: Historical, Cartographic, and Geomorphological Data �� 89 Aaron A. Burke, Shelley Wachsmann, Simona Avnaim-Katav, Richard K. Dunn, Krister Kowalski, George A. Pierce, and Martin Peilstöcker

Part II. Historical and Archaeological Studies of Medieval and Ottoman Jaffa Chapter 5. The Stone Door of a Jewish Burial Cave from Jaffa ��113 Yoav Arbel Chapter 6. The Ottoman Port of Jaffa: A Port without a Harbor ��121 Dan Mirkin Chapter 7. A Panoramic View of Late Ottoman Jaffa from November 1860 by Louis Vignes ��157 Tzvi Shacham Chapter 8. The Jerusalem Gate of Late Ottoman Jaffa: An Updated Survey ��163 Yoav Arbel and Lior Rauchberger Chapter 9. The New Gate of Jaffa during the Late Ottoman Period ��179 Or Aleksandrowicz and Samuel Giler Chapter 10. The Anglican Cemetery of Jaffa from 1842 ��191 Samuel Giler

vii viii T h e H i s t o r y a n d A r c h a e o l o g y o f J a f f a 2

Chapter 11. The Blessed Bayāra: A Bayāra and Arabic Inscription from Late Ottoman Jaffa ��199 Avi Sasson and Nitzan Amitai-Preiss Chapter 12. The Jaffa-Jerusalem Road in the Late Ottoman Period: Aspects of Material Culture along the “Travelers’ Way” ��215 Avi Sasson Chapter 13. Metals from the Flea Market and Ganor Compound Excavations ��229 Kate Raphael Chapter 14. Ottoman Clay Tobacco Pipes from the Seawall Excavations in Jaffa ��249 Lior Rauchberger

Part III. Excavations at the Postal Compound 2009–2011 Chapter 15. The Postal Compound Excavations in Jaffa, 2009–2011: Final Report ��273 Eriola Jakoel Chapter 16. Ceramics from the Postal Compound Excavations, 2009–2011 ��301 Peter Gendelman and Eriola Jakoel Chapter 17. Amphora Stamps from the Postal Compound Excavations, 2009–2011 ��313 Gerald Finkielsztejn Chapter 18. Numismatic Finds from the Postal Compound Excavations, 2009–2011 ��315 Donald T. Ariel Chapter 19. Human Remains from the Postal Compound Excavations, 2009–2011 ��317 Vered Eshed

Part IV. Excavations at the Armenian Compound, 2006–2007 Chapter 20. Excavations at the Armenian Compound in Jaffa, 2006–2007: Final Report ��327 Yoav Arbel Chapter 21. Excavations in the Room over the Church in the Armenian Compound Excavations, 2006 ��339 Lior Rauchberger Chapter 22. The Ceramics from the Armenian Compound Excavations, 2006–2007 ��345 Anna de Vincenz Chapter 23. An Abbasid Stamped Handle from the Armenian Compound Excavations, 2006–2007 ��361 Nitzan Amitai-Preiss Chapter 24. An Athenian Black-Figured Krater Fragment from the Armenian Compound Excavations, 2006 ��363 Peter Gendelman

Part V. The Kaplan Excavations, 1955–1974 Chapter 25. Excavations in Areas B, D, F, and G by Jacob Kaplan, 1959–1964: Exploration of the Northern End of Tel Yafo ��369 Kyle H. Keimer c o n t e n t s ix

Chapter 26. The Be’eri School Excavations by Jacob Kaplan, 1965 ��401 Aaron A. Burke, Brett Kaufman, and Katherine Strange Burke Chapter 27. Evidence for Northern European Crusader Ships at Jaffa: Steel Nails from the Be’eri School Excavations...... 413 Davide Zori and Brett Kaufman Chapter 28. Bronze and Iron Age Figurines and Zoomorphic Vessels from Jaffa, 1955–1974 ��429 Michael D. Press

Appendixes: These four appendixes appear online at www.dig.ucla.edu/jaffa-2 Appendix 1 A Gazetteer for Jaffa: Excavation Areas, Places, and Historical Monuments Aaron A. Burke Appendix 2 Excavations in Jaffa and Abu Kabir, 1985–2015 Aaron A. Burke and Martin Peilstöcker Appendix 3 Bibliography for Jaffa, Abu Kabir, and Environs Aaron A. Burke Appendix 4 Collections of Excavated Artifacts from Jaffa and Abu Kabir Aaron A. Burke

Index ��439 Preface

he present volume is the second in the Jaffa Many large edited volumes suffer from a lack of inte- Cultural Heritage Project publication series. It gration and editing that provide coherence to disparately Trepresents the culmination of a decade of field- themed, if still related, studies of a subject. To avoid this, the work and analysis by the Jaffa Cultural Heritage Project, editors have adopted a number of measures that are all the under the direction of Aaron A. Burke and Martin more significant for Jaffa given the number of contributors Peilstöcker and the publication of HAJ 1 (Peilstöcker to this volume, the diverse character of their contributions, and Burke 2011). While the project has successfully and the many periods represented. Some contributions have carried out seven seasons of excavations since 2007, been retitled, with the author’s permission, to clarify the a significant contribution of the project has been the content of individual articles. We have also supplemented fostering of a collaborative research environment, which all articles, except those in Parts III and IV, with abstracts, has created a dialogue among a growing number of which will assist in clarifying the significance of individual researchers in Israel and abroad who have worked on contributions. Among the most superficial but essential various aspects of Jaffa’s history and archaeology. The measures has been the standardization of placenames. This present volume is a testament to the extent of these has resulted in an extensive and revised gazetteer for Jaffa collaborations, which involve not only archaeologists (see Appendix 1). Since a number of excavations have been but also historians, geographers, and specialists from a conducted in certain places (e.g., Armenian Compound, wide range of disciplines, with coverage extending from Postal Compound), excavation license numbers have often prehistory through the modern period. been relocated to notes but are important for identifying A major problem for research of Jaffa prior to the all of the excavations carried out in one area. These are col- Jaffa Cultural Heritage Project’s inception was a lack of lected in Appendix 2, updating the list published in HAJ 1 visibility of studies relating to Jaffa’s history and archae- and providing references for reports that have appeared at ology, which were scattered among preliminary reports, least through the end of 2015. Whenever possible, efforts specialist studies, and a number of publications in He- have also been made to standardize the presentation of ce- brew that were largely inaccessible to many researchers. ramic and other finds. Likewise, repetitive historical back- Before the publication of HAJ 1, the only book-length ground information has been extensively abbreviated and treatments of Jaffa’s archaeology or premodern history sometimes shortened by inserting references to discussions in English were Samuel Tolkowsky’s nearly century-old among earlier publications, notably to historical overviews but still indispensable The Gateway of Palestine: A History in HAJ 1, which were not cited in the original submissions. of Jaffa (Tolkowsky 1924), later published in Hebrew Many terms in foreign languages, particularly Arabic, are in 1926, and Ruth Kark’s Jaffa: A City in Evolution rendered in italics, and Arabic plurals are retained (e.g., (1799–1917) (Kark 1990), which was translated from bayāra, pl. bāyarāt). Insofar as this may complicate recog- the Hebrew edition. nition of their significance, these terms are included with

xxiii xxiv T h e H i s t o r y a n d A r c h a e o l o g y o f J a f f a 2

definitions in the index. The index itself is extensive and his assistance in the production of maps for a number of includes references to all historical personages, as well as the contributions. We also thank Randi Danforth and places of relevance to Jaffa and its setting. Last, the reader the Cotsen Institute of Archaeology Press for agreeing to may encounter a few occasions where the editors have publish the volume, but also for the excellent appearance added endnotes, prefixed asEditor’s note, intended to of the final product. Additional acknowledgments are include information that was otherwise unknown to the included at the end of each contribution. authors during their study. Such measures, taken together, we hope will add to the utility of individual contributions Aaron A. Burke, Katherine Strange Burke, and create further cohesion among the themes addressed and Martin Peilstöcker in the five parts of this work. The Jaffa Cultural Heritage Project The present volume has been under production for October 2017 several years. We would like to thank the contributors for agreeing to have their works included in this venue and Works Cited for their patience during its production. It is our hope Kark, Ruth that these works, collected together in a single volume 1990 Jaffa: A City in Evolution (1799–1917). Translated by G. with notable unifying themes, will increase the visibility Brand. Yad Izhak Ben-Zvi, Jerusalem. of these studies and thus further the integration of Jaffa’s Peilstöcker, Martin, and Aaron A. Burke (Editors) history and archaeology in these related disciplines. The 2011 The History and Archaeology of Jaffa 1. The Jaffa Cultural editors thank Nadia Ben-Marzouk (UCLA) for her assis- Heritage Project 1. Monumenta Archaeologica 26, Aaron tance with the assembly of the volume and fact-checking A. Burke and Martin Peilstöcker, eds., Cotsen Institute of Archaeology Press, Los Angeles. of the bibliography, and Amy Karoll (UCLA) for her Tolkowsky, Samuel work on many of the figures. Likewise, we thank Krister 1924 The Gateway of Palestine: A History of Jaffa. Routledge & Kowalski (Johannes Gutenberg Universität, Mainz) for Sons, London.