1020_ OONGRESSION AL ·RECORD-HOUSE. JANUARY 25, unanimous .consent that the unfinished business be temporarily billaske.d and ehtained-unanimous consent to vaca.te.the or_der for -they~ and nays and -to agretl to the amendment to the bill a.sked for in the instruc laid .aside and that th.e bill under consideration be proceeded with. tions. Thereafter the gentleman from Michigan, Mr. TODD, asked unani Mr. GEAR. The unfinished business not losing 'its place, I m ous consent for oonsideratian of an amendment he desired to offer, which take-it.. was ebjected to by the chairman of the Committee on Post-O:tlices and Post Roads, Mr. LOUD, and the bill was put upon its passage, and passed. Mr. FRYE. Of .course not. The reporter's notes are as follows: . The PRESIDING OFFICER. The SeCI"etary ~ .continue the Mr. TODD. 1\IIr. Speaker, I ask unanimeus consent-- reading of the bill~ The .SPEAKER. This is done by consent of the House. - - - _ Mr. TODD. I ask unanimous consent that my amendment may be consid- The Secretary resumed and concluded thereading of Se.nate bill ered.' . . 4549, which had been reported from the Committee ·ori Co.mlnerce . The S-PEAKER. . The gentleman asks una.n:imous consent for the consider with amendm-ents. . . ~ a,.ion of his amendment. ls there objection? 'T-he first amendment was, in section 7, page 6., line 9, after the Mr. LOUD. I eaJl for the r~gular m·del". · . - word "and," to insert •'at;" so as to read: bh'fhe SPE.A.K"ER. Objection is made. The question is.on the passage of the At high water, -and at at least one intermediate stage. by triangulated ob- The bill was passed. · - - ser-vations on suitable :floats. . _ Notwithstanding the refusal of the House to grant tne request... the gentle ...man from Michigan has inserted in the RECORD, in pages 948 ana 9-!9 of date The amendment was agreed to. .January 20,1899, following .his reque3t for unanimous consent., remarks upon The ned amendm-ent was, in section 8~ page 6, li.ne 19, after the his proposed amendment, together with the tex..t o1 his amendment. word "War;'' to -strike out "Plans-':. and insert "No changes or Your committee find that it was improperly done, and therefore reeom m end that the matter inserted by-the gentleman from Michigan fMr. TODD] alterations;., in line 20, after ilie wm~d ''made,,. to insert ·''in &rid be .stricken from the permanent REcoRD, beginning on page 948, after the bridge, by the owners thereof;" in line 21, before the word ~ · or," words "Mr. TODD. I ask unanimous consent that my amendment may be to strike out u of said bndge;" and in thoe sam..e line, after the word considered," down to the wm'ds on page 9-!9 baginning "The SPEAKER. The gentleman asks," ete. ' · 'afte-r,~' to strike -out '-'its;'' so as to read: SEC. 8. ·That any bridge eonstrneted under the authority of this act shall Mr. PERKINS. Mr. Speaker, I will yield :fi:ve minutes to the · be built under the gene.ral snpeY:vision of the Secretary of War. No cha~es gentleman from Michigan [Mr. TODD]. or alterations shall be made in said bridge, by the owners thereof, durmg Mr. TODD. M-r. Speaker, I desire to. say that if it appears cons-truction or after completion, unless such changes or alterations conform from the stenogrnpber's note.s that I inadvertently violated the to the provisions of this act and are authorized b,Y the Secretary of . W~r. _ rules of this House, I surely had no intention to do so. In debating · The amendment was agreea to. this proposition as to whether the remarks sh<>uld be stricken The next amendment was~ on page '1, to strike out s:eclio.n 9, in from the RECORD, I should not presume now to enter into a dis the foilowing words: cussion of the point of order ma-de at the time against my amend SEC. 9. That wheiMlver the Secretary of War has good -reason to believe ment were it not that the report of the -committee just read that anr. of the provisions of sections 4, 6, and 8 of this act have not been eom Jilied With by the company or persons owning, eo:n.trolling, or operating the discusses-the parliamentary status u-nder which 1 was proceeding. bridge autnorized under its provisions., it .shall be the ..duty of the Seere.tary So., if the Chair will allow me_, without presuming to question his of War, -on satisfactory proof thereof, to require the said company ar persons authority tn ruling that my amendment was out of order at the to comply ·with the provisions of said sections, and on failure of said persons or company to compiy with said requirements within -a -reasonable time, -the time, I will for a few _moments speak to that point. Secretary of War shall p.roeeed to cause the necessary work, in the form of The 'Chair will recall that after the previous question had been additions, alterations, r<:~pairs, or removal of obstructions, to be made at the moved on the passage of the postal appropriation bill, the gentle expense o-f the United :Sta.t.es, -a;nd shall refer the matter without delar. to the Attorney-General of th-e United States, whose duty it shall be to mst1tnte in man from Virginia [Mr. 'SwANSON] moved to reeom:mit it with in the name of the U.nite.d States proceedings in the circuit court of the United structions to the committee to strike out that provision of the bill States .in and for the district in which any po-rtion of said obstruction or . appropriating some 6300.,000 for mails in Cuba and the Philip bridge may be lor the recovery .of such exp.ense; at!d all moneys acc:rui:ng from sn.ch :proceedings ahall 'be oover..ed .hlto the Treasury of the United pines. Upon that he demanded the yeas and nays, which were States. · ordered, and pending the vote upon that question, the Hou.se ad.- 'The amendment was -agreed to.. j~M~ - . The next amendment was, section 12., page 9, line 11, after the - The fol~owing morning the gentleman from California [Mr• m L.oun] in charge 1>f the bill a.sked unanim-ous -consent of the word "reserved," tostrike ou.t.: House to dispense with 'that vote, saying that after conf.erenee And.the right to require the entire removal af the bridge-constructed under the provisions of this
Now, I understand my distinguished friend from California, the EULOGIES ON HON. MR. NORTHWAY.: chairman of the committee, Mr. LouD, does not find in my re marks anything personal or any statements contrary to fact. My Mr. GROSVENOR. I ask unanimous consent that Saturday, motion was on a subject of great importance-the appropriation of February 18, be fixed for eulogies upon the late Representative four and a quarter million dollars-and I inserted into my remarks from Ohio, Mr. NoRTHWAY, the eulogies to begin at such time on. a couple of paragraphs from a communication from the National that afternoon as will suit the convenienoo of the House. Board of Trade from their "subcommittee on 1-cent letter post The SPEAKER. The gentleman from Ohio asks unanimous conse:r;tt that at the convenience of the House on Satm·day, Fe~ age/' in which that committee say this appropriation of four and ruary 18, eulogies on the lat& Mr. NoRTHWAY, of Ohio, be pro aquartermillionsforcar rental, averaging about $6,000percar-- nounced. Is there objection? [Here the hammer fell.] There was no objection. Mr. TODD. Mr. Speaker, I ask for two minutes more. The SPEAKER. The gentleman's time has expired. ARMY REORGANIZATION, Mr. PERKINS. Mr. Speaker, it hardly seems. to be necessary to prolong this debate. Other important business is waiting, and On motion of Mr. HULL, the House resolved itself into Com much that the gentleman says is irrelevant to the question. The mittee of the Whole on the state of the Union {Mr. PAYNE in the point is whether he had the consent or didnothave the· consent of chair), and resumed the consideration of the bill (H. R.11022) for the House to insert his remarks in the RECORD. Upon that the the reorganization of the Army of the United States, and for other record of the reporter's. notes are clear and sharp, and I move the purposes. adoption of the report. · Mr. HULL. I see that gentlemen who were to speak to-day on Mr. TODD. Will the gentleman allow me one word? this side of the Honse are not present. If any gentleman on the Th& SPEAKER. The gentleman from Iowa asks for the pre other side is reaqy to proceed, I hope he will do so, and we will vious question. occupy our time later. Mr. TODD. If the gentleman willa.llowmeoneword. I appeal Mr. SULZER. I prefer to have some gentleman on the other to the generosity of the chairman of the committee, that as there side go on now. was nothing in my remarks that were personal~ unparliamentary, Mr. HULL. I Wl.ll say that unless the gentlemen on our side or contrary to fact-I ask consent that my remarks be allowed to have fallen by the wayside with '' la grippe " or some kindred dis stand in the RECORD. ease, they will probably be here soon; otherwise I shall be obliged Mr. PERKINS. If the gentleman is correct, he has learned to waive our_portion of the time for the present. what the proper course now is. · M.r. BAILEY. As neither side appears to be ready-- The SPEAKER. 'rhe question is on agreeing to the motion of Mr. SULZER. We are ready to go on if no gentleman on the the gentleman from Iowa for the previous question. other side is found to occupy the time. The previous question was ordered. Mr. BAILEY. If neither side is ready, I ask unanimous eon· The SPEAKER. Thequestion now is, Shall the language com sent--- plained of be stricken from the RECORD? Mr. HULL. I see the gentleman from Tennessee [Mr. GIBSON] The report of the committee was agreed to. is present. I yield to him thirty minutes. BUSINESS OF COMMITTEE ON PUBLIC BUILDINGS AND GROUNDS. [Mr. GIBSON addressed the committee. See Appendix.] Mr. MERCER. I ask unanimous consent for the consideration Mr. SULZER. I yield one houx to the gentleman from Indiana of the resolution which I presented yesterday, and which was ob [Mr. JOHNSONl. jected to. Mr. JOHNSON of Indiana. Mr. Chairman. while the President The Clerk read as follows: of the United States-doubtless under the impression that there is Resolved, That Wednesdar.,~ the 1st day of February next, immediately after a popular demand for it-is hurrying our vessels of war and our the reading of the Journal, me House proceed to consider such bills a.s may Army across the vast expanse of water in order to impose upon be indicated by the Committee on Public Buildings and Grounds such con an alien people in the Orient a government which they are not sideration to be fil'st had in a Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union and to continue during the day: Provided, That all bills reported willing to accept, I propose, so far as my humble ability will favorably to the House and remaining undisposed of at adjournment on said admit-certainly from a sincere heart and through fearless lips day shall be considered as unfinished business after the reading of the Journal and without any regard to what may be the consequence upon my on the following day and be proceeded with until disposed of. personal fortunes-to make here to-day a plea for liberty and an Mr. LOUD. I think this resolution ought to take the regular argument against the perpetration of the wrong. course. It ought to come before us, if at all, through the Com We are at this very moment upon the verge of a crisis in the mittee on Rules, rather than be presented here upon a request for Philippine Islands. It is indeed true, as stated in debate the other unanimous consent, which devolves upon the shoulders of one day by the gentlemen who ru.·e supporting this measure, that we person the responsibility of objecting. This proposition is to fix are confronted there with grave and serious difficulties. What is a rule which may occupy the time of the Honse for a month. the remedy which this gentleman, whose policy brought us into There are before this Honse a great many measures which I think these difficulties, is now proposing in order to extl·icate us from would relieve the public Treasury a little and which are knocking them? That we shall hurry up this Army bill; that we shall in at the doors of the Committee on Rules for a day t-o be heard. It crease the military establishment of this Government; that we seems to me this resolution ought to go to that committee, that shall impose grievous burdens of taxations upon the A-merican they may recommend to the House what ought to be done. I . people, to the end that we may continue trying to realize our wild would feel compelled to object to the resolution in its present dreams for the acquisition of territory in the other hemisphere. shape, because if carried out it might occupy the rest of the ses And every Representative who opposes a policy so foolish and un· sion. just as this is characterized as" a Spaniard," as a man who is dere· M.r. MERCER. Will the gentleman from California consent to lict in the discharge of his duty on this floor and as standing in the adoption of the resolution if an amendment be submitted lim opposition to the best interests of the country. iting the time to be occupied to February 1 and 2? What is my answer, sir, to this? It is that by all odds the better Mr. LOUD. Mr. Speaker, I think the resolution ought to go course is for the Chief Executive of this nation to break the obsti· where we all have to go to get favors. It is not right, Mr. Speaker, nate silence into which he has of late relapsed and assure this alien to put upon the shoulders of one person in this Honse-- people that the great Government of the United States does not Mr. MERCER. The gentleman does not need to shoulder the propose to menace them; that there will be no efforts made to responsibility if he does not want to. interfere. with their exercising the inalienable right of self Mr. LOUD. Well, "the gentleman from California" will as government. If he will do this, my word for it the strained rela sume the full responsibility now and in the future, as he has done tions in the Philippines will cease, and those who were but yes in the past. I want to. get along with everybody as amicably as terday our al,lies willt·etnrn to us again with fraternal greetings. possible, and I have suggested the proper course for the- gentleman There will be no necessity for maintaining an army there; hence, to pursue. no necessity for providing for an army of 100,000 men here and Mr. MERCER. Make the agony as short as possible. Do you no necessity for imposing heavy burdens upon an already over· object? taxed people. Mr. LDUD. I object, Mr. Speaker. Does any man dare assert on this floor that it is not the policy Mr. MERCER. All right; I do not like to be held up too long. of the Administration to forcibly annex the Philippines? Answer me, please, what the President meant when during his recent tour LEAVE TO PRIN'l:. through the South he exclaimed, '' Who is there that will pull Mr. SULZER. I ask that all members· have leave to print re down·the American flag from the soil upon which it has been marks in the RECORD on the Army reorganization bill. planted?" What means this hasty avowal of Senator-FoRAKER in Mr. PERKINS. That proposition was made Jastevening,_ when the Senate that when he said he knew of nobody in this country the gentleman from Indiana [Mr. STEELE] objected. In his ab who expected to interfere with the right of self-government in the sence· I think it ought not to be brought up now. Philippines, he spoke only for himself? . The SPEAKER. · Objection is,made. Mr. STEWART of New Jersey. May.Iinterrnptthegentleman? 1022 CONGRESSIONAL -RECORD-HOUSE. J.ANU.A.RY 25,
Mr. JOHNSON of Indiana. If the chairman of the Committee have been merged, and that the people present a solid front on Military Affairs, who the other day refused me. time to partici ,against every aggression of the United States, just as they did pate in this debate, will accord me an extension of time to-day against the aggressions of the Spanish Government. If there is sufficient to cover all questions that may be asked me and my any other government in the Philippines than that represented brief answers thereto, I will gladly yield to any question. by Aguinaldo, I would like to have some gentleman on the floor Mr. HUIJL. I did yield to the gentleman's question when he inform me where it is located. I affirm that none such exists. said that it was in regard to the bill. Mr. Chairman, this republic in the Orient is infinitely a better Mr. JOHNSON of Indiana. But the question is, Will the gen representative of the wishes of the people than was the govern tleman grant me time to-day to hear and answer questions? ment in Hawaii, which was bitterly opposed by a vast number of Mr. HULL. Oh, I shall not yield you any time. the inhabitants, and which we not only hastened to recognize, Mr. JOHNSON of Indiana. Then I must decline to be inter but which I am now, in the light of subsequent events, thoroughly rupted. I have but one hour, and what I have to say must be convinced we actually helped to establish, establish that we greatly condensed. If time permitted, nothing would suit me might pave the way to annexation, an event which recently oc better than to answer any questions that might be asked me by curred under the plausible pretext that it was necessary as a war any ge~tleman. measure to furnish a base for om· military and naval operations Mr. Chairman, if this Administration does not desire to force a against Spain in the Philippines. I would like, sir, for some of government upon the Philippines against their will, what is the the gentlpmen who are to follow me, some of those who are significance of this eternal clamor upon the part of the partisan skilled in the drawing of subtle distinctions, to tell me wherein press and of these authoritative declarations of intention to hold lies the consistency of our recognizing Hawaii and refusing to rec-. these islands permanently by those who stand close in the c-on ognize the Philippines. ' _ fidence of the President? When Admiral Dewey sailed with his fleetint.o Manila Harbor, Why did we demand and receive an absolute cession of the the Filipinos became our allies in the war with Spain. They islands to ourselves in the treaty of peace, which the Chief Executive never agreed to accept our· domination. They welcomed us sim of the United States inspired, perhaps dictated, instead of simply ply upon the theory that their enemy was our enemy, and they requiring that Spain should evacuate and leave the people there cordially cooperated with us during the war for the overthrow of in possession of the soil, as was provided, I believe, with respect the common foe. While Dewey infested Ma-nila by sea at a time to the island of Cuba? If we do not intend forcible annexation of when he had not a soldier to embark for an army of occupation, an unwilling people, why is it that Senator D.A. VIS, who is now in the Filipinos, under Aguinaldo, besieged that city by land. Shall charge of this treaty in the Senate of the United States-the man we now turn upon them, shall we now deny them that which is who was the spokesman in negotiating it, following the direc the birthright of every free-born American citizen? To do so tions of the President-refuses to allow the treaty to be ratified, would be an unspeakable crime. To do so would be such an ex and subsequently to have passed there a resolution disavowing hibition of ingratitude as would bring the blush of shame to the our intention ever to force a government upon that people? cheek of every loyal American and subject us to the just censure Bear in mind, Mr. Chairman, that it was not asked that such a of every fair-minded man in the civilized world. [ Applause.l - resolution should be incorporated into the treaty itself by way of Mr. Chairman, I appreciate the kindly sentiment expressed by an amendment, but simply that a mere independent declaration this applause, but I will consider it a favor if gentlemen will hear should be made after the ratification, disclaiming any purpose me in silence and not break in upon my time. upon the part of tbis nation to deprive this alien race of their right The Philippine Islanders did not-wage a war against Spain to self-government or to forcibly annex them to our domain. simply for a change of masters. They waged that heroic con-. If our intentions are honorable toward the Filipinos, what need flict-for heroic it was-that they might secure their independ is there of raising a Regula1· Army of a hundred thousand ence. They have rejected with scorn the high-sounding manifesto men? Ah, sir, this one fact is of itself convincing proof that the of the President of the United States. They have refused even to Chief Executive contemplates the employment of methods of re set it in type or to circulate it. They have issued their counter pression. And there, too, is the proclamation which the President proclamations accusing us of bad fait-h and declaring that they issued to the people of the Philippines, informing them that this prefer to be free. But recently their congress unanimously vetoed Government had succeeded to Spain's sovereignty over them, and a proposition for annexation to our domain. And now they stand blandly declaring to them that our mission in the islands was one with their arms in their hands, undaunted by our mighty fleet of ''benevolent assimilation." and our great army of 20,000 men, resolutely insisting upon inde Mr. Chairman, these are all of them pregnant facts which can pendence and liberty, as they stood for independence and liberty not escape our notice, which can not be ignored or brushed aside. against their oppressor, Spain. We must meet their irresistible inference squarely and fairly. Mr. Chairman, I make bold to affirm upon this floor, and I shall Every utterance of the Administration on this subject, every utter not find fault if my feeble voice should in this connection even ance of those behind it in this scheme, points in but one direction, reach the gentleman who is intrenched in the White House, that and that is to the forcible annexation by this Government of the any people who are capable of the valor which these people have Philippines. There is something ominous, too, in the very silence displayed are worthy of their freedom and capable of enjoying it now so studiously maintained in certain official circles. If it is if it is once conferred upon them. Is it less noble, gentlemen, to intended to recognize the existing government in the Orient, why, fight for freedom in the Philippines than it is to fight for liberty let me ask you, has the Department of State kept the representa in the island of Cuba? Where are my impassioned Republican tive of that government outside of its doors for two critical weeks, colleagues upon this floor who once vociferated so loudly for the refusing to respond to his inquiry as to our purpose, and for per freedom of the Cubans, who sneered at and hissed me when I rose mission to assure his people that there is no cause for their excite· in my place in this body to protest against a war which I th ~:mght ment or for their apprehension that this Government will menace unnecessary and unwise and which they insisted should be pre their liberties? cipitated to emancipate the starving and oppressed inhabita_nts of What right has the Administration or anyone else to force upon the Queen of the Antilles? Where are their voices nowwhen lib the Filipinos a government contrary to t heir wishes? Their war erty is assailed by no less a person than the President of the for independence antedates our war with Spain. While Maceo and United States in the far-off islands of the Orient? Gomez were fighting for liberty in Cuba, Aguinaldo and his fol Can it be possible, sir, that it is criminal aggression to under lowers were fighting for liberty in the .Philippines. Each was take the forcible annexation of Cuba, but that it is not criminal fighting the same tyranny and oppression; each was making the aggression to undertake the forcible annexation of the Philip same kind of a fight which our fathers made-a fight against taxa pines? Will some patriotic follower of the gentleman in the tion without representation and for the right to govern themselves White House ~ some man who is, as I have said, gifted in subtle according to the dictates of their own conscience. distinctions, tell me the difference there is between t he two cases Mr. Chairman; these people have to-day a well-organized and that I state-why a policy which is just in the one case is not also stable government ; one of their own choice and creation; a gov just in the other? Can it be, sir, that this holy war, waged for ernment modeled somewhat after our own and which is repub· the emancipation of the starving and downtrodden people who lican in form, the nearest approach to a representative government inhabit Cuba, within the confines of this hermsphere, is to degen which has ever to my knowledge been established among people erate into a war of subjugation against another people, alien and of their race. We have not even the paltry excuse that their oppressed, who reside far away near the shore of Asia, within the government is monarchical in form as a reason for our aggression confines of the other hemisphere? Sir, we can not afford to rest against them. They have a written constitution, just as we have; under the charges that are now being made against us, that we they have a president, a vice-president, a cabinet, and a congress are bribing or cajoling or forcing these people into submission. that is now in session. They have a local habitation and a name The conduct of the Administration is indefensible; it is wrong; an established seat of government. They have an army in the and it behooves every man who feels this to speak boldly and with~ field-an army which iB equipped and fully armed. This govern out fear of personal consequences, that the Chief Executive may ment is founded, I say, sir. on the free consent of the people of understand that the sentiment to which he is bending is not the the Philippine Islands. There is no opposition at this time to it real sentiment of his countrymen. I do not know, I can not un~ or to Aguinaldo. All credible reports agree that all differences dertake to predict, what will be the consequence of his action in 1899. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 1023 these island!:. I unhesitatingly affirm, however, that if, without has certainly given evidence of more than average intelligence any further provocation than that they resist encroachments upon and pf a strong capacity for public affairs. The fact that he has their soil, these Filipinos have opened upon them the guns of our been able to weld these islanders into a compact body to wage war fleet or the artillery of our Army, and are some of them killed, wherever necessary for the preservation of their liberty is the while it may not be murder under a statute, with jurisdiction to strongest evidence of his capacity for military control. He was inflict punishment, while it may not even be considered a viola- good ei;tough, anyway, to be our ally in the war with Spain. Upon tion of the usages and rules of war, nevertheless, in the sight of this point, at least, I imagine there will be no controversy. Almighty God and judged by the civilization which we profess, it . Take up, if you please, and read as published in the newspapers will be little less than absolute murder. this morning the calm, dispassionate, and convincing letter ad- Mr. Chairman, what excuse is made for this aggression? Ah, dressed by the Filipino representative to our Department of State, we are told that the Filipinos are utterly incapable of self-gov- and answer me whether or not the man that wrote that document ernment, and that therefore we should take them under our pro- is not entitled to be considered a diplomat and a person of excel tection. Sir, are we to travel around among the various islands lent attainments. For myself, I consider that paper worthy to be of the earth to apply our exacting standard of self-government placed in the archives of the most civilized nation. It would and citizenship to them, and, if they fall short of our inexorable there attract attention. It would do so, as a state paper, even in and exalted criterion, impose upon them, against their wishes, our England or in France. The three additional representatives who peculiar system? If we do, in the name of God let us select for have just arrived here from the Philippine republic are conceded, our victim some nation powerful enough to resist, to the intent even by the strongest advocates of annexation, to be men of rare that while the world is bound to say that we are aggressors, it can intelligence and good education. -They have newspapers, too, it not truthfully say that we are cowards. Ah, yes, the excuse is seems, at Manila. They set type there. These facts are useful in that these people are incapable of self-government. determining what credence is to be attached to this plea that the Mr. Chairman, oppression always has some kind of a plea to Philippine people are incapable of self-government, and therefore offer for its exactions, some kind of a palliation to suggest for the should be brought under our control. evil which it inflicts. We undertook to justify human slavery Mr. Chairman, I want to read something that is pretty good upon the ground that the negro was too ignorant to take care of authority upon this subject, coming from the source from which himself and therefore better under the domination of his master. it emanates. I hold in my hand a copy of the Military Notes on When the governments of South America threw off the yoke of the Philippines, issued from the Adjutant·General's Office of the Spain, while many of us greeted them with cordiality, there were War Department in September last. I find the following Ian many pessimists here and elsewhere who declared that they were guage, on page 21, concerning the disposition, character, and habits utterly incapable of self-government. And yet, through stages of of the people: harsh experiment and much travail and difficulty, they have at The Philippine Malays are a superior race to many other Asiatic peoples. last succeeded in establishing governments not only satisfactory - Orderly, amiable, courteous, honest, and exceedingly superstitious, they are . h h d onably well there easily influenced upon professions-of Christianity. Like most tropical peo- to themse 1 ves, b U t W hlC ave answere reas - - ple, their efforts are intermittent rather than steady, theirwa.ntsarereadily quirements of the civilized world. . provided for, and they take life easy. * * * -The inhabitants are generallv Sir, it is not true that the Philippine people are incapable of tractable and amenable to government, and generally not hostile to f01: se1f-government. I grant you that they are alien in race, in lan- eigners. guage, in habits of thought to ourselves; that they are an inferior Out of the very words that issue from the Department of War, civilization, and have not the capacity for such a representative whose armies to-day are menacing these people, I read their axon government as ours. . It is for this very t·eason that the whole , .eration from the charge that they are incapable of organizing a Presidential scheme is to hold them, not as territories at some fu- government to meet their own necessities. Now, sir, it is proposed ture time to be admitted to the blessings of the Federal Union, that we shall send a commission to the Philippine Islands. The .but as outlying possessions, much like ancient Rome held her.prov- President contemplates it, we are informed. For what pnrpos3, inces and as England now holds some of her colonies, to be ruled pray? Is this commission to go t-o the Orient to overpersuade, by satraps sent there by ourselves in violation of the principle of cajole, or coerce this people into a surrender of their saver self-government which it has heretofore been our pride to advo- eignty? If so, it would be far better for the honor of the Presi cate and encourage. Oh, no; they are not exactly as capable as dent, it would be better for the honor of the commission, and we of self-government. They have probably not yet learned the better for the honor of the country, for it to remain at home. Is art of stealing United States Senatorshivs. [Laughter.] it to go there for the purpose of ascertaining the wants and needs They might not yet be able to come to the portals at the other end of these people-to ascertain their disposition, wishes, and capa of this Capitol with dishonest credentials covered all over with bilities? If so, I want to suggest to the gentleman in the White the slime of suspicion and secured to them by the power of wealth. House that it is necessary that these commissioners should be They may not even be able to obtain a seat on the floor of a repre- something more than men of intelligence, something more than sentative body of the United States on a contested election in en- men of high character. tire disregard of the merits of the case and upon a decision framed It is necessary that they should be men without rank prejudices, solely along the lines of party politics. They maY. not be capable men without strong preconceived notions and opinions, men who of practicing all manner of fraud and chicanery and violence in have not prejudged the questions they are to consider, but men their elections and of illegally ousting duly elected members of whose minds will be open to receive impressions fairly, and who, their legislative bodies in oTder to secure the election of a Sen- not being hampered by overinstrnctions, will feel perfectly free to ator, as has been done recently in the State of West Virginia, communicate to their countrymen upon their return their sincere and the like of which was done i.n the State of Indiana a good opinions without fear that they will thereby become a disappoint many years ago. They may indeed be lacking in all these essen· ment to the power to whom they are indebted for their appoint· tial elements of free g·overnment by the people which we have ment. In truth, sir, I see no necessity for sending a commission proudly arrogated to ourselves, and of which, out of our abundant to these islands at all. knowledge in the formation of trusts, we ought certainly to be But, Mr. Chairman, the effect of this Presidential policy, and able to retain a monopoly; but with all this they are capable of you can not get away from it, for if William McKinley ever constructing in their own way, if left free to do so, a government changes it, it will be because he bends to popular opinion, which which will answer all of their legitimate needs and purposes. opinion he always obeys, and obeys it when it is wrong as well as That their government may be crude at the start I do not doubt. when it is right-- [Applause.] Again I ask gentlemen not to All government is progressive. Ours has been so. The science of interrupt me. government has to be learned by sore experience. The lot of the Mr. HENDERSON. That is Democratic applause; I guess the Filipinos will be the lot of every other people on earth that have gentleman can stand it. ever undertaken to solve the problem of governing themselves. Mr. JOHNSON of Indiana. I did not catch the remark of the But I have no doubt that in the course of time they will be able gentleman from Iowa. to attain it. They at least have the right to try the experiment if Mr. HENDERSON. I say it is Democratic applause, and I judge they desire to do so. It is possible that they may have taken on yon can stand it. fLaughter.] some unfortunate characteristics and committed some wrongs Mr. JOHNSON ol Indiana. I can stand the applause of honest under the system of tyranny and oppression to which they have men in any place. [Applause.] And not only can I stand Demo heretofore been subjected; but if so, I confidently hope and believe cratic applause, but I can stand narrow Republican censure, and that, under the inspiration of the spirit of liberty which now pos- I have done it on this floor time and again; and the more I have sesses them wholly, they will in due course of time be amply able done it, the better I have been satisfied with my conduct. [Ap to "rise on stepping stones of their dead selves to higher things." plause.] I want to say to the gentleman from Iowa, whose kind- It has been the habit of some gentlemen, Mr. Chairman, to mis- ness of heart I respect, but who sometimes permits his party represent Aguinaldo, to describe him as a brute and a scoundrel, prejudice to mislead him, I want to say to him here and now that a blood-thirsty savage, corrupt, unworthy of belief, and utterly since I came to Congress, I hope that I have taken on some breadth destitute of the genius for g0vernment. This has been done, sir, and catholicity of thought, and that I regard party now as a for a purpose. We have painted him black as an excuse for our means and not an end. I stand by my party when I believe it to coercion. I do not doubt sil·, that this man has his faults, but he be in the right and I oppose it when I believe it to be in the 1024 CONGRESSIONAE RECORD~HOUSE. JANUARY·. 25,
wrong, and if thereby I fail under the censure of the gentleman to ·tmdertake-to- play the part of peacemaker? It strikes me, sir, from Iowa, I can only regret that my sense of duty requires me that we can masquerade· better in almost any other role than this. to do so. . one just now. Behold this great Republic, which commenced a But, says some gentleman, we must acquire the Philippine · holy war for-theemanctpation of the sta1·ving, suffering, and down Islands or else they will again fall into the possession of Spain. trodden Cubans a few months ago; now, after the war is over, in lt is quite pathetic, sir, to hear these advocates of repression lift creasing its military and its naval establishments-grabbing first their lugubrious voices to heaverr and wail. in agony at the thought Porto Rica, then the Ladrones, to add to Hawaii, and now reaching that this people are in danger of becoming once more subject to over into the Eastern Hemisphere, almost to the very shore of Asia, Spanish atrocity. What tender and disinterested solicitude! Th~ to take by violence from a people there residing liberties which are idea that Spain could ever subjugate these Filipinos. now that: as sacred to them as our liberties are to. us! And this, too, at the they are solidly united· in the sup:port of their: government-, and: very time when t1ie Czar of all the Russias, the most despotic nation are completely armed and equipped for resistance1 How prepos~ upon the face of the globe, imJ>elled by the strain of wars and ex teroust Where, sir, is Spain's power? Had. Byrorr lived until cessive burdens of taxation upon his people, is calling upon the to-day; it is she, not Rome, who·would have been. characterized world for universai disannament. as the'' Niobe otNations," Her-fleet-is at the bottom of the sea; Verily, we are peacemakers with a vengeance! But'if there is her army-is scattexed and dishe~rtened;. her treasury is bankrupt;. to be an European war, sir, in the name-of heaven let us keep out her colonies have been wrested from ller feeble grasp; her people. of it! Our chief duty and obligation is to our own people; their are in sackcloth ana ashes, and she is impotent-to harm. If she protection is of primary· importance. Let us- not involve our failed in several years' time to conquer a few Cnbans with an army selves:.. without either just reason or necessity. If a. general war of 159,000 men and a good sized navy, what chance do gentlemen must comer let us see that it is the ships of other nations that go suppose she would have to conquer millioDH ·of Filipinos with. to the bottom rather than. ours; that it is the patriotic. aons of the miserable remnant of her broken army,.. and with practically other lands who find nameless graves in the T.ropics rather· than. no navy at all? · ours;- that it ia the fields of other countries that are laid waste Besides, Mr. Chairman, these people are willing to accept the rat~ than ours; that it is the people of other climes that bear risk. They sre not- only willing to accept it, but. they are de- the great burdens of taxation rather than ours. lf othe1· nations manding that we shall give them the right to do- so and protesting plunge themselves into blood·, this is no reason why we should against our interfering with them upon any pretext whatevex. do so. Shall we be more ready to doubt their capacity to defend them- But, Mr~ Chail'ma.n, the cry is- raised," Ratify the treaty and selves against Spain tlian they a1·e themselves? Can we do so stop the war," and every man. who is opposed to the ratifica.tion is without laying ourselves open to the well-grounded suspicion that:: accused of being derelict in his'dutyto the country: is charged, in. we have some selfulh motive of our own to subserve by our con- demagogical language:,. such as we, have heard on this. floor, with duct? attempting to prevent the- disbandment of the volunteer forces From this flimsy position the friends of. this Administration and now in the field, so that they can return to. their avocations and its policy of invasion-a policy contrary to all the teachings of families. "The country will hold yoU' responsible for all thia, the fathers. all the best traditions of the Government, and all the and for the apecial session of Congress- which your conduct will practices and professions of the American people-about face and make necessary," is the· prediction and thre.at which is made. t-ell us that if we do not take possession of the Philippines- some Ah, Mr.. Chairman, the volunteer s-oldier of the United States foreign power will seize upon them and divide them and that this is' all1ight at heart. He enlisted for- a specific purpose. He put will precipitate a general European war. on his armor to free a people from slavery; to strike the chains Mr. ChaiTman, the only evidenee we have yet had of any nation from off the limbs of the oppressed.. He. is willing, if it be neces desiring to take possession of these is:lands except ourselves points sary, to offer up. his life on the :field of battle as a sacrifice to this to Germany; and this disposition was the legitimate result of our object. But he- has no taste for- the dirty work cut out for him . own greed. She naturally concluded that if we were going to by this Administration~ He is not willing to fight to deprive a have a foothold there she ought also to be allowed to enjoy one. race of their freedom. He is. toa thoroughly imbued with the While I do not underestimate, sir, the grasping disposition ot genius of liberty to g.arrison the Tropics and stand sentinel over European powers, while I -do not say it is impossible that such a an alien race who have the right to be free. He will know where desire on their part as is imputed to them exists, I do not believe to fix. the responsibility for his retention in the service. . it at all probable. If the United States will set the example of I will tell you how he can easily be discharged.. Let the Presi- withdrawing her forces and recognizing the Philippine republic, dent of the United States open. his: mouth to-day or to-morrow foreign nations will not interfere with it, but will be quite likely that mouth that he has kept closed in dogged silence ever since to follow the precedent we set, well knowing that they can each of his Atlanta speech, fn which he inquired who would pull down our them acquire by amicable arrangement with the people-the coaling flag-and say to the people of the Philippines that it is not his de stations they desire. . sire to force a government upon them against their will; that their But suppose that European nations do take possession of the Phil- rights and privileges shall. continue unhampered and unimpaired,. ippines. We are under no obligation, either express or implied, and we can in. twenty:.four hours discharge all of our volunteer sol to defend them. We became their ally simply for a war against diers and let them return to their homes. Spain. They never consented to accept our control or protection, The responsibility for holding the troops is with the gentleman in and we neither expressly nor impliedly agreed to become their the White House, and with no one else,. and it can not be truth champion to protect them against the various powers of Europe. fully laid to any gentleman upon this floor, even though that They do not ask or desire our aid. If other nations see fit to take accusation were to be. made by a gentleman who is ordinarily so possession of the islandS"and parcel them out, we should remem- fair and always so able as my distinguished friend from Iowa [Mr. ber that it is :wmetimes-their practice to do things of this kind; HENDERSON]. · for most European nations have very little regard for the wishes Mr. Chairman, I say that this' treaty should not be ratified; and of their own people, much less for the wishes of people who I am thankful for the courage of the independent men on both. occupy other lands. Such practices, however, are contrary to sides of the Chamber at the other end of the Capitol who are the genius of our institutions; "that, by our code of morality, standing like a wall of adamant against its ratification. would be criminal aggression." Mr. Bryan never made a greater ta.ctical blunder in his. life than Let us- see to it, sir, that our skirts are clear; Let us take care when he said riot long ago in one of his speeches that this treaty that we do no wrong. Let us have care that we infract none of of peace should be ratified and the question of the disposition of their rfghts; and then neither they nor humanity-no person who the Phili-ppines should be- determined afterwards. Mr. Andrew has regard for the liberties of mankind-will ever have occasion Carnegie gave advice much shrewder and more sensible when he to arraign us at the bar of enlightened public opinion for the declared that the fight should be made in the pass and not in the commission of a great wrong. It will be ample compensation to open. us to, feel that we-have planted no outpost 71000 miles away from Yes, sir,.. this fight should be made from sta-rt to finish. Every our nearest coast, to be a constant source of irritation and friction inch of the ground should be resolutely contested. This public between ourselves and the warlike nations of the Old World, a enemy-for the expansion. of territory in the East is a public standing invitation to attack _us and a constant source of weak- enemy--B"hould be met at the threshold and strangled to death ness, burdening our people with heavy rates of taxation. for the and never admitted to the- citadel, from which it may probably be maintenance of an army and a navy to protect and defend it. · impossible to eject it. · And, sir, as I said before, the Filipinos are not afraid that This should 'be done to. the end that public s-entiment in this. Europe will gobble tliem up; and if so,. why need we be·afraid? country may-be aroused, just as it iH being aroused now, as evi The risk and the danger is theirs, not ours. Mr. Chairman, let denced by the great meetings recently held in Philadelphia and in us abstain from doing an injustice upon the pretense that if we New York to protest against this outrage The pleas in favo:r of do not do it somebody else wilT. expansion seemed to. appeal to. national vanity. They have cap- As to the allegation that we are g-oing to have a general European tured the unthinking and the superficial. Intelligent and sensible war if we do not commit giTand larceny-while that, too, is possi- people seem. also to have regarded the, scheme with approval. bie, Ihardiythink it probable, Are we at this juncture of affairs Already, however,. the great American people,. whose ultimate 1899. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. .1025
;judgment is always right, are beginning to bestir t~em~elves. What man dares to risk his reputation on this floor by answering The great undercurrents of sober second thought are settingm, and this question in the affirmative? The only effect of the refusal to mywordforit-Imaybeafalseprophet , but I make the prophecy ratify would be that negotiations would be immediately opened it will not be many months until the tide which the gentleman in up again. Spain is as powerless to r.asist us now as she was when the White House vainly imagines is wafting him to reelection will she was compelled to stop fighting by Article III of the protocol, tend in the contrary direction, and the voice of a free people will when she was presented with a stern ultimatum by the President of be hear& rebuking an Administration that is ignoring both the the United States at Paris and threw up her hands to preserve herself language and spU:it of the Declaration of Independence and ~eems from further conflict. She is, indeed, less capable of resistance deaf to all teachmgs except those that are urged upon him by now, while we still have our great fleet and a strong army. I would those who stand for the spirit of commerce rather than for the negotiate a new treaty with her, and say to her, "We will not· spirit of liberty. give you $20,000,000 out of the Treasury of the United States and Every step that you take toward enlarging your Army, increas tax our people to raise it;" I would demand that she should evacu ing your Navy, or voting money for these purposes, in excess of ate the Philippines, leave them as we compelled her to leave Cuba, what is necessary to gaiTison our own land and to garrison Hawaii, and then 1 would let those people there work out their own prob Porto Rico, and preserve peace in Cuba, is just that much of a lem of self-government, only remaining to assist them in the event handicap to yourselves in your efforts to resist this aggression they desired our presence. Oh, we are told that this policy would against the Philippine Islands. Forge this machinery, and the result in the betrayal of our ally, England. very existence of it will be urgedtaa a reason for its employment. Mr. Chairman, do the advocates of expansion contend that we Besides, with what consistency can you lay a foundation on are obliged to hold on to the Philippine Islands forever, even if it which to erect the fabric of coloniar expansion and then refuse. to is to our interest to abandon them, in order that we may dis assent to the building of the superstructure? If the treaty in the charge our obligations to Great Britain by insuring her an" open Senate is ratified-especially if the ratification is coupled with a door" there for her commerce? Is this the kind of difficulties to refusal to pass a separate and independent resolution declaring which expansion leads? Is this the kind of entangling alliances . that it is the policy of this Government to treat the Philippines as with other nations against which Washington warned us in his we have treated Cuba, giving them the right of self-government Farewell Address? Whatever promises or arrangements have been it is the death knell of all efforts to stop this torrent, and from entered into with England it must necessarily be implied that this that time on the question will be settled in this country. The open-door policy should only be binding upon us as long as we 1·atification will be accepted as an adjudication of the entjre ques controlled the Philippines. Whenever we choose to withdraw tion. from them this obligation ceases. Gentlemen are asking for 100,000 men for the Regular Army. A Sir, I have admiration and respect for the English people. The hundred thousand men! I care not whether that number is arbi future will doubtless afford us ample opportunity to manifest our trarily fixed by the very language of the act or whether the power friendship for them and our appreciation of their services to us to raise it to that maximum is given to the President. In either in the war with Spain; but our alliance with Great Britain should . event it means an Army of a hundred thousand men. Where rather be one of cordial good will than a formal alliance which will gentlemen employ this great force? It is designed largely for wiU bring her into our quarrels and will draw us into her com.: use in the occupation of the Philippines. Where, I again ask, plications and conflicts with the various nations of the world. will you put this Army of a hundred thousand men, gentlemen? Mr. Chairman, we are assured that we are going to expand our When we were arguing the question of the annexation of Ha trade enormoUBly by annexing the Philippines. Let us examine· waii, you said that in time of peace it would require a mere hand this claim for a minute. The total volume of the foreign trade of ful of men to garrison it. You do not want them in Porto Rico, these islands in 1896 was only about $30,000,000; not an immense for there the people have r~:;ceived us with open arms and with amount, if we had it all, when compared with the enormous value manifestations of approval. How many men does it take to garri of our annual foreign trade. Twenty millions of this $30,000,000 son the United States in time of peace? Twenty-five thousand men was exports and $10,000,000 was imports. Under the tariff legis would.be an ample number. What are you going to do with the lation of the Spanish Government for the Philippines there was a other 75,000 men? You do not need them, under the highest esti discriminating duty in her favor, but every other nation on the mates that have been made, to preserve peace in Cuba. You intend face of the earth, including ourselves, was placed ·on an exact and design to use them to subvert the free people of the Philippine equality. · Islands, and you can stand on this floor and propose three cheers We had therefore a fair opportunity for competition in trade for William McKinley and .talk about the glory of our flag, and there with every European country. What was the result? Great say that the time has come for us to take the place that we are Britain, France, and Germany got nearly all the import trade; entitled to among the nations of the earth-you can do this until We sold them nothing of our manufactured goods; we sold them your hair is white, and every sensible, far-seeing man will know nothing of the products of our farm; practically nothing. Of the as well as he knows you are talking that the ultimate purpose is exports, Great Britain got $7,500,000, and we only got $5,000,000 to continue the Presidential policy in those islands and hold them per year. The imports we got from the islands were sugar, to-· pe1·manently in our iron grip. . bacco, and hemp, the small volume of which, and the fact that Bring in your Army bill for the proper number of men and I will we imposed a tariff duty upon them, saved our own producers gladly vote for it. _ I recognize the necessity of the Regular Army from injurious competition. Can we expect to improve our chances being reorganized and recruited to a reasonable limit to answer our for trade in the Philippines if we retain them? Let us see. Here just purposes. I will cheerfully vote for that and also for all is the condition that confronts us. W e dare not impose discrimi proper appropriations, but under no circumstances will I vote for nating duties in our own favor; we have put gyves on our wrists; a bill that increases the Regular Army in time of peace to 100,000 we have agreed to an open door, and if we violate this compact men, the ultimate object of which is to establish a colonial system while we hold control we are liable to anger England and antago and fasten it upon this Government and upon our posterity. nize other foreign nations. If I was in the Senate of the United States I would rot in my When we enter into the arena of the world's conflict, we have seat before I would vote for the ratification of this treaty. State got to make compacts with other powers and keep them or awaken legislators might petition me until their hair turned white. A animosities, and, indeed, we must also expect to make enemies by partisan press might assail me and impugn my motives to their the very fact that we enter into compacts at all. 'l'herefore we hearts' content, my party associates might malign my character, must now maintain this open door in the trade of these islands. I and patronage might be offered me without stint, still, conscious care not whether " open door" means absolute free trade for all of the rectitude of my intentions, I would cast my vote in the the nations, including ourselves, or whet her it means that there is negative if it was the only negative vote in the entire Chamber, to be the same rate of duty against all nations, including ourselves.' and in so doing I would feel that I had endeavored to save my In either event, tell me, if you please, what advantage we are go country from dishonor and to preserve to others the priceless ing to get under present conditions that will enable us to get more boon of liberty which belongs not simply to ourselves, but also to of the trade of the islands than when Spain had control of them. even the humblest and most defenseless of God's creatures. The same advantage of location and freight rates which enabled Stop the war! Mr. Chairman, where is tlrere any war? Spain European nations to sell manufactured goods over us, which en is utterly crushed. She is making no hostile demonstration; she abled Australia, which is nearer than we are, to sell agricultuml is incapable of doing so. We celebrated ourpeace jubilees in this products over us, will exist now, and hence the claim that we are country weeks ago. It is a liberal stretch of the imagination to going to get Philippine trade under our control there is foolish and establish even a technical state of war. Possiblysuchastatemay illusory. exist as a legal status. Why do men make use of such rot as ''stop Pursue this matter of trade with colonies under our proposed the war?" Does any gentleman think that danger can arise to policy of expansi.on and behold the result! · · us, damage occur to us, by the rejection of this treaty with Spain? The chairman of the Committee on Military Affairs [Mr. HULL], Would she be able in this event to retake the Philippines, even if while unfolding the pending measure on yesterday, made a most left to the defense of the islanders, much less over our opposi remarkable answer to a question that was propounded to him by tiop.? Would she be able to repossess herself of Cuba, Porto Rico, the gentleman from New York [Mr. RAY]. He said that we were and the islands in the Ladrones? "legislating for the present" and "would let the future look out XX.XII-65 1()-26 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. J .ANU.ARY 2 5, for Hself." Mr. Chairman, I protest against this shortsighted cent peace; and we can never properly extend our commerce kind of legislation just as earnestly as I protest against the grasp without it. The policy we are invited to pursue· is going to in ing policy to which this Administration is attempting to commit volve us in constant contention and strife. There is to be the the country. It is the part of statesm?..nship always to scan the scurrying of ships, the hurried concentration of troops, the notes future carefully in the enactment of laws, to ascertain, if possi of preparation, and all the incidents of a state of disturbance and ble, what will be the consequences that will follow the legislation. not infrequently of actual hostilities. How can we trade advan Serious blunders are often avoided in this way, and the Repre tageously under such conditions as these? sent utive who does not comprehend the future in his calculations If we want the trade of tlie world, sir, we must manufacture is derelict in the duty he owes to his constituent<:~, and has no right goods equal in quality to those any other country can produce and to participate in legislation at all. sell them as low as other countries _sell them. This is the way to get But here, sir~ is the matter I desire to submit: Hawaiian pro trade. We ·can not acquire a great commerce by holding people ducts come into this country free to-day. Under the Federal as deJ?endencies and draining their sustenance, by trading with our Constitution we can not impose a tariff duty upon the products colomes. We must trade with great and independent nations if of territory which we annex. We are proposing to annex Cuba. w e expect to broaden the foundations of our commerce and sub Ah, do not point me to our declaration to the contrary when the stantially increase its volume. Nor must we unduly shackle war with Spain was commenced; do not point me to any recent t!ade. Such a tariff as may be necessary to bridge the inequali utterance that has been heard from anyone in authority, however ties of labor between us and our competitors is right and should high his position. We have always coveted the Queen of the An stand. Any excess of this interferes unnecessarily to that extent tilles. Her fertile soil, her natural resources, her nearness to our with the laws · of trade and is wrong. It tends only to foster territory, have always excited our desire to possess her. It is on the trusts, which enrich the few at the expense of the many, and programme of the expansionists to acquire her. Their scheme is should not for one moment be tolerated. monumental in its proportions. I do not say that we will go to Now, Mr. Chairman, I find that my time has about expired. Cuba with cannon and with bayonets and swords in our hands and ~here is :much.more !might say, much more than I am prepared coerce her, as we are doing in the Philippines to-day. You will m my mmd to say; but I shall not longer abuse the kindness of find in the com·se of time that some kind of a government will those who have accorded me the floor. At some later day, how be erected there which will 'Propose to us annexation. We ever, in this session-not in this debate, but when it will not be will be instrumental in the erection of that government. It will deemed that I am interfering too much with the business of the tender us annexation. The pretext for acceptance will thus be House-l desire, if I can get the consent of this body, to present offered us, and we will accept it, even though the real sentiment this question from another standpoint-the standpoint of dollars of the island is opposed to the union. I will make a prophecy, and and cents. At that time I deaire to inquire whether as a practical if it fails of fulfillment I am willing to stand convicted of a great proposition we can afford to embark on this colonial policy and error in judgment, and if I am right I expect credit for it-that it forcibly annex the Philippines. will not be five years until Cuba will be a part of the United Mr. HAY. If the gentleman will allow me, I believe I have States. When you do this you can not impose a tariff on Cuban some time to my credit, and I will yield to the gentleman-how prod uctst of course. much? . How about the Philippinest products? They, too, will come in Mr. JOHNSON of Indiana. Well, I do not know; whatever free if it is annexed. How long can the President of the United the gentleman sees fit to give me I shall accept with gratitude States hold the Philippines under the war power by virtue of his the more the better. military government? Congress must do something with them. Mr. HAY. I yield to thegentleman:fifteenminute3 ofmytime. I am not foolish enough to believe that they will ever be admitted Mr. JOHNSON of Indiana. 1\Ir. Chajrman, what will be the to statehood, but simple annexation will surely occur, unless cost of this policy which the Administration is determined shall something is done at once to prevent it. What are the products be adopted? Can the American ;people afford to pay it? Let ns of Hawaii, Cuba, the Philippines, and Porto Rico? Sugar, to now look at the question from the mere standpoint of dollars and bacco, and hemp. You then wlll have, under this new condition cents, in one sense a ve!'y sordid view of the matter, certainly so and it will doubtless be a surprise to that class of statesmen who as compared with the other aspects of the subject which I have al legislate for the present without any regard for the future to hear ready presented. But at the same time this phase of the question it-you will then have all of these products produced by cheap is of vital importance, since the inexorable taxgatherer enters alilre tropical labor coming to our shores, ocean freight cheap, to com the hovel of the poor and the palace of the rich. It is a considera pete with the producers of similar products on the American tion which touches every citizen of the Republic, whatever his farms. What do the producers of sugar cane in Louisiana think -color, politics, or condition, and in whatever section of our com of this? How do those who desire to raise sugar f1·om beets in the mon country he resides. In Europe we find the baleful fires of Central and Western States, irrespective of party, regard it? communism and socialism glowing, and the band of repression How do the producers of tobacco in Connecticut and Virginia used to keep them in check. Oppressive and unjust taxation is like the prospects? And what of the American laborer who is the f1·uitful source of this. We have observed in our own land employed in the cultivation of these articles? significant evidences of discontent. The tendency of modern Mr. Chairman, how in the name of common sense any American growth in nations seems to be to widen the gulf between affluence agriculturist or any American laborer can favor a policy so ruin and poverty, to place in juxtaposition the extremes of enormous ous as this it is impossible for me to understand. wealth and abject penury. Such a condition we should earnestly ' ' Ah, but it is not the trade of the islands that we want; we simply deplore and strive to prevent. Wisdom and moderation in the want them as a base for our foreign trade, to extend our com construction of tax schedules tend to arrest it. Of course, to those mer ce into the Orient and capture a part of the trade of China." who seem to think that the principal function of government is Mr. Chairman, if you will examine the map you will discoverthat to tax the people I have no argument to present. But to those there are several hundred miles between these islands and the con who believe that that is the best government which yields the tinent, and I am told that there is a very rapid ocean current be maximum of benefits for the minimum of taxation I wish to ad tween. Somebody has observed, and I think there is an analogy dress a few words of sober wisdom if I can command them. to the present case, that England has possessed the island of Ja I appeal, then, to those who hold that grievous burdens of tax maica right near our shores-a considerable island, too-for years, ation ought not to be unnecessarily imposod, and that the happi yet it has not been a very great benefit to her in acquiring com ness and the prosperity of the people are the things that we should merce with this country. most desire. What, sir, is our financial condition to-day? I in I do not believe that the ownership of the Philippines will to vite the special attention of the triumvirate of intellectual colos any considerable extent enlarge our trade with China and the suses who have maneuvered here for position for the last day or Orient . A coaling and repair station we could easily acquire there two, anxiously fulminating their thunder and waiting to be by treaty, and this will answer well enough for the expansion of thrown into this discussion near the conclusion of the battle, in our trade. Mr. Chairman, all history attests that commerce order to attack my propositions. I want to furnish them now flourishes best when a nation is at peace. Go back in your recol some statistics, and I ask their very grave consideration of them. lection over the history of the world in ancient, medireval, and When they come to answer me I want to hear something besides modern times. Point me to a nation that was truly great in com fulsome eulogies of this Administration; something besides pyro m erce that built up trade on an enduring foundation, and I tachnical bursts of oratory; something besides st-ale platitudes will point von to a nation that was generally at peace with the and meaningless generalities. I invite them tD descend to par world. There are exceptions, but I am speaking of the general ticulars to confute my argument. Let them point wherein I err rule. If foreign nations are at war and we are at peace, we lose in my statement of facts, wherein I deduce erroneous conclu nothing by it. We really make merchandise of their nece~sities. sions. In all articles except contraband of war our trade thrives. .But We had, Mr. Chairman, at the close of the last fiscal year-that if we are at war, or if there is even a well-founded rumo1· of war is, on the 30th dayoflastJune-ade::ficit of $36,000,000. This is not with us, that very moment foreign commerce is checked, crip a mere estimate. It is the statement of an ascertained and stub pled, and sometimes for the time being wholly arrested and de born fact. This deficit would have been $64,000,000 greater but for stroyed. What we want is peace-permanent, enduring, benefi- the timely l'eceipt of the proceeds of the sales of the Kansas Pacfio 1899. CONGRESSIONAL ltECORD-HOUSE. 1027
and the Union Pacific .railroa-ds-smrrees ~r revenue whlch were l In fact, 1 am quite ,certain that they care not. Certainly not the wholly exceptional, and the like of w_hlch can not -be expe~ted 1Jens:ion roll. hereafter. Now, consider fo.r a-moment byway of compat·ison--:-for it is by The Secretary of the Treasury in b:is annual .rep-ort wnich -was comparison that we grasp the size of .figures-let us compare the recently issued estimates that at the close of the current fiscal cost of the maintenance of our Army for the next iiscal year, as year-that is, the year ending on the 30th day of next June-we thns EStimated by :the Secretary, with the cost of the -annual will have a deficit of $112,000,000 more. Half of this cm·rent year ·maintenaneeuf -the zrmy of the oth£1' leading nation of the world. having already expired, therefore he has co.nsiaerable data on I have here a table which I will take the liberty to put into my which to bftc:oe this estimate, and there is a reasonable probability speech jn the RRCORD when I come to.revise it, giving the amount that .it is quite accurate. He a1so estimates, in this same report, of the annual war budgets of -the various nations of Europe, and that the deficit for the next fiscal year-that for which we are to I lind from it that it will cost us next year to maintain our appropriate at this -session of Congress and w:hich commences long Army alone nearly three-:fonrths as much as it costs England to after t he war has ended, to wit, on the 1st day of next July, the maintain her army each year, including the fabnlous sum of deficit will r each 530,000,000. $112,000,000 which is paid far the luxury of the.colonial govern- Now, Mr. Chairman, every man within the sound of my voice ment of British lndia. J: :find that the total cost of om· Army knows from experience ana observation nere that these figures of for next year is within $3,000,000 of what Russia pays annually the Secretary of the Treasury which he has presented to us for for the support of her army, that it is mora than the budget for onr consideration are much more likely to fall below than to ex- the-yearly maintenance of the armyof·Germany,France, Austria, ceea the amount of the actual aeficits which will occur. lt is or of-any of the-remaining leading nations. more than probable that tbe deficits will be greater than the Mr. GAINES. I nope the g-entleman will notforget the Nica- amounts which he ha-s named. Every Department of the GoveTn- ragua -Canal. That-will be an immense expense. ment is always disposed to take the most favorable views of the I'llr. JOHNSON nf Indiana. Stop and consider the subject for prospective revenues, and also, I may add, of the IJrospective ex- a moment from another standpoint. Let us make another com penditnres. parison .that we may :realize the financial aspect of the question Now, mark you, sir, that the Sem·etary also estimates in his re- and see where we :are tending. W £ have an annual pension Toll, pm·t that the total amount of our receipts for the current year it .appears, of $141,000,000. T\le -:Secreta:ry ·estimates that this 1899 and the next 1i~cal year 1900, the years in which the aggre- amount will be required for tlle payment .of pensions this year. I gate deficit is estimated at $142,000,000, our total receipts will ag- have no fault to find with it. A nmion deserves to perish fiOm gregate the tremendous sum of $1,186,000,000, or an average of the face of the eart h which has not the decency, the gratitude, the 593,000,000 receipts for e.ach one of these two years. Observe, patriotism to provide for the men and the widows, orphan-s, and further, that these receipts in no wise include the ,proceeds of our dependents o.f the men who :fight her battl-es. But I state as a fact recent sales of $200,000,000 of bonds, the prinoipal and interest of that the total -amount of om· pension-roll estimates fo1· the current w.hich are now a debt resting upon the shoulders of the people, year is $141,000,000. The pensioner is also a taxpayer. He has but are to be derived solely from the customs duties and from two interests to gmml. He wants pensions promptly p.aid, but he internal-revenue taxation. In other wo.rds, they are to be the does no.t want taxes unnecessarily increased. The Sparush war product .alone of the Dingley bill and of the Wai'·revenue bill. will,nfcm.use, greatly increase our annualpensii:m.roll. Men died Mr. Chairman, even if there is no increase whatever in our ex- and we:re maimed in battle. Men died and were irretTievably in penditures,l undertake to say that we must increase our taxation jm·ed from the disea-ses which they-contracted in tropical climates. for the liquidation of these big deficits. The crippled and diseased surv-ivors and the widows, orphans, If we have to increase our taxation, from what source wm we and dependents of the dead should be .sacredly and religiously pro obtain the increase? This is a matterthatdeserves consideration. vided for, and the Secretary, in his ·estimates for the next year, TheTe are several ways in wbich we must do it; either by incTeas- has, I ·see, allowed .for this, for he tells us that it will requa·e an ing the tariff duties, by inm·easing the internal-re-venue or war increase of $5,000,UOO in our pension roll and that for the fiscal tax, or by an additional bond issue or by any number or all of these year commencing July 1 next, we must .appropriate $14.5,000,000 · methods combined. far that roll. Is there .a gentleman -within the sound of my voice But we al'e going to have to greatly-increase and p-ermanently who does not know that if we have an army of a hundred thou maintain increased expenditures if this po.1icy of expansion is to sand :men, most of them garrisoning the Tropics and nn::LCcus be persisted in. If the Philippine Islands are to be annexed, in- tome.d to the climate, -the mortality and disability list wm be stead of the war:J:·evenue taxes bei!:!g .repeaJ.ed or even Tednced, very great? The Army will constantly have to be recruited, and they will be increased and permanently retained. I think I will from death and disease this pension roll will continue to grow be amply ab}e to demonstrate this before I sit dow:n, if, indeed so rapidly. Is there a gentleman -within the sound of my \Oice who plain a proposition requires demonstration. Let us glance now at does not know that _one European war, a possible, yes, a p1·obable, some of the items that coni;ribute to the .bm·clen of om· expendi- consequence of our pushing ourBelves into Eru·opean complica tnres-that help to-make up these large deficits. The estimates of tions, will increase our pension roll until it will probably be al tha Secretary of the Treasury for the military establishment of the must double its present size? United States for the current year, 1899, amounts to $250,000,000, li'Ir. COX. And the gentleman should take into consideration and for the naval establishment to $60,000,000 more~ the_aggregate the retired list, too. reacbing the :round sum of $310,000,000. It is proper to say, how- .Mr ..JOHNSON of Indiana. Oh, certainly; the greater the army ever, that these ngur.es include rivers :and harbors, forts, arsenals, the greater every form of expense incident to the existence of an seacoast defenses~ construction of new -vessels, machinery, ru.:ma- army. Now, note that the Seeretary's-estimate of $145,000,000 for ment, equipment, improvement atnavy-yards, and expenses of the the :maintenance of the .Army .alone .for the next :fiscal year -pre- - Spanish war, as wellas theexpensesoftheArmyandNavypl"oper. cise1y equals the amount of our annual pension .roll. We can be- l simply give them that we may get some adequate idea of what it gin now to get some .grasp np_on the ~nitude of the expense to costs us as a nation to indulge in the luxury of war. which we are about to subject ourselves if -the m·aze of extension Far more concerned, MT. Chairman, are we to ascertain what of territory and Philippine annexation d.s to prevail. will be the amount necessary to be -appropriated and expended ltll·. .MARSH. Will the gentleman allow me? for the support of the Army alone fm· the next fiscal year-fhe Mr. JOHNSON of Indiana. Yes, I will, if the gentleman will be year 1900-fo-r which we are now_making p1·ovis:ion in on.r appTo- quick. priation bills. This the Secretary estimates jn his .report will re- Mr. MARSH. That estimate for the coming fiscal yea1· is based quire $145,000,000. Let me -emphasize the fact that this vast sum on .an army of about 150,000 men. does not inc.l:ude rivers :and harbors, forts, arsenals, seacoast de- Mr. .JOHN-BON of Indiana. 1 do .not care what it is basea on. fensesl etc., but .simply the cost of the Army proper, including The expense is here. The reduction in one place will be more than the expense of the Military Academy at West Point, which is connte1·balanced byrtheincrease elsewheTe. I will get ut the ques much less than half a million dollars. The total smn.necessary tion in a few minutes .as to how much this army that gentlemen for the naval establishment fOT the same year the Secret-ary esti- are de\iising heTeis going to cost, and I assert that it will cost be mates at $47,000,000. Thus the aggregate cost of the A1·my and tween one hundred millions and one hundred and fifty millions a the cost of the naval e.:.'"tablishment of the GoveTnment for the year. Behold how our Army has increased in size and in expense next fiscal year amount to $192,000,00U. ~his year commences . .as :within the last two or three years! Before the Spanish war we gentlemen well know, on the 1st day nf July next-months after had between 25,000-and ·30,000 men in the service. For the fiscal the termination of·hostilities and practical close of the war. y.ear ending Ju..~e 30, 1898, the cost of this .Army to tbe Govern- Mr. COX. Vlill the g-entleman :allow.me an interruption just ment was $23,000,000. We now .have an .Army of between one there? hundred and two .hundred thousand men-probably 150,000 men Mr. JOHNSON of Indiana. Certainly. on the rolls. It it proposed by this le:gis.l:ation that -you and I ru·e .Mr. COX. In tpe estimates I would ask the gentleman if there to increase this antebellum Army to 100,000 men. W.hat will it have been included the-payment of retired officers and .the payment cost to_maintain .an army of 100,000? The minority in their report of pensions? It will add very materially to the amount. say a hundred million .dolla1·s a year. Mr. JOHNSON of Indiana. I think that .they are not includea The chairman _of the Committee on Military Affairs .stated in 1028 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. JANuARY 25,
opening the debate that it would be S65,000,000 per year, and then The CHAIRMAN. The time of the gentleman has expired. admitted that he had revised his figures, which :fint had been Mr. JOHNSON of Indiana. Fifteen minutes more have kindly eighty-three million to eighty-five million dollars per annum, and been yielded to me by the gentleman from Arizona [Mr. SMITH]. admitted that in his various estimates there were some items, Mr. SMITH of Arizona. That is correct. very large ones, to
which alone is the true happiness and prosperity of our people to of om· national ledger and behold the result. Our old independ· be attained. ence and dignity, as I have said, have departed. We are now com· Ah, sir, one of the worst phases of this whole doctrine of ex· pelled to form alliances and depend upon the aid of other nations pansion will be that it will interfere greatly with the making of in order to accomplish the work which we have marked out for internal improvements. If this policy is pressed the Army and ourselves in the world's arena. Navy are to become of primary importance. Time, attention, and We drove Spain from Cuba while England held the other Eur~ money are to be lavishly given to their creation and development, pean nations at bay; we dictated the treaty of Paris by her royal and legislating for and governing our colonies. permission; we now hold forcible possession of the Philippines un· Public improvements must halt. At least they must abate. der her protection. Upon her demand and as a reward for her fa· Our great rivers, which bear upon their breasts our mighty com· vors we have surrendered up to her an open door in these islands merce from State to State and ofttimes to the sea, will no.longer for her commerce. We commenced the war with loud professions be straightened and deepened unless we do it at the price of ter of virtue and declared to the world that we should wage it for rible taxation upon the citizens. The great interstate highways liberty and not for conquest. At the conclusion we appropriated which the people are demanding can not be built, because it will to ourselves the island of Porto Rico and laid the hand of avarice take all of our money to maintain our expensive Army and Navy upon territory in the far East, thousands of miles from om· coast. establishments. The erection of public buildings must be delayed, We accepted the services of the Filipinos in waging war against and must be delayed interminably or . be constructed with a our enemy and then turned upon them with menace and now seek parsimonious hand. Cheap letter post-age, for which the people to impose upon them forcible annexation-a thing which our own are now clamoring, cheap letter postage which they deserve and Chief Executive has declared would, by our code of morality, be ought to have rather than squander their money where it will do criminal aggression. We have created a new official designation them no good, must also be denied. On my desk in my room are for our blue book, that of "military governor of the Philippine a dozen letters from the manufacturers of my little city asking Islands," and have not departed so suddenly from our old tradi· that we may cheapen the rates of postage on packages in the in tions that we have failed to hear the whole world denounce us as terest of the business of the country. The mail of other Repre a nation of hypocrites. sentatives are doubtless filled with similar communications. Can Our efficiency in the war was impaired by the appointment of we afford to do this if we take upon our shoulders these extraor incompetents who got their places through influence instead of dinary expenses to which I have adverted and of which I have merit, and while the contractors sold us unwholesome food for endeavored to give some adequate conception? - our soldiers high officials~ both in civil and military . circles, And there are the internal reforms which are loudly demanding brought shame upon us by their jealousies and their quarrels. attention. They, too, must be postponed or abandoned. The We have piled upon our shoulders a mountain of debt, and now, colonial policy, with all its anxieties and extravagances, is to instead of preparing to reduce the taxes we levied, we are prepar· inexorably claim a monopoly of our time and endeavor. The ing to increase and continue them that we may still further aban· purification of our elections, to the end that just representation don the teachings of our fathers and the practices under which may not fail, the emancipation of municipal governments from we have enjoyed a growth and prosperity exceeding that of any the grasp of those who plunder and prostitute them without stint, nation upon the face qf the globe. the abolition of trust and other lawless combinations which im· Mr. Chairman, is it not time for us to cease our folly and return, poverish the people, the revision of our banking and currency if possible, to the harbor from which we have sailed? · system that it may be made simple, elastic, and safe, prevent The CHAIRMAN. The time of the gentleman has expired. drain upon the gold reserve, and answer the just needs of all Mr. JOHNSON of Indiana. I thank the gentlemen on the other classes of our population-these, too, must give way or be subor· side of the Chamber for their exceeding kindness in accordin~ me dinated to this fetich. that which I could not get from this side-an opportunity to ad· Ah, Mr. Chairman, if we expect to administer our internal af dress the House on this subject. . fairs satisfactorily, to go on in the development of our country and to minister to the wants of our people, we must here and now EXHIBIT A. take a firm stand against a policy which will inevitably make it THE W A.R BUDGET AND ITS PROVISIONS IN THE DIFFERENT COUN'.PRIES OF impossible for us to do so efficiently. The acquisition of the THE WORLD. Philippines may enrich a few money kings who can monopolize [From the French Revue de Statistique, No. 28, September, 1898.] the franchises and opportunities in those distant islands; it may Below is given the comparative annual statistics of the war budget of dif be for the benefit of trusts, and ~nabla a few individuals to build ferent countries, accompanied by the amount representing the military ex pense per ro.pita of each State. The date which follows the nam e of the coun up colossal fortunes there, but it will not distribute these for try is that of the budget from which these figures are taken: tunes among the people of our country, while at the same time it will lay the exacting hand of the taxgatherer upon them and Amount Countries. War compel them to contribute from their hard earnings in order to budget. per make possible this accumulation. c.:'l.pita. And there is the Monroe doctrine, a doctrine which rests for its EUROPEAN S'l'A.TES. acceptance by the nations of the earth not more upon the fact that Russia (1898). ··----- ·------_ ·---- .....••.•... -·------$148,640, 191 Sltl7 we declared it and showed a disposition to enforce it than upon Germany (1898) ------·------____ ...• ------___ _ 141, 175, 350 2.70 France (1898) ...... ---· ----·-··-- ...... ______123,517,681 2.21 the implied condition which we coupled with it, that we would England (1897). -··--- ____ -----· ---·-- ______88, 152,750 3.21 restrain ourselves from intervention in the territorial affairs of the Austria (1897) ------·------86,083,024 2.08 Eastern Hemisphere. This doctrine we are now called upon to Italy (1898) _------•..... __ ---· _..... ---·-- .... ______45,659,609 1.46 Spain (1897) ___ , _____ ----·------· __ __. ... ------______38,257,498 2.12 weaken and impair by seizing upon the Philippines. We are to Turkey (18fl7) -----· ------...... ------___ _ 19,929,765 .83 repudiate the implied condition, to abandon the logic by which Netherlands (1897). ------_·---- ·---.... ------.... ------9,617,298 1.92 we can best defend it and upon which other nations are disposed Sweden and Norway (1897) ...... --·---··----·------·- !), 497,854 1.36 to cheerfully accept it. With what show of propriety and consist. Belgium (1897) ..•. ------___ _ •..•...... __ __ •....• 9,1U2,430 1.44 ency can we reach out to the shores of Asia and there seize upon 8,582, 775 1.56 ~~~t~~
the language of obedient subjects, when the first battles of the I have heard it said that the treaty involves the violation of our Revolution expressed themselves in the Declaration of Independ Constitution in acquiring these possessions, and of our Declaration ence, issuing confessedly out of the course of human events. of Independence in governing them. But we have the words of The armiel:i of the Union were enlisted, not to destroy slavery, but Chief Justice Marshall for it that the power to make war and to under stated guaranties that it should in no wise be disturbed. frame treaties necessarily involves the power to acquire terri But the movement of history needed only two years to pack away tory, and that the power to acquire ~rritory implies the power to the platforms of parties and the messages of Presidents that the govern and control it. Nor are we as a nation entirely without sword of IDysses S. Grant might be admitted into the service of experience in the government of acquired territory. human freedom. Whoever, therefore, would judge our present When our Constitution was adopted we had on hand a vast ter· case with candor and discretion must look at it from the end of ritory belonging to the public domain, and we managed to govern our war with Spain, and not from the calm times before its begin it for a long period of time with scant reference to the views of ning. We can not help what has happened to us any more than its population, under a despotism in which the constitutional Spain could have avoided what has happened to her. theory of government had noplace whatever. A running debate in the Cortes on the policy of national con In 1803 we acquired the Territory of Louisiana by a treaty. It traction, on the wisdom of abandoning the colonial system and was inhabited by many nationalities and native tribes, both nu.. withdrawing permanently to the peninsula, would be just as ra merous and warlike. We governed it by a military despotism in tional as a discussion here on the subject of national expansion. which the inhabitants took no part. It was divided along the [Laughter and applause.] thirty-third parallel of latitude into two parts. Thatsouth of the Mr. JOHNSON of Indiana. Will the gentleman allow me a line was called Orleans, and all the rest described by the general question? name of Louisiana. In neither division were the people in any re Mr. DOLLIVER. Yes. . spect consulted as to the method of their government. The French Mr. JOHNSON of Indiana. Does the gentleman regard the and the Spaniards were left without voice in the matter because policy of national expansion as already adjudicated as f~r as the they knew too much, and the Indians were left out because they Philippine Islands are concerned? did not know enough. Mr. DOLLIVER. I think so. The history of these territorial governments is most instructive, ~{r. JOHNSON of Indiana. Does the gentleman know the views especially to one who is anxious to avoid visionary interpretations of the President of the United States upon that subject? of the political creed of our ancestors. Not less instructive is the Mr. DOLLIVER. I know nothing about it, except what I get record of our territorial government of Florida, the Mexican ces from the current history of the United States. sions, California, and Alaska. The Territory of Florida has a his Mr. JOHNSON of Indiana. I am not concerned about the his tory specially interesting, because after it was acquired by the tory of the United States just now. treaty of 1819 from Spain, President Monroe sent General Jack Mr. DOLLIVER. I judge not. [Laughter.] son there to govern it, with powers limited by only two condi Mr. JOHNSON of Indiana. Does the gentleman kriow what the tions, one that he should impose no new taxes and the other that policy of the Administration is in respect to the Philippine Islands? he should not make or confirm any land grants. In all other re Mr. DOLLIVER. I do not. spects his powers were-unlimited and whatever he did, singularly Mr. JOHNSON of Indiana. Does the gentleman know whethe1· enough, was authenticated in these words: the President is in favor of taking the Philippines against the By Maj. Gen. Andrew Jackson, Governor of the Provinces of the Floridas, exercising the powers of the Captain-General and Intendant of the Island wishes of their people? of Cuba over the said provinces and of the Governors of said provinces re· Mr. DOLLIVER. I do not know. spectively. Mr. JOHNSON of Indiana. Has he no mouthpiece on the floor? It is little wonder that Thomas H. Benton, in his early years, Mr. DOLLIVER. I do not know. All I know about the Presi- should have been impressed" with such illustrations of Congres dent of the United States is this: He has published no advertise sional power over territories," and that in his old age, reviewing ment, he has issued no prospectus, he has tied himself to no pro his long political association with General Jackson, should have gramme, but in every step of this transaction, inviting the counsel written down the following comment on our form of government of all, he has conformed his policy strictly to the inexorable course as our fathers understood it: of human events. [Continued applause.] In the United States, where people are accustomed to the regular admin Mr. JOHNSON of Indiana. The gentleman, I apprehend, is istration of justice, the summary proceedings of General Jackson appeared unable to inform the House and the country what the policy of to be harsh and even lawless; but they were all justified by the Adminis tration and sanctioned by the negative action of Congress. And in Florida.l the President of the United States is with respect to the forcible where they took place, and where it was seen that no wealth or power coula annexation of the Philippine people against their will. screen the oppressor, and thatgovernors, judges, and rich merchants were Mr. DOLLIVER. I know nothing about the necessity of force laid by the heels like common offenders, and the protecting shield of law and If justice thrown over the humble and helpless-in this province, so long a prey in the Philippines. there is a necessity for force in order to to oppression and corruption, the conduct of General Jackson appeared like secure the fruits of Admiral Dewey's achievements it is owing to an emanation of divine justice, greatly exalting the Americt~.n character. the unpatriotic and almost treasonable utterances that have been '~ * * He constantly repulsed the idea of the presence of the Constitution made in this Chamber and in the Senate Chamber. [Loud ap in the territory_committed to his charge, and in that I'epulslon he was sus· tained by the Federal Executive Government at Washington and by each plause.l House of Congress, each of these authorities refusing to entertain -as Mr. JOHNSON of Indiana. Does the gentleman advocate the breaches of the Constitution-the complaints forwarded against him by those forcible annexation of the Philippine Islands against the wish of who had been militarily dealt with under his government. the people of those islands? Not very long ago, in a palace in the city of New York, two men ::Mr. DOLLIVER. If my friend will listen to me, and if my time sat down to weep over the downfall of the Republic [laughter] holds out as well as. his did, I will answer him; but I prefer to one a colonel of volunteers, who had just escaped from the Army, carry on my own argument in this House without the assistance with a yell of oratorical triumph, leaving behind him a trail of of my friend from Indiana by question or suggestion or otherwise. interviews from Tampa to Washington like the borealis race that Mr. JOHNSON of Indiana. If the gentleman declines to an flit ere you can point their place. [Laughter.] His tears flowed, swer-- if anything, a little more freely than his companion's, for this was Mr. DOLLIVER. I propose to answer the gentleman's question. not the first time he had been called upon to note the collapse of Mr. JOHNSON of India-na. If the gentleman is unwilling to free institutions, and his case was all the worse on account of his answer a direct' question, I shall not press it. natural repugnance to taking the oath of office amid the falling Mr. DOLLIVER. I propose to answer the question of my friend. columns and broken altars of the temple of liberty. The other was Mr. JOHNSON of Indiana. I shall listen to the gentleman an ironmonger who a few years ago, seeing the advantages of the with interest; for I want an answer on that point before he gets steel pool, had advocated the consolidation of England and .America through. _. into a trust to regulate the world's political business, each tore. :Mr. DOLLIVER, You will get it. ceive for its common stock equivalent shares of the syndicate Mr. JOHNSON of Indiana. I want to develop the gentleman's [continuous !aught~], but just now enlisted under the banner position. of the Anti-Imperialist League, anxious to bring the United States Mr. DOLLIVER. Not very long ago there was a crowd of out of the war with Spain with nothing to show for the national women in· a Spanish city who stoned the statue of Christopher sacrifices except a few well-defined cases of anarchy in the West · Columbus because by the discovery of America he had brought Indies and the borders of Asia. [Laughter and applause.l upon Spain her present calamity. [Laughter.] Even now there The two talked together earnestly and long, with no differences is a mob in the streets of Madrid cursing the Spanish ministry be of opinion and only such occasional hitches in the conversation as cause they surrendered the King's colonies. There may be some inevitably arise when two persons, each knowing it aJl, try to tell excuse for the fury of these women; there may be some excuse for one another something. [Laughter.) At last they separate, one of the l'iot in Madrid; but who shall fTaiDf.l an excuse for the Ameri them to spread the alarm by word of mouth, the other by stroke can statesmen who are now filling the air with noisy maledictions of pen; both of them to learn in time how vain and impotent is against the Government of the United States for having captured the babble of men against the increasing purpose that runs through the Spanish possessic;ms and against our commissioners for having the ages. sec.l.~l·ecl them by the treaty of Paris? Colonel Bryan pitched his first battle against American history 1899. - CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 1033 at Chicago, before a club that for some inscrutable reason was Spainish war by leave of the Government of Great Britain, and engaged in celebrating the victory of New Orleans. [Laughter and he has suggested that we wrote the treaty of peace under the pro applause.l Speaking on the anniversary of that battle-a battle tection of English guns, without which our commissioners would fought on soil which Jefferson purchased from Napoleon by the not have been permitted to assemble at all. Mr. Chairman, I am military governor who subsequently obtained the consent of the ashamed of this sentiment, stolen bodily from the London Satur resident Spaniards and Indian natives to our first government of day Review, and promulgat-ed in this· House as an evidence of the provinces of the Floridas flaughter]-he lamented any further the low estate of the American Republic in the position it now growth of the United States, demanded instant and unconditional occupies. I deny that we entered upon the war under leave of independence for the Philippine tribes, and wound up by calling any foreign nation. I rejoice in the fact that the President of on Moses, who died on an expedition to exterminate the nations of the United States, when the world was full of rumors about the Canaan [laughter], to comebackfromhisunknowngraveand unite intervention of the powers, told the ambassadors assembled that with the Democratic party in its present campaign against the the .American Government was about to handle the question for progress of civilization. [Laughter and applause.] itself; and if tb.e Government of Great Britain stood by ready to Now, all this would be very thrilling and V6ry satisfactory if temper the hostile motives of other powers, it is only a new bond these sudden apostles of lesser America would only learn to speak of sympathy between us and the kindred people from whom we the same language. But the very night the Colonel of Volunteers have derived our language, our literature, our laws, and our was in Chicago former Vice-PJ,"esident Stevenson was in Omaha, institutions. at the same kind of a dinner, telling the Jackson Club that this Not only do I deny that we went into the war by permission of mythical Philippine commonwealth which we hear talked about, foreign nations, but I deny that we came out of it by the consent With its president and cabinet and congress, is in fact a scattered of foreign nations. On the contrary, I assert before the House and helpless population unfit for self-government in any sense of to-day that the achievements of the past year have put foreign the word. The same thread of contradiction seems to run through nations on their guard and induced them, standing at a respect the magazines. Open the North American Review for January. ful distance, to recognize that · the United States is able to take On the first page is Mr. Andrew Carnegie exalting the Philippine care of itself. We stand in the arena. of the world's affairs de tribes to the opportunities and privileges of a new republic, ex pendent upon the countenance of no foreign power, but appre actly as my friend from Indiana has done this day, in words which ciative of the good will of all, with a prestige among the nations have hardly fallen below the rhapsody with which the venerable which we have never enjoyed before in our whole history since ex-Secretary of State has welcomed the guileless Aguinaldo into the foundations of civil liberty were laid on this continent by our the company of George Washington; while a few pages over we fathers. [Applause.] find Senator VEST, who has studied this question about as hard as I am ashamed that my friend, in his anxiety to express his dis my friend from Indiana has, even if he has not written down his trust of his counti-y for the future, should have felt called upon to views quite so fully, describing the people to whom my friend asks slight and disparag·e the attitude of the American Republic of us to furnish, not canned freedom, but liberty on the half shell-a to-day. I hold, therefore, that we are in the Philippine Islands license to do business on their own account-as a piratical and to stay, if for no other reason, because we can not, in good con half-civilized mass of muck-running barbarian~. seience, leave. I have heard men in this House say that this view I do not pretend to know whether the gentleman from Indiana of the matter is of no concern to us, that we are bound to remain is right, or the gentleman from .Missouri; whether the Colonel is at Manila through no sort of obligation, either to the islands them 1·ight or the former Vice-P1·esident, but it appears to me that the selves or the world at large. American people will exercise a good deal of caution before ven The opinion so ably stated by my friend from Indiana, that we turing very far on the writings of the one or the speeches of the have no interest in the Philippine Islands. present or to come, such other. rLaughter and applause on the Republican side.] as would warrant us in the expense incident to maintaining our How shall we find our path through this wilderness of contra authority there, is a question that can be safely left to the judg diction? There is manifestly only one way to do it, and that is to ment of the future. But, after all, the highest national interest deal with every problem in the Ught of the accomplished facts is the national duty, and while we can weakly and timidly, if we which surround it. That is exactly what the Government has wish, throw away the future of Amelican business in these remote done, and I repeat that the time for argument has passed . . This regions that are now being penetrated through and through by is no longer a joint debate; it is a transaction. And that leads the mighty forces of the modern world, we can not, under infinite me to say, for I would not have alluded to it at all except for the penalties, turn our backs on the situation which we have created fact that my ,friend seems to regret that the treaty of peace is not in the Philippine Islands. By what code of morality is a nation pending before this House, or at lea-st to imply that if in the Sen warranted to attack the colonies of another and totally destroy ate he would rot in his seat rather than vote for it, that he need not the established government, to wipe it out altogether, and then to have any concern upon that score. The successor of Sem'~. tor cut and run, careless of everything that happens afterwards?· TuRPIE will be there, if the treaty has to await confirmation in an It is true that the literature of international law contains few extra session, to speak for it, to vote for it, and to fight for it in be precepts to guide us in such a case, for the history of the world half of the great community he will represent. The treaty of has no example of a nation which, having occupied the territory Paris is not only in accordance with the sovereign will of the of another inhabited by tribes more or less uncivilized, and hav people from Maine to California, but it contains the only rational ing totally erased the existing order of things, ever raised the interpretation of the events which preceded it. question of retreating from the responsibilities or sacrificing the The treaty of Paris was written not by the commissioners who interests involved. But as an abstract question of right, we are represented our Government, much less through the dictation of not without the opinion of statesmen and jurists. An accepted the President of the United States, but by the steady progression precept on the subject, agreeable alike to authority and to sound of events which neither President nor commissioners were at lib reason, is contained in a work by the most eminent contemporary erty to alter or ignore. [Applause.] The protocol agreed upon English jurist, in which I find these words written: with M. Cambon settled everything, with no dissenting American Though the fact of occupat ion imposes no duties upon the inhabitants of opinion, except the disposition and future government of the Phil the occupied territory, the invader himself is not left equally fr ee. ippines; andastothesequestions,itisobviousthatwhenSpaincom mitted them to a joint commission her own sovereignty there was I would like the attention of the gentleman from Tennessee effectually abdicated. Our commissipners had to choose between [Mr. CARMACK], who the other day proposed that we should turn giving the islands back to Spain, keeping them ourselves, dividing our backs on the duties that have grown up out of our occupation them among the nations, or leaving them derelict upon the high of the Philippines. seas. As it is a consequence of his acts that the regular government of the coun I have never yet heard an American, big or little, say that we try is suspended, he is bound to take whatever m eans are required for the ought to have given these islands back to Spain, that we ought to securit y of the public order.-Hall, Intern ational Law, section 160. · have committed them to the bloody hand of the despotism from Applause on the Republican side.l . which we have delivered them; but I do not hesitate to say, mea-s ffour overthrow of the Spanish Government in these islands uring my words, that such a disposition of them would be merci were temporary, we would have to take only temporary means ful and benevolent compared to the policy of recognizing the petty for the security of the public order. But because the erasure nf tribal chieftains who are now preparing lawlessness and confusion the Spanish Government in the Philippines is complete, therefore for the islands of the archipelago; for it is written in the com we are under a high moral constraint from which we can not mon law that tyranny is to be preferred rather than anarchy, on escape. I do not say that the American Republic ought to sub the ground that .any government in the world is better than no jugate and destroy the rights of these people. Men may revel as government at all. rApplau se.] they choose in the prospect of an independent regime in 'the I have never heard anyone say that we ought to divide .these islands, but who doubts that Philippine independepce means islands among the nations of the world, though if the nations of chaos for the inhabitants, with European occupation following the world would take them, the time will certainly come when swiftly upon it-our commercial rivals taking up in defense of we can do that, if we desire. We have the authority of .the gen their own interests the responsibilities from which we are exhorted tleman from Indiana that the United States entered upon the to beat a contemptible retreat? 1 034 ~ CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. J ANUARY 25;
The American neople, sobered but not paralyzed by the prob Mr. D OLLIVER. We have not yet come to the necessity of lems involved, refuse to abandon these people, brought thus with using fo.rce against the people of the Philippines. out our choosing under our flag , either to Spain or to the concert Mr. OGDEN. When you do come to it, what will you do? or diseord of Ew·ope~ and least of all to a total dissolution of the Mr. DOLLIVER. We will take care of the situation with a social order. There remains only one course, the course made just regard for the honor of the American people and the wel easy by the treaty of Paris, and that course. the American people fare of the scatt<:red millions tha.t occupy these islands, whatever will follow with true an-d brave hearts. becomes of Agmnaldo, the corrupt adventurer, who has twice I have studied .the history of the United States with a good deal accepted Spanish gold. · of care; I have learned to love it; and I am beginning to learn to Mr. JOHNSON of Indiana. Will the gentleman answer my hate the school of political opinion that measures the moral possi question? bilities of the Ame-rican people as my friend fxo.m Indiana has just Mr. DOLLIVER. I have done so. measured them on this floor. From what he says, the purchase It begins to look as if fu.e American people are for the first time of seats in the House and in the Senat~ the corruption of judges, in a position to look beyond themselves and to take thought for the bribery of public officials, the overthrow of the law, and the the welfare of others, for we are now united as we never have reign of riot jn the midst of our most prosperous and populous been before. Sectional lines and distinctions have all been wiped States-these things exhibit the moral level upon which we live. out. I am sorry that I do not see in his seat our old friend And because he has that opinion of his country he is afraid to from Alabama., General WHEELER, I have served with him in trust the flag of the great Republic out of sight of our shores. tl}is House for t en years, a large part of that time sitting with I am not afraid of it. I not only love the American Republic, hun on the same committee, and I have learned to look upon the but I believe in it; I believe in our institutions; I believe i:n the old soldier with a filial affection. I did my best to persuade him Declaration of Independence, but I propose to interpret it by the against going into the Cuban campaign. I tried to get him to see nistory of the United States; I believe in the Constitution, but I tha.t his duty was hera in the House of Representatives, leaving propose to give P.ar to the Chief Justice who sits in silent dignity to the younger generation the dangers and diseases of the camp; before the west colonnades of this Capitol rathm· than to citations but the old man sai-d he must go. He only weighed 98 pounds, from the infamous decision in the case of Dred Scott; I believe in and he said ~hat he could ride a horse all day without tiring the the past of our country. My heart is full of hope and courage for horse. [Laughter.] - So he went down there and bore the part of the future. My friend exhorts us to go ahead as we were doing a patriot and a soldier. and attend to our own business. At the time of the attack upon Santiago he was sick and unable There has been reason heretofore for us to live closely within to leave his tent, but when he heard the firing he got into an am ourselves. We could not move east or west upon the continent bulance and started for the front. When he met details of men Ol' toward the outlying islands without taking with us human carrying the wounded to the rear, he told the boys to let the slavery and the clank of chains. It has been only thirty years wounded ride and asked them to get him out of the ambulance since the American Republic has felt that it was a nation of the and put him upon his horse; and all day long in the firing line at earth. It is the most pathetic thing in our history that we never Santiago he kept the field, directing the movement of his troops. produced a statesman before the civil war who could feel and say I do not know how it seems to others, but it seems to me that that that the nation of America would last another ten years. We old Confederate general riding up and down the line at Santiago has owe it to the old Union Armv that the children of the United become the type of a la.1·ger and better Americanism which has States, the little boys and the ~little girls, feel in their hearts to turned its back upon all the bitterness of the past and opened day that the great Republic belongs to the centuries. [Applause its eyes to the sublime destiny of a reunited country. [Loud ap on the Republican side.] And when we come to a question of plause.] national duty I do not propose to allow myself to be narrowed My friend in the com·se of his remarks more than once appealed by the view presented by the gentleman n·om Indiana.. He s~ys to Heaven for the rectitude of his motives, and more than once in the highest duty of a nation is to take care of itself. I would voked the God of our fathers. I trust that I have a spirit of the have the American Republic to take care of itself, but I do not same reverence and faith. I will confess that I have not read the recognize that that is the highest type of manhood which simply history of the w01·ld without perceiving that there is in ita Pmvi takes care of itself. If a man does that, providing for himself dence higher and wiser than our poor human guidance. I accept and for his family, yon say when he dies," That was a good man, the philosophy which finds a Power in this universe which makes a good citizen.:' for righteousness; an Eye over all that neither slumbers nor sleeps, I like a man 1·ather who is able not only to take care of himself, an Arm made bare to lift up the helpless and despairing children but to do something for the unfortunate who surround him in of men. Let us not doubt that amid th.e vicissitudes of the national this world, and when you bm·y a citizen like that you do not call life, even whenwewalkin the thick darkness, when the judgment him a man, yon call him a lover of mankind, and yon build monu- of the wise is confounded and the foresight of the prudent made . ment..c:; to him in the streets of your great cities. I say that a nation afraid, weexecuteat last, ina poor, blind way, not the clumsy de in that respect is like a man. It is the noble:::t do.gma. of political signs of men, but the inviolable will of God. I do not know how it science t hat a nation is a moral personality in the exact sense in appears to my friend from Indiana, but to my mind it does not seem which a man is a moral personality, and ·it is true of nations as it incredible that the Power which is over all the governments of is true of individuals that no man liveth to himself alone. There men is about to take the great Republic, united and made strong fore, I feel that the American Republic has come into a position in the devotion and loyalty of all its people, and. use it as an in where it can a:ffm·d to do a little something for the human race. strument in His hand to enlarge the boundaries of civilization, to Mr. JOHNSON of Indiana. I hope the gentleman will not fol· extend the f1·ontiers of freedom in far-off lands, and to garrison get the question that I asked him. [Laughter on the Democratic new outposts of social progress in the ends of the earth. And if side.] Lest the gentleman should forget it, I will repeat it. that is our destiny and that our duty, I for one am in favor of Mr. DOLLIVER. Now, I hope my friend-- looking the future in the face and taking up that duty "in the Mr. JOHNSON of Indiana. I want an answer to that question. fear of God," as old Bismarck used to say, '.'and of nothing else." Mr. DOLLIVER. I am about to answer it. I am surprised at [Great applause.] . my friend, and not less surprised that my friends on the other side Mr. JOHNSON of Indiana. Mr. Chairman, it is not my pur should encourage the interruption of my discourse. If the matter pose to undertake to answer the glittering generalities in the ·rested with me, I would take possession of the entire Philippine speech we have just heard by the gentleman from Iowa [Mr. group, and establish on th-e island of Luzon an American head DoLLIVER]. The charge tl:tat I have been retired to private life quarters, a base of operations for the fleet that is to defend the in because of my antagonism to the principles of the Republican creasing commerce of t1ie American people in the Pacific Ocean, party will find refutation in the honest hearts of every member and from that headquarters spread the influence of American en of the Indiana delegation on the floor, every one of whom knows terprise in all the market places of the East; and I would hold that that my retirement is entirely voluntary, resolved upon and an whole territory in trust for the civilization of those islands, and nounced two years ago, and that I have had no ambition, no desire, I wot:tld not ask for that purpose the consent or adyice o.f any for to remain longer in Congress. eign power, prinoo, or potentate whatsoevm·. [Loud applause on The statement that I have insulted the President of the United the Republican side.] States is passed by with perfect contempt. The time has not yet Mr. JOHNSON of Indiana. The gentleman has not answered come in the American Congress when any man, whatever may be my question. The gentleman has evaded my question. his party affiliations, need be afraid to speak for the right and an :Mr. DOLLIVER. If 1 have not answered it, I do not intend to tagonize the President if he believes that the President's com·se is do so. fLaughter.] • against the interests of the country. [Applause.j Mr. JOHNSON of Indiana. I have developed the gentleman's As to the intimation that I spoke in support of the President on po.sition. He does not answer the question put to him candidly one occasion in this House-and the gentleman made the asse1·tion and frankly. Are you in favor of forcible annexation of the Fil without citing the occasion or reading the language of my speech, ipinos and forcing upon that people a government against their which he held in his hand-1 frankly avow it to be true. I spoke wishes and consent? Answer it upon yourhonorbefore theAmer in support of the President of the United States when he stood by ican people. the civil service and opposed the sentiment on this floor that sought 1899. CONG RESSION.AL REOORD --HOUSE. 1035
to destroy it and turn over everything to the hands of the spoils ence of his jeering colleagues and eludes a man who puts a plain, man. I honored the President for his pOsition then, and I honor frank question to him-a man whose motives are impugned on him for it now. But perhaps the gentleman alludes to the spee.ch this floor-and he can not give a frank, manly answer. He neve1· I delivered on the floor of the House supporting the President's h-as answered; he never will answer. policy when he was fighting the " reconcentrq,dos" of this body Mr. DOLLIVER. I have not impugned the motives of the who were trying to force us into a war with Spain. gentleman in any respect. _ I assert with pride that I did make a speech in support of the 1\ir. JOHNSON of Indiana. You have not the courtesv to _an President ori. that occasion, for he was right then, and I have swer my question. Let it go out to the gentleman's constituents, nothing to apologize for in that connection. If the tyranny of let it go out to the psople of the United States, that the Repre· the Committee on Rules, which by its adoption by the House be sentative from Iowa, always gifted in speech, can not find suf came also the tyranny of .the House, had permitted me to voice ficient language to let them know exactly whether he is in favor my sentiments, I should have applauded hlm still further for his of tyranny in the Philippines or not. conduct when he attempted to avoid the war; but it was not the With this I leave it. The issue is plainly made. I am opposed to will of the House to hear me on this second endeavor, and. gentle foisting our Government upon the Philippines agai.nsttheir wishes. men whom I have long since forgiven hissed me down when 1 The gentleman says that he has answered my question. The attempted to gain recognition to speak. RECORD, which I know he will not alter, will show whether I am Now, as I have said, I have no desire and it is not worth while right or whether I am wrong. If I can only, by my im-portunity, to undertake to answer the glittering generalities, the flights of force the gentleman to a frank, plain, direct answer to my ques eloquence, and the general characterizations in my friend from tion, then I 8hall be 1·epaid for all that I have said. I had no de Iowa's speech: nor will I undertake to have read again from the sire to embarrass him. I simply wanted to develop his position Clerk's desk that stinging editorial comment of the Indianapolis and ascertain where the friends of this Administration stand on Journal upon a speech he made in this House on a formur occa this floor, that we may join issue with them before the people. sion, which could be well applied to characterize the speech he :i}fr. HULL. I yield to my coileague fMr. DOLLIVER]. has just made on the floor to-day. But I did rise, Mr. Chairman, Mr. DOLLIVER. My friend from fndiana says that I have to call the attention of the Honse and the attention of the country tried to impugn his motives. I have not done so. The motives to the fact that the gentleman has been unwilling to declare him that now actuate him have become habitual, and one can not im· self on the vital question which I propounded to him a bit ago. pugn them without impugning the man himself. I will under "Are you in favor"-! ring it in yom· ears-" of the forcible an take t.o do neither. The most-that I midertook to do was to show, nexation of the Philippine Islands to the United States against or at least inafeeblewaytry to show, that my friends intellectual the wishes of the Philippine people, and are you in favor of forc faculties were growing obsolete. ing upon them a government by the United States when they ru·e Mr. JOHNSON of Indiana. I can answer a plain question, and opposed to it?" That question the gentleman has not answered. you can not. fLaughter and applause.] Mr. DOLLIVER. I tried to answer the question. Mr. DOLLIVER. My friend evidently has a better command Mr. JOHNSON of Indiana. The gentleman is exceedingly un of his powers of speech in answering and in asking questions than fm-tunate; he usually has command of language sufficient to ex he has over his disposition, which might have induced him to ex press his mind. ercise some of the ordinary courtesies of debate, as he stood here Mr. DOLLIVER. I am in favor of doing what is necessary to an hour warning everybody neither to interrupt him nor applaud maintain the authority of the United States in those islands, him. My friend has asked what shall be done in case the Philip whether that authority is opposed by adventurers there. or by a pine insurgents oppose the United States Government. I know wicked partisan agitation in the United States. of no official report upon the situation there. I have heard that Mr. JOHNSON of Indiana. There is another evasion. The there is an intrigue of foreign naval officers and of native adven gentleman can use the English language, he is gifted in that par turers to disturb the movements of the United States there, and I ticular as few men are on this floor, and if there is any duty that know there is a political intrigue here to disturb the comfort and a Representative in Congress owes to the people, it is to be frank safety of the position of the Government of the United States. and honest in stating what he thinks upon a great public ques For my own part, I would furnish the President with such a tion. I put it to the gentleman-- force as may he necessary to majntain the United States authm·ity Mr. DOLLIVER. Is it necessary that he should stand a cross and the status wbich exists in the Philippine Islands, and I will examination on the subject? trust the wisdom as we11 as the patriotism of the President to Mr. JOHNSON of Indiana. If the gentleman has the conrage bring out of that situation a solution consistent with the dignity of his convictions he can state it in language that will not require of the United States and tl1e welfare of the inhabitants of those a cross-examination. [Applause. l You have answered, sir, by islands. [Applause.] quoting from international law. You have said you were in favor MESSAGE FROM THE SENATE. of restoring order. All those things may consist either with one position or the other. The committee informally rose; and the Speaker having taken Mr. DOLLIVER. What are you in favor of doing? the chair, a message from the Senate, by Mr. PLATT, one of its Mr. JOHNSON of Indiana. I am in favor of withdrawing and clerks, announced that the Senate had passed without amend leaving those people to settle the problem fm· themselves. ment bills of the following titles: An The CHAIRMAN. The tim~ of the gentleman from Indiana H. R. 8882. act for the reestablishment and :reconstruction of has expired. a lig-ht-house s.t or near mouth of Salem Creek, New Jersey; and Mr. JOHNSON of Indiana. Give me five minutes more. H. R. 10i59. An act to amend section 5 of the act approved J una _Mr. HAY. I yield the gentleman three minutes mme. 10, 1880, governing the immediate transportation of dutiable Mr. JOHNSON of Indiana. Now, I insist again ihat the gentle goods without appraisement. man's speech was meaningless declamation; that it consisted of The message also annotmced that the Senate had disagreed to glittering generalities-simply "Three cheers for the flag, and God the amendments of the House of Represent-atives to the bill (S. 4. 00) save William McKinley!" [Laughter and applause.] I ask him to receive arrearages of taxes du~ the District of Columbia. of July to come down to sublunary affairs-to be as frank with me as I 1, 1896, at 6 per cent inte1·est per annum, in lieu of penalties and have been with him and the House and the country-to tell me costs, had asked a conference with the House on the disagreeing whether or not he believes in the forcible annexation of the Philip votes of the two Honses thereon, and had appointed Mr. McMIL pine Islands, and in enforcing upon them the government that LAN, Mr. PROCTOR, and Mr. FAULKNER as the conferees on the we prescribe against the wishes and the o_pposition of the people part of the Senate. of those islands. · The messa-ge also announced that the Senate had passed with Mr. DOLLIVER. I deny that there is any such question be out amendment the following reEOlution: fore the United States Government. Resolved by the House of Representati11es (the Senate cmwurring), That there be printed 20,000 additional copies of the special report on the export demand Mr. JOHNSON of Indiana. And so, Mr. Chairman, it comes for American horses, for the use of the Department of Agriculture. to this complexion-that the President of the United States, who asked! "Who will pull down the American flag when planted The message also announced that the Senate had agreed to the upon foreign soil?" has now hidden himself in the White Honse amendment of the House of Representatives to the bill (S. 3816) and has enshrouded himself in silence. The representatives of for the relief of Mary J. Cranston, of Washington, D. C. the people of thB Philippine Islands have asked him for God's ARMY REORGANIZATION, sake to open his mouth and give some utterance on this question, The committee resumed its session. to allay the fears of their people; to let them know what our Mr. BAY. l now yield to the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. policy is to be; whether or not we intend to interfere with their , LENTZl so much time as he may require. enjoyment of their liberty and their right to govern themselves. The State Department, too, is as silent as the grave. The gentle [Mr. LENTZ addressed the committee. See Appendix.] man says that he does not know what his chief whose policy he 1\ir. HULL. Mr. Chairman, there being a night session fixed espouses on this floor means to do. Defending a policy he does for to-night, I move that the committee now rise. not know anything about! And then he stands here in the pres- The motion was agreed to. 1036 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-H-OUSE. JANUARY 25,
The committee accordingly rose; and the Spea.ker having re . M~. CRUMPACKER. I was speaking more particularly of the sumed the chair, Mr. PAYNE reported that the Committee of the JUStice of the bill as to officers of the Regular Army, and I claim Whole House on the state of the Union, having had under consid that it is eminently fair and ju.st to them. While there will al eration the Army reorganization bill, had come to no resolution ways be found a percentage of men educated for any profession thereon. that will lack the moral force or aptitude necessary to a fair de- · ENROLLED BILLS SIGNED, gree of success, that percentage is relatively small in the Army~ · The SPEAKER announced his signature to enrolled bills and and it would be immeasurably better, notwithstanding there may joint resolution of the following titles: . be an occasional incompetent, to have promotions regular than to S. 3816. An act for the relief of Mary J. Cranston, of Washing permit the suspicion of favoritism to attach to the organization of ton, D. C.; the Army. That it would secure better results as a whole wm · S. 4316. An act to incorporate the American Social Science As hardly admit of question. sociation; Nothing is more demoralizing in its tendencies or more hurtful S. 4626. An act to change the proceedings for admission to the to proper discipline than the belief that hidden influences are at Government Hospital for the Insane in certain cases, and for other work controlling the organization of the Army on tha plan of · purposes; and grace rather than merit. The esprit de corps of an army is of S. R. 222. Joint resolution t::> furnish the CONGRESSIONAL REC vital importance to its efficiency. The appointment of men from ORD to the Library of Congress. civil life to line offices in the Regular Army is contrary to the Mr. HULL. Mr. Speaker, I want to announce that Colonel policy of the Government, and it should not be encouraged. If GRIFFIN, of the Military Committee, will control the time for the professional training is of any value, skilled officers ought to oc- · majority of the House to-night. cupythecommanding positions; and if it is not, the Military Acad I move that we now take a recess until 8 o'clock. emy ought to be abolished as an expensive and needless estaO. Mr. HAY. On behalf of the· minority I Wish to say that the lishment. Boys who enter that institution come from all parts of gentleman from Illinois [Mr. JETT] will control on our side. the country and from all the walks of life, many earning their The motion of Mr. HuLL was then agreed to; and accordingly scholarships in competitive examinations, and to them should be (at 5 o'clock and 10 minutes p. m.) the House took a recess until 8 long the positions of trust and responsibility in their profession. o'clock p. m., the Speaker announcing that the gentleman from But, sir, gentlemen .protest that a standing army of a hundred North Dalwta [Mr. JOHNSON] would preside as Speaker protem- thousand soldiers is larger than the country needs a.nd it will be pore at the evening session. · a menace to our ancient liberties. The only solicitude I have· about it is that it may not be large enough. This country has· long enjoyed the unique distinction of being the only one of the' EVENING SESSION. world's great powers that was so situated as not to require a large The recess having expired, the House (at 8 o'clock p.m.) was standing army. Its isolated condition and its avowed policy of called to order by Mr. JOHNSON of North Dakota, as Speaker pro keeping free from political affairs of foreign countries enabled it tempore. to do that with conspicuous success. - · Mr. GRIFFIN. Mr. Speaker, I move that the House resolve Mr. COX. If the gentleman will yield to me for one moment? · itself into Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Mr. CRUMPACKER. Yes; for a q11estion. Union for the further consideration of the bill (H. R. 11022) fer Mr. COX. I am not going to put anything but a question. the reorganization of the Army of the United States, and for other Mr. CRUMPACKER. I am willing to answer the question, if purposes. lean. · The motion was agreed to. Mr. COX. Now, do you not see, by your line of argument, that The House accordingly resolved itself into Committee of the no matter what the private does in the ranks he has got no chance Whole House on the state of the Union, Mr. LACEY in the chair. of promotion? Do you want to advocate that kind of a law? The CHAIRMAN. The Honse is in Committee of the Whole Mr. CRUMPACKER. I am in favor of a law that will put for the consideration of the Army -reorganization bill. skilled men in professional service in the Army. Mr. JETT. Mr. Chairman, under an arrangement with the The Government is so strongly rooted in the lives and affections gentleman in charge of the time on the other side, we have agreed of the people that we require but a small army now for domestic that Judge CooNEY, of Missouri, on this side, shall have a certain purpoEes. 'Ne have had wars at home and abroad-some of the time, and will be followed by some gentleman on the other side. most gigantic in history-but we have emerged from them au· I now yield to the gentleman from Missouri, Judge CooNEY. with increased credit and renown. Our laws have been wise, in the main, and have been administered with justice and impar [Mr. COONEY addressed the committee. See Appendix. tiality, and thus they have secured and held the profound respect Mr. GRIFFIN. I yield to the gentleman from Indiana [Mr. of the people. CRUMPACKER] so much time as he desires. There is no government worship-no fetlBhism-in American 1\fr. CRUMPACKER. Mr. Chairman, I shall support the pend politics, but we look upon governme~t as the supreme human· ing bill because I believe the situation imperatively demands a agency for the promotion of the material, moral, and intellectual substantial increase of the standing Al:my. The volunteers are welfare o! the who~e people; it can have no higher destiny. Gov-. now performing duties naturally belonging to regulars, and they ernment 1s made for man, not man for government. Our political should be relieved from the service at as early a date as is con energies have heretofore been directed toward the development sistent with the welfare of the Government at home and abroad. of civilizing forces . in our own country, and we have given com-· The Volunteer Army is composed largely of young men from the paratively little attention to the possibilities of a larger and broader various walks of life, who entered the service not to become pro national life. We have been content to establish and foster do fessional soldiers, but to support the Government in a crisis, where mestic institutions calculated to create wealth and comfort and there was no Regular Army adequate to the country's needs. The promote virtue and intelligence amongst our own people. we· bill seems to be carefully and judiciously prepared, securing suit have held aloof from the larger domain of the world's politics, able poise in the arrangement of the several branches of the serv but event.s have occurred within the last year that have brought ice. Judging from the standpoint of a nonexpert, the plan of this field to our feet. The door has been opened unto us by over organization appears to be excellent. · mastering conditions, and we have accepted the invitation to enter One feature of the bill in particular strikes me with especial in. We haveaa.ded tothenationaldomain the Hawaiian Islands, favor, anu that is the eminent justice it will do to the Regular Porto Rko, the Philippines, and the Ladrones, and we have be-- Army officers. Promotions in the line, from second lieutenant to come sponsor for the island of Cuba. · colonel, are to be made in the order of seniority-a system th.at I was one of those who doubted the wisdom of the policy of will tend to give assurance of efficient organizatiou and exclude, expansion, and I opposed the initial step-the annexation of the . in a large measure, the pernicious imputation of politics and favor- Hawaiian Islands-but to no pm·pose. It is too 1ate now to dis itism. · cuss t he wisdom of .that policy, for it has already been established .. Mr. COX. Will the gentleman allow me to ask him a question? It will subserve no useful purpose to rail against annexation of Mr. CRUMPACKER. Certainly. the Philippines and Port-o Rico, for they are already onoui· hands.· Mr. COX. Does the gentleman catch this very important point The Paris treaty securing these concessions only awaits ratifica-· in that bill? You take the promotion, say, of a lieutenant, and tion to vest in this Government absolute ownership of all those you promote him up, and you take another officer and promote islands·, and that it will be ultimately ratified is not a doubtful him up upon the retirement of one of the officers. I think I can question. We already have control of the islands by military make myself a little clearer. You retire a brigadier-general, and power. They are within the folds of the American flag, and for· then you take the colonel and promote him, then you take the all practical purposes they are American soil. Congress has un- lieutenant-colonel and promote him, then you take your major and qualified power to dispose of them, it is true, either by ceding them promote him, and then you take yo::1r captain and promote him, to some other country or by granting them independence; but and down to the lieutenant. when did Congress ever relinquish sovereignty over a foot of Now, then, does not the gentleman see you have increased the American soil? ' pay of every officer down the line upon the retirement of one man? The sentiment that the flag shall never be hauled down where 1899. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 1037
it has been raised by American valor and glorified by American yield the rich results in our commerce that we have been en- blood meets with a hearty echo from the people, though it can com·aged to hope for. . hardly be commended as a wise principle of statesmanship for all We intend to use the islands as a base of operations in our con- . occasions. We must treat the situation as it is and not as we quest for trade, and to enable us to assert our supremacy on the would have it. A largely increased standing army is imperatively Pacific Ocean, a policy that will arouse antagonisms and create demanded to meet the exigencies created by the new conditions. complications. Other powers will not surrender advantages with It is necessary not only for gaTI"ison duty and police purposes in meek submissiveness, and our pretensions in the way of an aggres the new possessions, but also to protect and preserve the safety sive trade policy will be idle and fruitless unless supported by a and dignity of the country in the discharge of its increased obliga formidable demonstration of military power. What will it avail tions. Troops must be kept in all the inhabited islands to prevent us to demand open ports in the Orient unless we have the means - lawlessness and insurrection for years to come. I doubt if 60,000 to enforce our demand? wp.at good wilL it do to call a halt upon soldiers will suffice for this purpose alone. We must not overlook Russia in the execution of her selfish designs upon the Celestial the fact that 90 per cent of the 10,000,000 inhabitants of the various Empire unless we accompany the command with a show of force islands are wholly unused to self-government and have no acquaint that will put her in fear? Our boasted" shirt-sleeve" diplomacy ance whatever with republican institutions. They must be gov is potential only as far as it is supported by substantial power. erned by force until they shall have developed the capacity for But, Mr. Chairman, this bill does not provide a large army as self-government, and that will come only by the slow and tedious compared with other powers. Most of the European countries process of evolution. Their instincts, habits, and traditions are maintain standing armies upon the basis of 1 for every 100 of popu the results of a barbaric and despotic condition of life ever since lation, besides large trained reserves. Our present maximum creation, and it will take .time, patience, and toil to fit them for regular force is about 1 for every 3,000 population. The maximum t.he responsibilities of a respectable order of civilized life, if indeed provided by the pending bill will increase the. ratio to 1 for every they ever can be so fitted in that latitude. . 750 of population, less than one-seventh the relative size of Euro There must be a reconstruction of their moral and intellectual pean armies. It will be a large army compared with that which we fiber and tissues; they must learn to respect and maintain there have heretofore maintained, but not compared with the armies of lations of the family, the home, the church, and the school in the the world, into which we are now projecting our national affairs. true spirit, and that can not be done in a year nor a decade. If The people should not be required to bear any unnecessary burdens, they all inhabited one island, an army of 25,000 soldiers might but it is clear to my mind that an army of a hundred thousand is keep them in subjection, but they are scattered about over half a necessary, and it would. be a menace to our important interests to hundred islands, and soldiers must be kept wherever there is any attempt to do with less. considerable number of them. They must be kept in subjection Now, Mr. Chairman, I invite the attention of the House to the by force, and that will generate amongst them a spirit of restless condition of our public revenues, which I deem to be a legitimate ness and resistance, for force is the same substance, whether it subject for discussion in connection with this bill, and it is surely be administered by a monarchy or a republic. It must continue a question of grave importance. An army of a hundred thousand until they have the capacity to appreciate the benefits of free gov soldiers will cost the country 590,000,000 a year, upon a conserva ernment and helpfully participate in its administration. We may tive estimate. It will cost much more to· maintain the Army on educate them, but that will not suddenly extirpate their barbaric tha remote islands than it would to maintain it on the continent. instincts and transform them into sturdy, useful citizens. Educa It is fair to say that 60 per cent of the annual cost of the Army tion is largely a veneer, and there must be character behind it to will be occasioned by the new posse3sion. Our Navy must be en make the virtues of manhood. We can not hope to do for these larged, cable lines must be established and maintained to all benighted people in a generation what it required our own race important points, harbors must be improved, forts and fortifica a thousand years to do for itself. tions constructed, and our postal system and governmental ma Mr. GREENE of Nebraska. Would it interfere with the gen chinery must be extended to all the inhabited islands. It is entirely tleman if I should ask him a question there? within limits to say that our expenditure will be increased a hun Mr. CRUMPACKER. I will yield to the gentleman from Ne dred million dollars a year on account of the new acquisitions. In braska for a question. addition-subtraction, rather-to that, we will lose all the cus Mr. GREENE of Nebraska. My question is, If the people over toms duties that have heretofore been collected from the com there are the kind of people you describe them to be, is not that merce of the islands. With open markets in this countl-y the the best argument in the world why we should let them alone? sugar industry will be so stimulated that the islands·wm supply, Mr. CRU1t1PACKER. Oh, we have got them, and the question substantially, uur entire demand for sugar, a product now yield is no longer an open one. They have come to us, and it is our ing a yearlyrevemieof many millions of dollars. Fruits, tobacco, business and our duty now bravely and manfully to assume and other products now on the dutiable list will no longer pay the responsibilities which have thus come to us. [Applause on taxes in our -ports. the Republican side.] Mr. COX. Will the gentleman yield for a question? There will be occasional outbreaks and insurrections, however Mr. CRUMPACKER. Well, you may ask one question. humanely they may be governed. Look at the South American Mr. COX. You concede in your argument there that it will in Republics-all of them despotic in substance, ruled by military crease t.he expenses of the Government a hundred million dollars power, and still they are in almost constant turmoil. The labora to take care of this army. tory of civilization is a ~low coach when it takes the material in Mr. CRUMPACKER. The gentleman misunderstands my the raw. These may be unwelcome truths, but they can not be position. I said that all of these things that I have been talking gainsaid. Let us not cajole ourselves into the belief that our need about would doubtless add to the annual expenses a hundred mil for military force on the islands will be only temporary. Eng lion dollars. land has kept a substantial army in India for a hundred a-cd fifty Mr. COX. Now, here is my question: What are you going to yea.1·s, and she needs it as much to-day as she ever did. Besides, do with that addition to the Army, and what is it going to accom it will be necessary to impregnably fortify and securely garrison plish? every harbor on every one of the inhabited islands to protect our Mr. CRUMPACKER. I did not get the dl'ift of the gentleman's eel ves against the danger of foreign invasion. Our new relations question. · will necessarily generate friction and invite collisiOn, and we Mr. COX. You concede that, taking all these circumstances must be prepared for all emergencies. If we should be involved into consideration, our expenses will be increased a hundred mil in war with a great naval power, the first attack would be upon lion dollars a year? our most exposed point, and that would be the Philippines, 7,000 Mr. CRUMPACKER. Yes. miles from our continental stronghold, unless every harbor should Mr. COX. Now wo agree. You said I might ask you a ques be securely fortified. We can not afford to enter upon an aggres tion. My question is, What are you going to do with that ad sive foreign policy with any weak places in our system of defense. ditional force put into the Regular Army? It is the first duty of a country that maintains a foreign policy Mr. CRUMPACKER. Why, I have endeavored uptothispoint that is likely to lead to conflict to provide itself with adequate in my discussion to demonstrate that it was necessary for the pur military protection. pose of protecting and defending the islands and for garrison pur The effect of modern warfare, with its tremendous engines of poses and for the purpose of protecting and preserving the dignity de3truction, is to make hostilities short and decisive. Time will of this country. not be afforded to recruit, equip, and discipline a volunteer foree Mr. COX. You lay much stress on the dignity of the thing, do for offensive operations, and our main reliance in the future must you not? be the Regular Army and Navy. It is no ilisparagement to the Mr. CRUMPACKER. The gentleman may take that as he citizen to say that a volunteer army can do relatively poor work chooses. . in the field with less than six months.of seasoning and discipline. Mr. COX. Do you want to appropriate a hundred million dol The averageAmerican has a high respect for civil law, because it lars to shoot down those natives? secures him the enjoyment of a high degree of freedom, and he Mr. CRUMPACKER. We do not intend to do anything of that has a corresponding contempt for the law of the military camp, be kind, and the gentleman need not borrow any trouble on that cause it allows him practically none. We must have a formida score. ble-force always at command, or om· oriental possessions will not A MEMBER. We will load our guns with blank cartridges. 1038 · CONGRESSION .AL RECORD-HOUSE. JANUARY 25,
Mr. COX. What do you want them for? tution is forbidden; the creature can not be .greater than the Mr. CRUMP.ACKER. To preserve order and garrison forts, creator; the agent can not possess more power than the principal. with a view to making the dignity of this gre.a't nation felt all Annexation implies the incorpoTafion of territory into our gov over the world, and admitting us into the great markets of the ernmental .system. It is idle to -talk about Federal possessions Orient. under t~ control of Congress, but·not under the protection of the Mr. COX. I understand your idea about this nation 'being re Constitution. A mere statement of the proposition shows its spected, but I want to know what yon want to do with a hundred absurdity. million dollars expended in those islands against those people. The Constitution is self-extending wherever -the situation war 1\Ir. CRUMPACKER. Now ,if the gentleman will excuse me, I rants its extension at all. This Government has the power to an humbly beg his pardon, but I have a speech that I desire to de- nex territory by treaty, by conquest, and, perhaps, by discovery; liver. . but when it is annexed, by whatsoever method. it is within the MT. COX. That is all right, and I will withdraw my question. protection of the Constitution. Co~ess has exclusive control Mr. CRUMPAUKER. We will doubtless consume substan over Territories, subject to the restrictions in the Constitution, tially all the products of the islands and furnish them with every and it may establish any system it chooses for their government. thing they may require in our lines of production, and they can But the guaranties of .Personal rights and liberties contained in not tax our trade for the support of their government, as they the Constitution pertam to inhabitants of Territories n.s fully as have heretofore done. We will lose this revenue, because under they do to inhabitants of the States. They are express limitations the Federal Constitution there must be absolute freedom of trade upon the power of Congress, without regard to time, place, or cir throughout the national domain. The assertion tbat we can es cumstance, and they go wherever the authority of Congress goes. tablish the colonial _policy and tax the products of the islands fo:r They are the birthright of every citizen of the United States, the privilege of our markets is based npon a misconception of the whether he reside in a State or Territory, near or remote, and the power of the Government. courts will hold nugatory all legislation repugnant to them. .There is no question that the United States is a nation endowed Under the law of nations inhabitants whose allegiance is trans with sovereignty as fu1ly and completely as it is ,possible for ana ferred from one goveTnment to another become citizens of the tion to be. Sovereignty implies unlimited, universal power, with government to which their allegiance is transferred. The Span out respect to the rights of persons nr things, and in its considera ish subjects ~n the newly acquired islands will become citizens of tion we are apt to confuse terms and mystify its application to the United States, and it is rightful that they should. We bave onr politics. The Federal Government is a political organization severed their allegiance to Spain and absolved that country from of granted and therefore of limited powers. It possesses only the duty of affording them protection, and it would be monstrous such powers as are contained in the Constitution, either by ex to deny them now the protection guaranteed by our Constitution. press grant or reasonable inference, -and many of those are limited Under the fourteenth amendment all children born on the islands, in their exercise. Congress is prohibited from making many kinds though of alien parentage, become citizens of the United States. of laws that sovereign governments have ample power to ma'ke. We can not ho1d any country in a st.ate of vas alage-we can not · Sovereignty means unlimited power, and the Federal Government govern any people as subjects-unless we change our organic law. does not possess power to that extent; therefore it is -not a sover lir. BRUCKER.. Right at that point I should like to ask the eign government. gentleman from Indiana a question. How, then, do we reconcile this political phenomenon with the .Mr. CRUMPACKER. If the gentleman will pardon me, I idea of national sovereigncy? Is there not a wide difference be should prefer "Dot to be interrupted. · .tween the nation and the government? The nation is composed Mr. BRUCKER. I shall make my question brief. Is it your of the people; it is the political community, the State, in its broad idea that upon the ratification of this treaty the subjects in the sense, and it holds all the powers of sovereignty. The people have Philippine Islands will be just as thoroughly citizens of the United ordained a general government through whose agencies they may States as any citizen now residing in any of om· Territories, New express those functions of sovereignty they have chose"Q. to exer Mexico or Arizona! cise in relation to geneTal subjects. They have also created State Mr. CRUMPACKER. They would in the absence of any stipu governments, through the agencies of which they express such lation in the treaty to the contrary. Unde1· tbe law of nations a functions of £overeignty pertaini'ng to local ·subjects as they de transfer of sovereignty transfers allegiance, and allegiance carries sire to have exercised, and all of the other functions of ·sovereignty with .it the right of protect1on, and in a monarchical form of gov are reserved to themselves-that is, held in abeyance until such ernment constitutes the relation of subjects, and in a republic the time as they may choose to m·eate political agencies for their proper relation of citizens. We have the right to provide in the treaty of exercise. They are latent powers. All the functions of sover annexation that those already living there shall not occupy that 'eighty abide in ample form in the people, and the people have relation toward this Government. But we have no right under selected political agencies for the expression of only those powers our Constitution to so provide against those born on the islands, they have determined shall be used. even of alien parentage. The powers of the Federal Government are limited by tbe Con Mr. BRUCKER. And that; too, unde1· the treaty as it is now stitution. The powers to declare war and negotiate treaties with proposed to be ratified.. foreign countries are vested in the Federal-Government without Mr. CRUMPACKER. I b.ave not critically examined the pro express qualification, and as an incident to these powers the visions of the treaty. It can not be possible that the framers of Government may acquire territory. The annexation of territory the Constitution, who had so recently rebelled against the arbitrary is a political function ana the Government may acqnh·e it in any authority of the imperial government, declaring that all men are part of the globe by its constitutional means. That power is of created equal and "are endowea by theil' Creat-or with certain such a character that it is not subject to review by the courts, re inalienable rigbts," deliberately intended to provide authority in gardless of the motives which may prompt its exercise. There this GoveTnment to hold and govern people as subjects without a can be no ·question about tbe power of the Government to annex singl-e right of person or property. If Congress can govern the the islands wrested from the grasp of Spain in the recent conflict, island possessions without regard to the Constitution, it would be but the power to govern territory so .acquired is not so broad. It impossible to conceive of a despotism more absolut--e. ·is conferred with materlal·limitations. It will be no answe1· to say that our policy toward them will bu During the progress of negotiations for the transfer of sover liberal and .benevolent, for the character oi a government iB not eignty over territory conquered by this 'Government in warfare, determined by the manner in which its affairs are administered, the President, as Commander in·Chief of the Army, may govern but bythe presence or absenceof constitutional safeguards for the it; but that stage is transitory and necessru:ily temporary. As protection of the r1ghts and libe1-ties of the people. A government soon as Congress asserts its authority to govern, the power of the is none the less a despotism becauseit hasabenevolent despot. It President ceases. The authority of the President in such cases is difficult to beli-ev-e that the fathers who laid the foundations for arises out of the necessities of the situation, and it disappears as the Government had in mind any such a despotic power. This soon as the necessities are relieved. 'There is no power in the Gov£lrnment, that fifty years a.go hardly knew where to find au Presiuent to permanently .govern territory, because the Constitu thority to preserve its own existence, must have had a marvelous tion expressly imposes that duty on Congress. 1n the event of development indeed if it can now govern vassal states at its own war or insurrection overtm·ning civil institutions, the President arbitrary will. Our relations with the Indian tiibes afford no may govern under the war power untU the civil order -shall be precedent for -such a course, because we justify our treatment of established. them on the r;round that they are aliens, nontaxable, owing no But, sir, we hear it said that the Constitution need not be ex allegiance t-o the Government. We expect to tax the inhabita.nts t-ended over the islands, but that we may govern them as depend of our insular posse:>sions and require of them allegiance to the encies without any lrind of restraint. Is the Constitution like a Government. · garment that it may be put on and taken off whenever it suits Th.e Federal SupremeCoUI"t ha-s repeatedly decided that residents ·our convenience? Does Congress control the Constitution or does of Ter1itories are citizens of the United States and entitled to the the Constitution control Congress? Congress does not have a sin privileges and immunities of the Constitution as amply as citizens gle power that is not conferred by the Constitution, and by the of the States. The Federal Constitution confers no political-pow· very nature of things it has no authority to go where the Consti- ers ur;on its·citizens. Those rights are conferred by the States, .. 1899. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. "1039" and Territories are under the control of Congress; consequently have unified sentiment, promoted homogeneity, and made us a their inhabitants possess only such political rights as Congress sees nation m fact as well as in name. Among all the provisions of fit to grant them. Congress has the power to govern Territories the Constitution none illustrate the exalted stat€smanship of the by any agencies it may establish, provided it violates none of the convention that framed that great charter more fully than these, personal guaranties of the Constitution. It need not provide any and we can not afford to abandon them now. In this brief dis degree of local self-government, but may enact all the laws and cussion of these great questions I have aimed to demonstrate that regulations for their government, as it does now for the DistTict the newly acquired islands must occupy the status of TeiTitories, of Columbia, and it may, in its discretion, continue that kind of covered and protected by the Constitution in so far as its guaran government indefinitely. There is an abundance of power to gov ties of personal rights and privileges extend. ern Territories by laws adapted to their stage of development, but There can be no doubt that the products of the islands will be what I have endeavored to demonstrate is that when territory is entitled to free markets in all the States. The new possessions annexed to this country it becomes part of the Republic and the will inCl·ease our annual expenditures at least 8100,000,000 a year Constitution automatically extends over it, and its.inhabitants are and diminish our customs receipts at least $50,000,000 a year-a entitled to the privileges and immunities of Federal citizenship. difference of $150,000,000 annually, and the question is, How will Among the important rights secured to citizens of the United we obtain the revenue to make it up? States by the Constitution is that of free commercial and social I submit these observations not for the purpose of criticising the intercourse with all the people of the country. We will have no ex-pansion policy, but because they present an important business more authority to exclude the citizens of the Philippines from the proposition which wemustsettleatanearlydate. Wecannotsolve States than we will have to exclude the citizens of the States from it by pretending not to see it, or by trying to think a bout something the Philippines. Neither can we tax the commerce of the islands else, because it is a living, burning question affecting all depart for the privilege of coming into the markets here. This is the ments of the Government. It may be that the new policy will bring important and intensely practical aspect of the situation that I markets for our wares and opportunities for onr people that will desire to impress u-pon gentlemen in this discussion. The Con more than e.ompensate for the increased expense and the loss of rev stitution declares that "all duties, imposts, and excises shall be enue, and I sincerely hope it will; but I am discussing now only the uniform throughout the United States." We can not i!Dpose revenue aspect of the situation. It is evident that we must have duties in ports of entry in the islands different from those im larger resort to the excise system as a permanent source of income. posed in the ports of the States; we can not impose a higher rate The country was led to believe that the war-revenue law would only of internal taxation upon the islands than we impose at home. be temporary, but conditions are such that that hope must be dis Chief Justice Marshall, the ablest of a long line of able American appointed. We should proceed withoutdelaytoreviseandenlarge jurists, in applying that clause of the Corutitution to Territories, that law with the view of its permanency, or we must increase said: our bonded debt, which has already gone up from $585,000,000 in The eighth section of the first article gives to Congress the "power to lay 1893 to over a biUion dollars, and it will be further increased $150,- a.nd collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises" for the purposes thereinafter 000,000 by the construction of the Nicaragua Canal, an improve mentioned. This grant is general. without limitation as to place. It conse quently extends to all places over which the Government extends. If this ment which the country seems to demand. The policy of operat could be doubted, the doubt would be removed by the subsequent words ing the Government on borrowed money will not commend itself which modify the gra.nt. These words are, "but aJl duties, imposts, and ex to the wisdom of the people. We can not lay to our souls the cises shall be uniform throughout the United States." It will not be con tended that the modifl.cation of the power extends to places to which the happy unction that since an overpowering destiny brought the power does not extend. The power, then, to lay and collect duties, imposts, islands under our control, a bounteous Providence will provide and excises may be exercised and must be exercised throughout the United ways and means for their government. Means will not come from States. Does this term designate the whole or any particular portion of the American empire? Certainly this question can admit of but one answer. It heaven as manna in the wilderness, but Congress must provide is the name given to one great Republic which is composed of States and them from its constitutional resources. Territories. The District of Columbia, with the territory west of the Mis The expansion policy was inaugurated by Admiral Dewey at sissippi. is not less within the United States than Maryland or Pennsylvania; and it is not less necessary, on the principles of our Constitution, that uni Manila, and it was carried into execution by the force of public formity in the imposition of imposts, duties, and excises should be observed opinion, and I have no doubt that the country will submit will in the one than in the other. Smce then, the power to lay and collect taxes, ingly to all reasonable requirement for its perfection. But it may which includes direct taxes, is obvwusly1 coextensive with the power to lay and colle And the able speech of the gentleman from Indiana [Mr. CRUM As to Cuba, we are bound in good faith to recognize its inde PACKER] , t o which we have just listened, is a frank admission that pendence and withdraw our military forces from that island at the Government not only intends to incorporate the Philippine the earliest practicable moment. Our solemn declaration to the Islands as a part of our territory, but that its inhabitants will be world was that the war was for Cuba's independence, not for its come citizens of the United States. To such a policy I believe the subjugation. If it is to become permanently a part of the terri people of this country are opposed. tory of the United States·, it can only be upon her request and at The strength of the Army of the United States on a peace foot her solicitation. At present there is no indication that she de ing, including officers, is_now 27,532 men, the maximum limit be sires this, and we need no armed force to subjugate her people. ing 30,000, which includes every branch of the military service We should do as we gave our plighted faith we would do, estab infantry, cavalry, and artillery. Prior to April 25, 1898, when lish a firm and stable government, and retire from the island. war was declared on Spain, there was no demand for an increase. In the meantime a small armed force may be necessary or expe Disturbances by and wars with the Indian tribes and internal dient, but it is not necessary that the Army should be largely in disorders were all prompt.ly and efficiently met and mastered by creased and estaplished upon a permanent basis for this purpose. the military force. Sufficient force could be spared from the United States for that Under these conditions the appropriation for the military estab purpose. They would be in easy reach of our shores if an emer lishment was $23,129,344.30 for the fiscal year ending June 30,1898. gency should require their presence here. But if I am mistaken On the 25th day of April, 1898, contfary to the judgment of many in this I should be perfectly willing to authorize the President to of our best and most conservative citizens, who possibly feared retain sufficient volunteers in the service for this purpose, or retain the grave consequences by which we are now confronted, war was the Regular Army upon a war footing, 62,000 men, until in the . declared; and while every true American citizen is proud of the proper order of things we should retire from Cuba. record of our sailors and soldiers; proud of every step, from the As to the Philippines, a more serious and fundamental question unparalleled investment and victory at Manila to the sinking of is involved, and the question of pecuniary cost is not the most the Spanish fleet at Santiago; proud of the bravery of our officers serious; not even is it to be compared with the other great conse and m•.:m, individually and collectively, should we not, when war quences involved. The annexation of the Philippines is a question is ended and peace reestablished, stop and consider whether it is which goes to the very root and foundation of our Government. not best to return to peace conditions than to live on in the inflated, A great standing Army is not necessary unless we are to subju unreal, exciting atmosphere surrounding the existence of war? gate and hold these islands. Is this to be our policy? If so, per It may be denied that peace is restored, but Spain lies prostrate haps we need the standing Army asked for; but I am unalterably at our feet ready to accept whatever terms we dictate, and it is opposed to the permanent acquisition of these multifarious islands only a question of our interest. of the sea, lying in another hemisphere, on. the opposite side of The pending bill proposes to raise the standing Army to more the world, off the coast of Asia, and about 8,000 miles from our than 100,000 men in time of peace, at an annual expense of probably shores. $100,000,000. Why this enormous increase? Within our legiti From a military standpoint they would be a source of danger mate borders, from the Atlantic to the Pacific, from the Great and of weakness, as they were to Spain in her war. As an invest Lakes to the Gulf of Mexico, we have never been more profoundly ment, absolutely :unprofitable. The military establishment alone at peace with ourselves; not even a hostile Indian trail -upon our made necessary by their forcible retention would, according to the borders, or strike or lockout at any industrial center. Peace reigns best estimates, cost not less than $100,000,000 annually, while the supreme, and the 25,000 men have nothing to engage their atten whole annual exports and imports from and to all of the islands, tion here. Why, then, provide for quadrupling our Army? with the whole world, only amout;tt to about S30,000,000. Is it because the people are not sufficiently burdened with the Besides this, who shall estimate the millions for naval arma taxation of the present establishment? Not taking into consid ment and equipment and for all other branches of the service? eration the great increase in our expenditures caused by the war The Secretary of the Navy, in his annual report, says: with Spain, our annual appropriations for the Government for The Navy should be increased; the development of its various branches some years past amount in round numbers to about $500,000,000, should be homogeneous, and the increase in ships should be accompanied by a or $7 for every man, woman, and child in the United States, or gradua.l increase in officers and tp.en, and in na.yal stations, coaling stations, r epair plants. etc. about $.30 for every man above the age of 21 years in the United The naval board on construction recommends the following incroase: States. This taxation is for the support of the Federal Govern 1. Three seagoing sheathed and coppered battle ships of about 13.500 tons ment alone. Add to this the taxation for the support of our trial displaC€'ment, caiTying the heaviest armor and most powerful ordnance for vessels of their class, and to have the highest practicable speed and great cities, counties, and States, and what must be the total burdens radius of action. Estimated cost, exclusive of armor and armament, $(!,600,- upon the people? . 000 each. . Now, it is proposed to add anywhere from $50,000,000 to 2. Three sheathed and coppered armored cruisers of about 1.2,000 tons trial $100,000,000 as expenses for the Army alone, How many more displacement, carrying the heaviest armor and most ;powerful ordnance for ve ~ sels of their class, and to have the highest practicable speed and great millions are still to be added for the increase of the Navy and rarlius of action.. Estimated cost, exclusive of armor and armament, $4,- other departments and establishments of the Government? As a 000,000 each. 3. Three sheathed and coppered protected cruisers of about 6,000 tons trial conservative estimate, the retention and government of the Phil displacement; to have thehighestpracticable speed and great radius of action, ippine Islands would cost this Government not less than$100,000,- and to carry the most powerful ordnance suitable for vessels of their class. 000 annually. It is safe to assume that when all of the Departments Estimated cost, exclusive of armor and armament, $2,150.000 each. have been alike reorganized upon the expansive plan of the Army, 4. Six sheathed and coppered cruisers of about 2,500 tons trial dhplaco ment; to have the highest speed compatible with good cruising qualities, instead of costing $500,000,000 annually, it will cost nearer double great radius of action and to carry the most powerful ordnance suited to as much. Instead of $30 annually, it would be nearer $60 for vessels of their class. Estimated cost, exclusive of armament, $1,14-1,800 each. every man over 21 years of age. Is there a necessity for this, or With the territorial acquisitions of the present year , if the Philippinos are also annexed to the United States, its outlying territorial possessions will be would it simply be an increase in the number of those who, while so great and so extended that this increase of naval force will be necessary; creating nothing, live upon the production of others? If neces and, as two or three years will be required for the construction of the ships sary, I have not one word of complaint to make; but if unneces ~~~em~~;~~rt'E!~~\~~~'!~g~e~; f~! s~~~~t~gt~~~};o~~0r~1~~~:nd~~ sary, the taxpayers, who are the producers and npon whom our tions at the coming session of Congress would be enough. country depends for its future as it has done for its past develop ment, should see to it that this increased burden is not rolled upon It will thus be seen· that in the matter of war vessels alone the them to cripple their industry and throttle their thrift. honorable Secretary of the Navy reports that if the Philippine It is said, however, that our acquisition of the Hawaiian Islands Islands are retained as a part of our territory it will be necessary and Porto Rico and our relations to Cuba and the Philippines re to appropriate for ships to cost over $24,000,000, whereas if the quire this large increase. As to Hawaii and Porto Rico, annexed Philippines are not to be retained, only about 512,000,000 are now to this country with their own consent and at their request, at needed, a difference in the appropriations of over $12,000,000 in peacewith our people, whyshould they need anything but a proper ships alone. police regulation? With a limited territory, no larger than an av More than this, what jealousies will our advent into the East erage State of our Union, why should it require any large military awaken among the great powers of the world? No Atlantic or establishment? In the bill recently passed by this House the num Pacific Ocean will then separate our territory from the Old World, ber of the Maline Corps was increased from about 3,000 to 6,000 but the Pacific would separate us from our far distant provinces, men, for the purpose of affording the proper number of men to Just a8 we seized Manila at the outbreak of the war with Spain, garrison and police these islands. It was a part of the testimony so could our foreign foes seize one or more of the 2,000 islands, upon which this increase was granted that the marines were which would be beyond our power to protect. the proper soldiers for the islands; that they were trained both With a population foreign and alien to our people, having wit~ as soldiers and sailors, and therefore best suited for duties at us no common ties of friendship, religion, or race it would be Hawaii, Porto Rico, and Cuba. And let it not be forgotten that like trying to force water and oil to assimilate. W1th1 tornadoes . it was a little band of 600 gallant marines who first landed upon and diseases incident to such a climate, past history shows that the island of Cuba in the late war and held their position for days, the Anglo-Saxons would die like sheep in this pestilential tropical unsupported by the Army. '.rhere can be no question that the climate. Out of a population of about 10,000,000 only about marine soldiers are all that are needed for Porto Rico and Hawaii. 20,000 are said to be Caucasians. It is estimated that more than 1899. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. . - ' 1041 one-third of all of the Spanish troops died of diseases incident to increased, and militarism stalked abroad. The downfall of Rome the climate. Professor Worcester, in his book on the Philippines, is written in its hired soldiery and its lust for imperial power. says: It is said but too truly that history repeats itself, and who shall It is true that the climate of the Philippines killed 25 per cent of the Span say that the downfall of this Republic, which we trust will never ish troops in fifteen months after their arrival. * * * It is unfortunately occur, but may, and if so, may not be truly ascribed in the cen true that the climate of the Philippines is especially severe in its effect on turies to come to our failure to follow the advice of the first .and white women and children. It is very doubtful. in my opinion, if many suc cessive generations of European children could be raised there. greatest of our Presidents? President Madison, in one of his historical papers, urging the Do we want the 10,000,000 Malay and half-savage Asiatics as citi adoption of the Constitution, said: zens? Do we want to irrcorporate these islands as Territories, ~ot the less true is it that the liberties of Rome proved the final victim to eventually to become States of our Union? If not, how shall they her military triumphs, and that the liberties of Europe, as far as they ever be governed? Shall they be kept in subjection by an armed force? existed, have, with few exceptions, been the price of her military establish ments. A standing force., therefore, is a. dangerous, at the same time that it Shall we treat them as vassals or freemen? If the latter~ then may be a necessary, provision. On the smallest scale it has its inconveniences. they will become citizens of our common country. If the former, On an extensive scale its consequences maybe fatal. On any scale it is an ob we will do violence to the principle that the Government derives ject of laudable circumspection and precaution. A wise nation will combine all of these considerations, and, whilst it does not preclude itself from any re its just powers from the consent -of the governed. source which may become essential to its safety, will exert all of its prudence Has this Government the power under the Constitution to add in diminishing both the necessity and the danger of resorting to one which to our territory except for the purpose of States and Territories? may be inauspicious to its liberties. Has it the power to add colonies without any prospect of con If we are to have a colonial empire and our boundaries to be ferring statehood upon them, to be governed by force of arms? extended to the limits of the world, let it not be forgotten that The Supreme Court of the United States said no in the following this 100,000 men will be but the beginning, the nucleus, of an im extract from its opinion in the Dred Scott case: perial army to be formed, and taxation required for this bill will There is certainly no power ,pven by the Constitution to the Federal Gov" be but as a feather weight to what is to be fastened per~nently. ernment to establish or maintam colonies bordering on the United States or The permanent acquisition of the Philippines will bring us into at a. distance, to be ruled and governed at its own pleasure, nor to enlargl:' its territorial limits in any way except by the admission of new States. That complications with the foreign nations of the world. Not conced power is plainly given; and if a new State is admitted it needs no further ing to tho~e powers the East.ern Hemisphere, will they continue legislation by Congress, because the Constitution itself defines the relative to concede to us the control of the Western? Will they regard rights and powers and duties of the States and the Federal Government. But no power is given to acquire a. territory to be held and governed perma longer our Monroe doctrine that foreign nations would not be al nently m that character. * * * The power to expand the territory of the lowed to increase their territory in the Western Hemisphere? United Stat.es by the admission of new States is plainly given; and in the Would it be human nature to concede us the right to forbid their construction of this power by all of the departments of the Government it acquisition of territory in the Western Hemisphere and yet give has been held to authorize the acquisition of territory not fit for admission at the time, but to be admitted as soon as its population and situation would us the right to extend ours in the Eastern? What would be the entitle it to admission. It il;; acquired to become a State, and not to be held result? War, war, interminable war. with all its train of disaster as a colony and governed by Congress with absolute authority; and as the and ruin. propriety of admitting a new State is committed to the sound discretion of Congress, the power to acquire territory for that purpose, to be held by the Without the Philippines, without their untold expenditures and United States until it is in a suitable condition to become a State upon an dangers, we do not need to increase the standing Army. We should equal footing with the other States, must rest upon the same discretion. rely in the future, as in the past, upon the patriotism of our people The Filipinos do not want us to annex their islands; they pro as the great sheet anchor of our safety. The more responsibility t-est against it, and are prepared to resist it by force. Can we not is put upon our people the greater they are capable of bearing. stop and stay our hand? lt is said that the pending treaty is not Encourage and perfect the volunteer forces and State militia, the for this House to consider, but for the Senate; but as the Represent citizen soldiery, who have proven that they may always be relied atives of the people, if we defeat this bill and refuse the hundred upon to defend the Republic in the time of danger. thousand men, it will be a warning to the Government that the Judge Cooley, in his Constitutional Limitations, says: people of the United States want neither the Philippine Islands Amon~ the other safeguards to liberty should be mentioned the right of the people to keep and bear arms. A standing army is peculiarly obnoxious nor this immense army. in any free government, and the jealousy of such an army has at times been Fraught with so much danger, I believe it to be the highest duty so strongly demonstrated in England as to lead to the belief that, even though to use every effort to defeat the consummation of so great a danger recruited from among themselves, it was more dreaded by the people as an instrument of oppression than a tyrannical monarch or any foreign power. to the Republic. If we adopt this new policy, we will cut loose So impatient did the English people become under the very army that liber from and disregard the advice and admonition of men upon whom ated them from the tyranny of James II that th~y demanded its reduction we have been taught to look as blessed almost with prophetic even before the libaration became complete; and to this day the British Par vision. "Entangling alliances with none, good faith and justice liament render a standing army practica.Ily impossible by only tJassin~ a. mutiny o.ct from session to session. The alternative to a. standing army IS a to all" should continue to be our motto, and for the future as in well-regulated militia, but this can not exist unless the people are trained to the past we can hope for an era of unexampled prosperity. [Ap bear arms. The Federal and State Constitutions, therefore, provide that the plause.] right of the people to bear arms shall not be infringed, but how far it may be in the power of the legislature to re~ulate the right we shall not andertake In his Farewell Address Washington gave the following advice, to say, as happily there neither has oeen, nor perhaps is likely to be, much which is as sound to-day as when uttered: · occasion for a. discussion of that question by the courts. Europe has a. set of primary interests, which to us .have none, or a very It seems to be generally conceded that an increase in our Navy remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in freq'Uent controversies the causes of which are essentially foreig'Il to ours. Hence, therefore, it must be is necessary. With an efficient Navy and Marine Corps and unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissi proper attention to our militia it is not likely that this country tudes of her politics or the ordinary combinations and collusions of her can have any great need for a large standing army. If more troops friendships or enmities. Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a. dif are at any time made necessary, they can in a short time be sup ferent course. If we remain one people, under an efficient government. the plied from the volunteers. We need a Navy, but we can have period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoy that without an imperial foreign empire. Provision is made for ance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we almost doubling the force and efficiency of the Navy. This will may at any time resolve upon to be scrupulously res~ected; when belli~erent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, Will not be a guarantee for our peace and protection from foreign foes, lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, provided we confine our limits to the natural boundaries which as our interest, go.ided by justice, shall counsel an all-wise Providence seems to have carved out for us. Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a. situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that The Filipinos do not want us; theywant freedom. Why should of any part .of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of we want them? Why not concede to them the God-given right of European ambition. rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice? freedom? Shall we whose ancestors fought at Bunker Hill assert How similar the advice of the first and greatest of Roman Em the right to enslave the people of another hemisphere? The thir perors, Augustus Cresar, who, at a time when the Roman eagles teen original colonies, with a population of 3,000,000 people, broke were considered invincible and Rome herself the mistress of the off the chains that bound them to their mother country, established world, called upon his people with his dying breath to pause, to freedom and liberty in the New World. Why should not the Fili consider, and to halt. In his testament, which was read after his pinos, 10,000,000 strong, desire freedom? They are freed from death to the Roman Senate, he "bequeathed as a valuable legacy Spain. Shall we reenslave them? We do not desire these islands the advice of confining the Empire within those limits which as States or Territories. Let us not hold them as subjected colo· nature seemed to have fixed asitspermanentbulwarks and bound nies, but ratber concede to them that fTeedoJD, and that liberty aries-on the west the Atlantic Ocean, the Rhine and Danube which has cost us 80 dear, but which we hold dearer than life on the north, the Euphrates on the east, and toward the south itself. Let ns act the part of a liberator; the march of civiliza the sandy deserts of Arabia and Africa." tion and Christianity will do the rest, and future ages will point Gibbon in his great work attributes the decline of the Roman to the history of this country as appointed and directed by the Empire to her failure to follow this sound advice. hand of God. fLoud applause.l · Who .shall say how history would have been written had the Mr. JETT. Mr. Chairman, [now yield to the gentleman from wise counsels of this great Emperor prevailed? But it was decreed South Carolina [Mr. STOKES] ten minutes. that other counsels should prevail. The Roman eagle was to soar to Mr. STOKES. Mr. Chairman, a proposition to increase the the unexplored portions of the earth. S'?ldiers were hired, the~my standing army of any country in time of peace raises a grave XXXII-66 1042 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSEi JANUARY· 25, , question. It involves necessarily an increase of th~ burden ~f of it, Mr. Chairman: 15 per cent of the entire value of the cotton taxation, and for that reason alone challenges attention. But m crop to be expended in the Philippine Islands. For what? To the light of history the proposition to increase the standing army protect a trade worth less than thirty-five millions a year all told, of a republic fourfold in time of peace or at the conclusion of a or else to destroy the liberties of the inhabitants. But we are victorious war means a crisis in the history of that republic. told that the 100,000 men proposed in the war footing provided in Just that sort of crisis is upon us to-day. We have drifted so the bill, and that 100,000 men with the expense of upward of naturally, so i~perceptibly-up to that crisis that the impa-ct has $150,000,000 per annum, will not be needed all the time. Ah, Mr. failed to arouse the sleeping sense of danger in many. Others, Chairman, when will need not be found for them once they are intoxicated with the wonderful versatility and aptitude of our authorized by law? When will men not need the places thus au nation in war and peace, and the unparalleled successes that thorized by law? have crowned our efforts in every field of endeavor, are inclined SHALL WISDOM DIE WITH US? to scout the lessons of history and the warnings of wisdom. Why legislate for the next war now? Are we to assume that · But let us bear in mind that we can never become so versatile, succeeding Congresses will be less wise than this one-less able so skillful, so prosperous, or so strong that safety shall not abi.de to grapple with grave prot?lems than we are? Has our manage- within constitutional limitations. We can never become too Wise . ment of the Spanish war in all its details been so free from mis to profit by the lessons of history. takes and scandal, so superlatively successful that we must needs WHERE IS THlil. NEED? crystallize its methods into law and project it into future cam- :Mr. Chairman, I am not opposed to an army establishment suf ~~~ . ficient for the legitimate needs of our country, and it may be that SUFFTCIE..."lT UNTO THE DAY. some increase is necessary. But I will never lend my vote to an I think we may trust future Congresses to furnish the means of increase, by a single man,_ of the present esta;blishme!lt until equipment of a volunteer army, for every emergency which may there is a clear demonstratiOn of that need, until there IS an ex arise, with as much vigor and alacrity as this one did last spring. plicit statement from those who are to be intrusted with the direc I am quite aware, Mr. Chairman, that there is a fashion among tion of that army as to their purposes. Regnlar Army men of discrediting the volunteer soldiery; but I I listened to the distinguished chairman of the Committee on wish to say that, in my jud~ent, the volunteer soldiery of our Military Affairs in the hope of getting some explanation in detail land have won its battles in the past and compelled the admiration of the necessities upon which his bill is predicated. I listened in of the world. vain. The only suggestion at all bearing upon this phase of the THE VOLUNTEER SOLDIER OUR BEST DEFENSE. subject is contained in the following: Since that time .the condition of affairs in the United States has so rad It is that which most amazes and mystifies foreign nations; it is ically changed that every man in this Hall should be in favor of some action that apparently exhaustless reservoir of force that paralyzes their leading to the organization of the Army upon th&lines that will give to the powers of computation and baflles calculation. The volunteer has Government of the United States a.ll th~ force which ~-ay be necessary to crudities? Grant it. But he has exhibited upon the battlefield enforce its authority over every foot of soil the responsibility for whose gov ernment and good order bas been committed to us.. Since that tim~ 'Y~ have those highest qualities, beside which all his alleged crudities are had a war entered upon without any thought or 1dea of the acqmsttton of not to be mentioned. The Regular Army is a known factor. It territory but bringing with it certain responsibilities which must be met. can be accurately counted, its effectiveness weie-hed and neutral We have' in addition to the territory under our filag at the time the bill was first before Congress, islands in the Atlantic and in the Pacific oceans for . ized. The volunteer force, never. It is the great unknown factor whose government we must be r esponsible, at least until some disposition is in the problem of warfare that can not be estimated or hedged made by Congress of these questions growing out of our responsibility. against. The proposition to substitute a standing army-for that Upon this vague, ne~ulous reference to a "chang~d co~dition is the real proposition-is a proposition to weaken our world posi of affairs," this House IS asked, so far as the committee 1s con tion at the very moment that we project ourselves more than ever cerned to face about and reverse the policy of a century. Not before into world problems; and to do this at an added cost of at only d~es this proposition reverse the policy approved by a hun least one hundred millions annually. It is more money for less dred years of marvelous prosperity and progress, but, like ~o~t security. propositions that emanate from that side of the House, It IS BETTER A MOMENTARY WASTE THAN A PERMANENT LEAK. coupled with increased expenditures, increased burdens upon the people. Undoubtedly there has been and always will be enormous waste of GENERAL MILES VS. CHAIRMAN HULL. energy and money in the organization and equipment of a volunteer army in an emergency. It can not be avoided even with the most But while the chairman did not state in detail the need of this careful and conscientious administration. But from the stand enormous increase we are not without reliable information. The point of economy alone, it were far better to waste one hundred Commander of th~ Army, General Miles, has given a detailed millions once in thirty years in equipping a volunteer force, rather estimate of the probable needs. He estimates as follows: than saddle upon the country at the least one hundred and fifty millions a year for all time to come, as this bill practically pro poses. Only give us honest administration and our honor and our homes will always be safe in the hands of QUr freeborn vol li i~~~~~ ~~~~~~!:~~~~~~: ~;;~~~:~~~:~ :~~ ::==j~ :j::::: ==~j:~\ ::::_~I unteer soldiery. Total estimates __ ·____ .... ------. ----·. ------· ------78,000 TEMPT HIM NOT. What are they going to do with the 100,000? General Miles But however that may be, I shall never vote to plaee in the hands places the utmost need at 78,000. Why provide 100,000?. But on of the President, or of any President, the power in time of peace to the usual basis of $1,000 per man per year, even the estimate of increase the standing Army to the maximum. That is to insure the Commanding General means the enormous sum of $78,000,000 that it will be done. The pressure for place will compel him. burden upon the country every year for our military establish Neither will I ever consent to the proposition now offered by the ment. Surely General Mile:s ca~ not ?e suspected of und~r~sti committee, by amendment, to establish the Regular Army at mating the needs; and yet his estimate lS far below the proVIsiOns 100,000 and invest the President with power to decrease it. That of this bill. Why? · is to insure its remaining permanently at 100,000. I doubt whether the rugged integrity of a George Washington in the White House WHAT ARE THEY GOING TO DO WITH THEM? would be able to withstand the pressure to increase in the one As a matter of fact, the largest item in his estimate is for the case or the opposition to decrease in the other. Philippines and his total is more than twenty thousand less than I am opposed to the pending bill, therefore, because it implies a the number' provided for. in the bill.. According to his e.s?m!lte, radical change in the approved policy of ·a century; but in addition there is proposed a military establiShment for the Phihppmes to this it entails a vast and ever-increasing burden upon the tax alone as great as our present establishme~t for the whole country. payers. With the added increase of 25 per cent m the pay of th~ Army But, Mr. Chairman, there are other and more potent reasons, if proposed by the bill, and the ~dded cost of transporta~on !'Lnd possible, why this bill should not pass as it comes from the com· maintenance 15,000 to 17,000 miles from the base of. supplies, m. a mittee. pestilential climate (easily 2~ per cent ~o~e than a like number ~n Taken in· connection with certain utterances of the President this country), this means thirty-five milliOns a year for the P~il ippine establishment alone. So that, if we were to get the entire and the threatening attitude assumed by our forces in the Philip pines, presumably under direct orders of the President, this ~ill Philippine trade, and if the whole of it were clean profit to us, acquires a f!inister significance that might well startle every lib we should not be able to pay for our military esta:blishmen~ over erty-loving American everywhere. there with the entire trade of the group. But It goes Without saying that the trade we get will not be all profit; and we will NOT A CONSTITUTIONAL QUESTION. not get it all. We are pledged by the treaty to keep an "open It is not my purpose at this time to discuss the constitutional door " there. right of the Government to acquire or to gov:ern ten1tory. Such This means. in my judgment, an annual burden of $150,000,000 a discussion must prove unprofitable. The utter silence of ~he upon productive indti~try, an additional burden equal to 70 per Constitution upon this precise question must leave the question cent of the value of the great staple crop of my section. Think open. Firmly as I believe in the complete antagonism between 1899. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 1043 the imperialistic policy of the President and the genius of our in the nation's past music; a note out of harmony with Dixie and stitutions, much as I would like to find a clear-cut declaration in Star Spangled Banner. It detects- the Constitution, I have not been able to find it. It is not there. The little rift within the lute The {)onstitution being dumb upon this all-absorbing question, That by and by will surely make the music mnte. we must seek light from the purposes and intentions of its framers. Mr. Chairman, I rejoice that there is within the breast of every And what do we find as to the purposes and intentions of its American imbued with the love of liberty and the traditions of his framers..? Had they no convictions on this question? Undoubtedly country a spirit which rises in spontaneous revolt against the idea they had. Who doubts it? Who doubts that the unalterable and that we are on the verge of an era of acquisition for other than all-pervading purpose in the framers of the Constitution was to humane purposes and of government long continued of weaker wipe from the earth, if possible, every vestige of colonial empire? peoples Without the consent of those peoples. LU:~UNOUS HISTORY. There is that within us that cries aloud against such a policy. Read in the light of current utterance preceding and contem So much so that the most aggressive advocates of the abstract and poraneot:s with the framing of that great instrument, its silence constitutional right to do these things feel constrained to disclaim ripon this point, the central thought in their labors, becomes preg the purpose to do them-to disclaim such purpose both for them nant with significance. The Constitution was to be the great selves and for the Administration-an unwilling tribute to this fUndamental rule for their own guidance in prC?tecting themselves all-pervading feeling of revolt. But even while they disclaim here from outside aggression. Little need was there, Mr. Chairman, on this floor, our army in the Philippines daily draws its cordon for the leading opponents of colonial empire in the wot'ld to pro closer about the patriot forces. The flag, heretofore the symbol hibit themselves from practicing colonial aggression on others. of liberty throughout the world, floats in the Philippines, it is Little need was there for men standing in the fierce afterglow of true; but it floats, for the first, time in its history, flaunting defi the furnace through which they had fought their way out from ance in the face of a weaker people struggling for liberty! Mr. under colonial oppression to declare in their body of rules for Chairman, there is that in the American breast which takes alarm their own action their abhorrence of that idea. It never occurred at"that spectacle! to them as a remote possibility that imperial purposes could ever .A QUESTION OF PUBLIC POLICY. be entertained by this country toward any other people. The situation in the Philippines presents a question not of con NO DOUBT .AS TO INTENTION OF FRAMERS. stitutional right to acquire and govern territory, distant or re No, Mr. Chairman, we are in no doubt as to what the purposes mote, for a longer or a shorter time. It is a question whether our and sentiments of the framers of the Constitution were on this policy shall conform to a principle as old as the Declaration of point. That purpose and intention illuminates every page of the Independence. It is a question of public policy pure and simple history of the time. The very atmosphere was surcharged with a policy abhorrent to all the traditions of the past, abhorrent to abhorrence of the idea of colonial empire. every principle that our flag has ever symbolized; a policy tested So intent were the fathers upon hedging themselves and · pos and illustrated by a century of struggle and protest and conflict, terity against external aggression that it never occurred to them and vindicated by a subsequent century of constitutional govern to protect themselves against internal temptation. It never oc ment; a policy for which the Administration must answer at the curred to them that a time might come when there would be need bar of public opinion. of an inhibition, in the fundamental law, for the protection of The trouble lies less in the fact of acquisition than it lies in the weaker peoples from our aggression! nature of the acquisition and the destiny that under the Consti No, there is and can be no doubt of the purpose of the framers tution the acquisition is guaranteed. There are, however, some of the Constitution on this point. In the light of the history of correlated questions that do impinge directly upon the Constitu the time the very silence of the instrument itself becomes elo tion. Our Constitution does not contemplate and makes no pro quent. vision for the government of any territory save upon the principle There are moments when silence prolonged and unbroken of representation. Taxation without representation was the prin More 6Xpressive may be than all words ever spoken. ciple of government against which our fathers fought through l JUDICIAL DICTA CO]<'"FLJCT. seven weary years of privation and suffering. It was the princi It is only when we enter the field of subsequent judicial and ple that nerved their arms and steeled their hearts to resistance. political dicta that doubt and confusion arise. As a matter of It was the very origin and inspiration ·of their struggle against interest I have compiled a considerable number of those dicta England. · which have, or are thought to have, a bearing upon this question, The Government might acquire territory in any of the ordinary and will print them at the conclusion of my remarks. ways and still be within constitutional limitations-at least with The ,confusion of counsel among learned members of this body out contravening any positive inhibition; but having acquired and of the Senate finds in this field its complete expla~ation. such territory, there remains no possible relation, under the Con WE H.A VE .ACQUIRED IN EVERY W .A Y. stitution, save that of ultimate statehood, without wresting the But whatever conclusions might be arrived at in the abstract ark of our covenant from its most cherished moorings. The mis from discussions of constitutional right, whether based upon take, if mistake it be, was in acquiring these territories. The judicial or on political dicta, the fact remains that we have run President, through his commissioners, is responsible for that mis the whole gamut as to methods of acquisition. Texas was ac take. quired by annexation, Florida and Louisiana and Alaska by pur TREATY MUST BE RATIFIED. chase, and other territory was acquired by purchase at the point It is almost a necessity that the treaty be accepted in the form of the bayonet. As a matter of fact, from the records we have that it has taken and been signed. But what then? Are we ready also governed territory in almost every way possible for one coun to admit these islands even to limited representation, leading try to govern another. First by military occupation, then by ultimately up to statehood? I think not. Yet this is the inevita civil appointment from the seat of National Government, then by ble sequence, unless our Constitution be modified. .And so long as Territorial government proper, and finally through a full-fledged the fom·teenth and fifteenth amendments remain it is difficult to State government under the Constitution. And these various conceive of any change in the mstrnment which could exclude forms have prevailed for longer or shorter periods, according to the children hereafter born in these islands from any of the rights the emergency. and immunities and privileges of citizenship. RIGHT .AND DUTY HAND IN HAND. W .ARS .AND RUMORS OF W .ARS. And this is as it should be. The right to rule follQWS unerr And what else? The inauguration of this policy-most mo ingly and inevitably the right to acquire, not merely as a corollary mentous of all-means a plunge into the very storm center of right, but hand in hand goes the coordinate obligation to give good world politics. It can not be avoided. It is inevitable. It means government without reference to the final future form of the gov ultimately a military and a naval establishment beside which that ernment. proposed is a pigmy. It means a standing army and a navy at The mere occupancy of territory, however acquired, with the least as great as the greatest maintained by any foreign nation. power to govern, entails inevitably upon this Government at least .And what does this require of us? Here is the military roster of the obligation t~ give good government, founded in justice and the countries against which we must arm, with whom we must liberty. As already pointed out, all these things we have done in be prepared to grapple any day: all phases on more than one occasion without arousing any serious question. . Conn try. Peacefoo~ ~arfoo~ On its face there is nothing in the pending treaty of peace, or in ing. ing. any of the transactions, as far as reported, that invades any inhi bition of the Constitution. Great Britain------.•.... ------______.•..• ______156,362 526,220 Germany ---- ...•.. --·--· ---· .....• ____ ·---··· ···----·--- 562,352 3,000,000 DISCORD IN NATION'S SYMPHONY. France .•....•••..•• ·------· .••• _--··- ____ ------· . 615,413 2,500,000 Why, then, t4is uplift of the nation's voice? Why this throb Russia .....• ------••...• ______------750,944: 2,512,143 bing of the nation's heart? It is because the fine ear of the nation detectS in the discussions touching these matters a note never be· : Our optimistic friends assume that Great Britain will not be fore sounded ·in the national symphony; a tone out of tune with against us. She is now friendly, overweeningly so; but who can CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE~ 1044 J • JANUARY 25, guarantee that another Venezuelan message might not precipitate (luently that Government possesses the power of acquiring territory either a conflict to-morrow? The aUiances of Europe are as fickle and by conquest or by treaty. (Supreme Court-Chief Justice Marshall, 1 Peters, shifting as the sands on the shore. page5ll) · ~he power to_ acquire territory oth~r than the territory northwest of the Some years ago one of the professors in our State &allege toured Oh1o River (wh1ch belonged to the Umted States at the adoption of the Con through Germany and France. He described on his return the stitution) is derived from the treaty-making power and the power to declare intensity (}f the hatred engendered by the loss of Alsace and Lor and carry on war. The incidents of these powers are those of national sov· ereignty and belong to all independent governments. (Supreme Court, raine from France to Germany. He graphically pictured the Justice Matthews., 136 U.S. R., page 42.) preparations for a struggle that should right up those injuries ~~ poli_tical1;'ights are franchises which they hold as..Privileges in the preparations going forward secretly, yet with the certainty and legislative discretion of the Congress of the United States Lbut] the personal and civil rights of the inhabitants of the Territories are secured to them as precision of gravitation. And yet to-day France and Germany are to other citizens by the principle~ of constitutional liberty which restrain on the most cordial terms. It is even hinted that they have a all the agencies of government, State and national. (Supreme Court, lH secret understanding as against certain other nations. This is but U.S. R., page 14.) . That the_Provis~ons o! the _Constitution of the United States relating to the one of the kaleidoscopic changes that Elll"ope witnesses continually. nght of tr1al by ~ury m smts at common law apply to the Territories of But the military arm will not be the most important necessity the United States 1s no longer an open question. (Supreme Court, 170 U. S. R., which we incur. We must maintain a naval establishment also page346.) · equal to the largest single power, at least. And what will that . Tho"!Jgh the tre!l-ty of 1803 made no provision for a change of government, 1t was m the ~s~ mstance to b~ temporary and territorial, of the sole power involve? of Congress, m VIrtue of the third sectiOn, fourth article of the Constitution Here are the establishments that we may at any moment be called and afterwards governed subject only to the same powers which CongresS upon to face: should exercise in the old States. (Supreme Court, 14 Peters, page 389.) Doubtless Congress in legislating for the Territories would be subject to those fundamental limitations in favor of personal rights which are formu Country. First-class lated in the Constitution and its amendments. (Supreme Court, 170 U. S. war ships. In all. and 136 U, S.) The Gove1·nment of the United States can claim no powers which are not Great Britain ...... ----·------·------· .. ·------80 581 granted to it by the Constitution; and the powers actually granted must be France __ ----- ...•. -----.-----_----- .... ---·--.....•...... ---- 50 400 such as are especially given or given by necessary implication. (Supreme Russia...... • ...••...... ••...... •. ______.... 40 286 .Court, Chief Justice Marshall,1 Wheaton, 326.) Germany ..... _------_. ______------...... ______28 21.6 When we consider the nature and theory o! our instititutlons of ~overn 18 81 ~ent, the priD:ciples upon which they are supposed to rest, and reVIew the United States •••.•••..•• -----.----- ••...•• ------.------hiStory of therr development, we are constrained to conclude that they do not mean to leave roum for the play and action of purely personal and arbi Note what we have to oppose this formidable array. trary v.ower. (Supreme Court, Justice Matthews, 118 U.S.) While such declaration of principles may not have the force of organic law, Eighteen first-class war ships and 81 war vessels in all. or be Jl!B.d~ the basis of judicial decision as to the limits of right and duty, We should have to build 20 ships a year for twenty years to and while _m _all cases reference.must be had to the organic law of the nation equal Great Britain's establishment. When it is remembered for such linnts, yet the latter IS but the body a.nd the letter of wllich the former is the thought and the spirit, and it is always safe to read the letter that a first-class battle ship costs fTom two to four million dollars, of the Constitution in the spirit of the Declaration of Independence. (Justice this new-fangled policy would mean from two hundred to four Brewer in 165 U. S.) hundred millions a year for battle ships alone for twenty years. Though the fact of occu:pation imposes no duties upon the inhabitants of the occupied territory, the mvader hunself is not left equally free. And this is but the fi1·st cost of the ships. Besides this, there would A_s it is a consequ~ce of his acts that the regular government of the coun be the annual burden of maintenance for men and munitions. try IS suspended, he lS bound to take whatever mean.'l are required for the THE SOUTH WILL EXECRATE. security of th~ public order. (Hall, International Law, section 160.) The d~erence between requiring a continent with an immense population Mr. Chairman, I said the President would have to answer foT to subnnt to be taxed by a government having no common interest with it, the policy now unfolding in the Philippines at the bar of public ~eparated from_it _by a vast ocean, au~ associated with it by no common feel mgs; and permitting the representatives of the American people, under tho opinion. I want to say that one of the counts in the indictment restrictions of our Constitution, to tax a. part of the societ y which is either in against the President, if he shall dare to follow his present policy a state of infancy advancing to manhood, looking forward to complete equal to its logical result in a bloody conflict between our forces and ity so soon as that state of manhood shall be attained, as is the case with the T erritories, or which has voluntarily relinquished the ri~ht of representation the Philippine insurgents, involving all the horrors of a long and and has adopted the whole body of Congress for its legitimate government, shameful war, will come up from that very South which ap as is the case with the District, is too obvious not to present itself to the plauded to the echo his patriotic references to the flag. That minds of all. (Supreme Court, Chief Justie5 Marshall, 5 Wheaton, 317.) South is true to the flag, Mr. Chai~'ID.an, but it is truer to the Territories are in a state of infancy advancing to manhood, looking for ward to complete equality as soon as that state of manhood shall be attained. principles of which that flag is the beautiful symbolism. She will (Supreme Com·t-Chief Justice MarshalL 5 Wheaton.) be-truest to the flag when she rises in condemnation of a President The power to admit new States authorizes the acquisition of territory not who shall cause that flag to be bathed in the blood of patriots fit for admission at the time, but to be admitted as soon as its population and situation would entitle it to admission. (Supreme Court, Chief Justice struggling for freedom. Taney.) And even if thi I go a step further and assert that on the citizen devolves the stitution to prepare and present articles of impeachment and the . responsibility, the right of protecting his Government. I go one latter to try them. These restraints would ti~ up any disposition step further and affirm that never in the history of this country toward despotism on his part and would be patent in the mind has the Regular Army ever won a victory except by the assist and heart of any man who ever commanded an army and who ance of the citizen soldiery. Now, let the gentleman deny this if might attempt to subvert the authorized functions of our Govem he dare. m{mt. So that we have ample protection in that regard on any Mr. LINNEY. Mr. Chairman President whom the people of the United States may ever elect. Mr. COX. Tell me what battle. But I desire to ask your attention incidentally in passing to Mr. LINNEY. The statement of the gentleman is plausible another point. why? Mr. SIMPSON. Will the gentleman allow me to interrupt him Mr. COX. It is true. just there for a question? Mr. LINNEY. Because in the great war between the States Mr. LINNEY. With pleasure. there was practically no standing army. It was so small that it Mr. SIMPSON. Before leaving this part of the discussion of constituted but an insignificant part of the many thousands of the subject, I have inferred, from what the gentleman fromNorth soldiers that entered into that deadly conflict. Prior to the war Carolina said, when he referred to Lord Salisbury and to my col we had no standing army in the South; in the North there was a league, Mr. GREENE of Nebraska, that a great many nations of small standing army. But if the forces on the two sides had been the earth were dying, and that the gentleman from North Caro· trained from the beginning, I believe the war between the States lina wanted a large army to go out, as it were, upon a crusade would have been closed up in sixteen months, as was the greaL against these failing and dying nations. Now, I would like to ask war in 1870 between Germany and France, where they had regu the gentleman if he does not think it a serious violation of the in lar trained armies. The improved methods of warfare, the im junctions of humanity to abuse the dead or the dying? Why proved guns, the improved machinery of death, as we may say should a great Republic like this enter upon such a crusade upon these ·things make standing armies necessary. That which we nations that are dying? " accomplished in the Revolutionary war in a long period of seven Mr. LINNEY. Lord Salisbury, towhomlhavereferred,speaks years would now be accomplished, probably, in ninety days with of " moral death " in that connection, and if I can get my friend strong standing armies consisting of men educated in the profes from Kansas to apprehend the distinction between moral death sion of arms. and the kick of a dying ox on the Western plains, I will have Why, M.r. Chairman, under our present system of government satisfied myself and himself also. rLaughter and applause.] the idea of a reasonably large standing army should not have any Mr. SIMPSON. I hatl understooa the gentleman to mean that terror in it; it should not alarm gentlemen to the extent that they these nations were dying from corruption. Of course we under claim it does. What is it that really constitutes the strength of a stand from what he said that they are becoming dangerous, and nation? It is not the concentration of wealth; it is not arsenals that we wanted an army to defend ourselves against the nations and armories; itisnotstronghorses; itisnot13-inchcannon. All that are thus becoming injurious because they are dying. Of these are but as sheep in the lion's skin unless the spirit of the peo course death means collapse, weakness, and all that sort of thing. ple be bold and warlike. I think it has been established beyond It seems singular tome that we needanarmyforanysuch purpose all thought of controversy that the ·military genius, the warlike as that. Why shollld we need an army to enforce our views spirit of the men who have made their way from our military col against nations which are dying or becoming helpless from moral leges, was worth untold millions of dollars tothis Republic in the or any other causes? recent coriflict with Spain. ·Mr.· LINNEY. " General malignity of soul" is a disease, and Hobson would never have accomplished the wonderful exploit we must always prepare ourselves against it. Lord Salisbury was he did but for the fact that he was educated in the use of arms speaking of that infirmity of the human mind that becomes ef was a trained warrior. So with Bagley, the first victim of the fective more especially and dangerous in the heart of nations. war. He became stout, courageous, lion-hearted-almost a Julius He used the word '' death," a well-chosen and excellent descrip Cresar-by what? By early education in the use of arms. It tion of what he was alluding to, and I have adopted the same seems to me the position gentlemen take is untenable that men language on the same point. That is all. require special training, from the gymnasiums up, in various other But, Mr. Chairman, I wish to discuss another view of this case· professions, but that in the greatest of all professions, war-that one that has been discussed in the wide range of the debate that which is necessary to defend the life of the nation-you may take has taken place upon this measure. We have no doubt on one raw material anywhere and effect results as great as with mate question, after some reflection, and it is always to be considered rial educated to the profession of arms. in connection with matters of this kind, and that is the question Great numbers of citizens within military age may be very weak, as to the power of the Republic to acquire territory anywhere in say the old writers, where the people are wanting in courage and the world. I mean by the word" power" to imply the legal right lack training in the profession of arms. Why, sir, Virgil teaches to do so. that it nevertroubleth the wolf how many the slieep be. History It has a legal right, Mr. Chairman, if it posesses the physical records the example of Tigranes, the Armenian, if I recollect power, to do so by any of the means that any of the nations of the aright, being encamped on a hill with 40,000 men; he discovered earth may employ for that purpose. The authorities point out, an army of not more than 4,000 marching toward him, and he so far as I have been able to discover, three different methods by made this remark: "Yonder men are too many for an assemblage which territory may be acquired-by discovery, by conquest and and too weak for a fight." But before sunset he found them purchase, or by treaty stipulations. The truth is, just.as it is with enough to put him and his army to flight with infinite slaughter. · individual rights, that in all of t hese cases there is first of all the That has been the experience in these conflicts of arms, and in all right of self-preservation and the incidental right to acquire prop conflicts between nations and within nations, from the foundar erty whether the property is acquired by citizens or nations; that tion of the world, I maintain, down to the present time. Educa which lies at the foundation-fundamental right of self-preserva tion in the science of arms is just as much necessary for success t ion among the nations of the earth. This embraces necessarily as education in any other department of life. There can be no the power of increasing the national domain under certain restric- question of that. tions and conditions. · . But, Mr. Chairman, for that reason-for these reasons of Lord By reference to the Elements of International Law, by Henry Salisbury-conceded by everybody, and the reason that the Army Wheaton-he was once, I think, minister to Prussia and cor as now proposed to be reorganized and enlarged is still so small responding member of the Academy of Moral and Political Sci in its relations to the vast body of the people at large-! mean ences-a member of the Royal Academy of Political Sciences of those who live outside of the Army, outside of the college of train Berlin, this expression of opinion is found on page 102: ing-for these reasons I shall support the bill. T he right of every independent state t o increase its national domain and pow!lr by all innocent and lawful means, such as specific acquisition of new But there· is another reason for it. In my opinion, under our t err itor y, the discovery a nd set tlement of new count ries, is an incontro Const~tution w~ nee~ not fear the presence. of a reasonably large yer tible r~ght of sover eignty, gen erally recognized by t he usage and opin standing army m t h1s country. Too great a one I would object Ion of nations. to. Why? President McKinley does not stand at the head of the And this, Mr. Chairman, I understand to be the teaching of Army as do the despots of Europe. He does stand there as Com Grotius, one of the most learned authorities on the subject of mander in Chief under our laws and under our Constitution. international law. He stands there not as a despot, but as a great citizen of the Again, the same· author teaches, at page 208: Republic, conservative in character, and chosen by his country The exclusive right of every independent state to its territory and other propert y is founded upon t he title originally acquired by occupancy, con men; and by reason of his high office and the selection of his peo quest, or cession. In fact, the title of almost all the nations of Europe to the ple he holds ex officio the position of Commander in Chief of the t erritory now possessed by them was originally derived from conquest. armies of the United States. Under the Constitution he has duties In the Outlines of International Law, by George B. Davis, assist to perform. He owes allegiance to the people; is bound by the ant professor of law at the United States Military Academy, at solemnity of his oath to every principle embodied in the Constitu pa.ge 248, it is said that- tion.; is under the lynx-eyed control of the House of Representa Questions connected with territory occupied by either belligerent at the tives and of the Senate, the former with the power under the Con- close of the war are finally settled by the terms of the treaty. 1048 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. JANUARY 25 . ' This I believe to be the doctrine of aU the authorities. There from ~ennsylv!"'nial Goverl?-or Stone, was here vigorously em is not probably a single authority, in all the books of any respect ployed m pomtmg out the disastrous results of unrestricted emi ability at all, that militates against this, that when two nations gration to this country. Moreover, our party platform contains are at war, one pa1·ty occupying a part of the territory and another a declaration to that effect. Yet only 500,000 come here annually the other part of the territory at the close of the war, the rights as the result of the natural attractive forces of our Republic and of the territory thus occupied are to be determined by the treaty. the expellent forces of the Old World. In the annexation of the When General Longstreet ordered General Pickett to make that Philippines is involved the proposition to bring 10,000,000 of the charge which has made American valor eternal as the everlasting poorest class of foreign citizens into national association with us hills, as a matter of honor to both sides, General Longstreet or and that, too, against their will-many millions more than would dered his troops to fire upon the rear line first, and then upon the reach this country by the natural flow of foreigners here for the next. When asked a few days ago, "General, why did you give · next ten years. that order?" he said," Well, when you confuse the rear line, the Some gentlemen say these savages will not be our equals politi supporting line, then the front column is thrown into confusion cally; they are not, and can not be, intellectually or physically, when its snpport is gontl-and that is w by I ordered it." A splendid but they will be politically. This great sun of liberty, which idea for a great military hero, an idea obtained by ed..ucation in warms and gi-ves life to the whole system, is not a spotted vital arms, and probably Longstreet, whose services are a part of the izing power; it shines on every part of the Republic with equal glory of this country, of which to-day, thank God, both sections of force and light. It can not bring light and strength to us and dark the country are proud, would never have thought of the idea that ness and death to our Republic's wards. They will be as much made him immortal but for the fact that he was trained in arms American as we, as much entitled to the exercise of the judicial and had been a member of the Regular Army. Suppose I say that mind and machinery of justice in their protection, in person, a truce between the commanding generals had been agreed upon, property, and character under our Constitution, as the District of then each of the contending sections would have held the territory Columbia or the Territory of Alaska. We can have no outdoor occupied subject to any peace treaty that might afterwards have policy. The one great temple of liberty must have room enough beell agreed upon. for every American citizen, else the temple topples and falls, and Mr. COX. I should like to interrupt my friend for one moment. we will all be out-of-doors. [Applause.l Mr. LINNEY. Why, certainly. Besides all this, we necessarily degraae American manhood by Mr. COX. Do you mean to maintain that the Philippines ought taking these savages into our great American family. I deny to succumb to us, or that if they do not we will shoot them? that there is any obligation resting upon us, moral or otherwise, Mr. LINNEY. No, you know I do not. •I have answered that. imposing any such hazardous undertaking. A great theologian, Mr. COX. Well, now, what are you going to do with them? the late lamented Dr. Moran, once uttered this thought: That Mr. LINNEY. I will give you my reasons. Lord Brougham was 1ight in his position that our system of gov Mr. COX. What are you going to do with them? ernment was the result of a combination of circumstances and Mr. LINNEY. Wait a minute and you will see what I am conditions of which only God was the author; that no man's going to .do with them. mind originated the scheme of government founded on the con Mr. COX. I do not care about the gentleman's declamation- sent of the governed; that the purpose of Jehovah was to bring Mr. LINNEY. I decline to be interrupted further. about this higher American type of manhood so that advanced Mr. COX. What are you going to do with them? Christian thought would be promulgated and perpetuated by this Mr. LINNEY. I will tell you if you will keep quiet. greater intelligence and energy. Now, go back to the conditions I believe what 1 have stated to be the doctrine of all the author existing before the Republic's birth, and why do you not degrade ities. There can be no question, thtJrefore, of the right of the American manhood and strike a blow at these Christian agencies United States, as a mere incident to sovereignty, to acquire title so happily conceived by the great theologian, Dr. Moran? More to the Philippine Islands or any other part of the world by any of over, these Asiatic possessions are not such as this Republic can the means hitherto recognized and practiced by the nations of the afford to bring into our great American family. earth. There is another question, however, to be considered, that These islands were discovered in the year of our Lord 1521, only concerns the people of the United States much more than this abouttwenty-nineyearsafterColumbus discovered America. The mere question of power in the sense of legal right, and here I will area·isabout 120,000 square miles and the population about 10,000,- answer the honorable gentleman from Tennessee [Mr. Cox], if he 000. They take to any form of religion slowly. With all the in will listen to me. That question is as to the wisdom of such dustry of the Roman Catholic clergy for over three hundred and acquisition now. To that, Mr. Chairman, I propose, with the fifty years, only about one-eighth of them are even nominally Chris permission of the House, to address myself for a few minutes. tians; and if Catholic priests can not get them, they are in a bad Mr. COX. Well, now, pardon me- shape. Touching our new brethren and sisters, should we annex Mr. LINNEY. The occupancy of those islands is certainly not them, we will have invited into our great social and political tem necessary to the preservation of our national life at this moment. ple a conglomeration of probably the very lowest order of savages In fact, there is now, in my opinion, no want or defect in our Re of the entire human race, embracing everything, from the Negri public which would be remedied by such acquisition. Because tos, who never cook anything and sleep on the ground, the only we have the right and power to exercise control of them that does domestic animal they care for being the dog, on through the dif not prove the wisdom of any such course. The citizen in the ex ferent gradations of humanity up to the Chinese coolies about ercise of any right which he possesses could, I suppose, hold a Manila. Here 68 dialects exist. The confusion of tongues at the wolf by the ears. He might do so in the exercise of any absolute Tower of Babel is the only thing read about that equals it. right, but he might not be able, and probably would not be able, to Edward W. Harden, appointed special commissioner of the hold either with pleasure or profit to himself very long. The ac United States by the Hon. William R. Day, Secretary of State, quisition of the Philippine Islands to be permanently held by us has reported, on page 14 of his report, the following: is, in my opinion, violative of many, if not every, great principle The natives are not to be depended upon as laborers; theyworkonlywhen for which American statesmen, and especially Republican Ameri- they see fit, and their work is far from being satisfact ory. . can statesmen, have contended in the past. . The productions of the islands are hemp, tobacco, sugar, coffee, The long struggle for liberty was ·to separate ourselves from with great supposed mineral wealth; yet with this variety of agri domination and association with the other nations of the earth. cultural production, the atmospherical conditions, and probably We wanted to separate ourselves from all the conditions and en other causes, make the inhabitants stupid and inert. So, with vironments which degraded mankind, and to ~et up a new form immense coffee lands in some parts and sugar all over the entire of governmentherein this New World which would be the world's archipelago, there is very little wealth. It is not an overdrawn · best hope. In this matchless and exalted purpose many of the picture to say that if you were to force active, intelligent citi good people of the world contend that God blessed us by sending zens to go there, they very soon would lose all energy. I have the most intelligent and courageous representatives of many of been informed that a cultivated gentleman raised under our civili the different races of humanity here to this New World. zation. however great his taste for reading might be, can not read The commingling of the blood of these various representatives of a newspaper there anG would turn from the task as too great to the different families of the world produced the American type endure. of manhood, into whose hands the herculean task of giving life Mr. NORTON of Ohio. What would that do to our soldiers? and form and permanent existence to this ideal Government has Mr. LINNEY. They could not carry popguns, let alone arms. fortunately fallen. Now, to go to Asia, and take into this new [Laughter.] ·· Government's maw 10.000,000 savages, it seems to me, is in a large Why, Mr. Speakert if Carnegie- were to locate there with his measure an abandonment of the lofty purposes of the fathers to· colossal wealth and had the honorable gentleman from Kansas ;maintain a separate and independent existence from all Asiatic [Mr. SIMPSON}, to assist him in business, in less than ten years Laz and European association. [Loud applause.] arus of old would be a blo.ated bondholder in comparison with Republican statesmen have pointed out, and wisely so, an evil him. FLaughter.J T)le attractive forces,lookedatfroman agri first seen by the old Whig party, that foreign em,igration to this cultural point of view, were charming; agricultural \)Ossibilities, country should be checked. The best thought of our party on this stripped of all other drawbacks, would make these ISlands very floor, notably the intellectuality of the distinguished gentleman attractive. and desirable, yet almost at the end of about three 1899. OONGRESSION AL REOORD-HOUSE. 1049 hundred and fifty years there exist in the islands 602,000 unsubdued Mr. Chairmal?-, what is there to protect us? Nothing in the world, savages. It must be the nurse of sin, made more terrible by the unless the philosophy of the Lord's Prayer shall have an omnipo poison of miasma. The dehenpalay, whose bite is instantly fatal tent influence upon us: "Lead us not into temptation." to man, fattens upon the impurities of the lowlands. Even the That is not ~11. There is this further question: The very mo forests find an enemy there called· the '' annay," a sort of ant, ment of their introduction into the sisterhood of States, the very which destroys all wood except the "molane" with astonishing moment they become citizens, you raise the most exciting and rapidity. maddening issue that has ever disturbed the peace and touched Should the "Stars and Stripes" ever be permanentlyplanted in the tranquillity and threatened even the life, in my opinion, of such a land of sin and poison? We say, "No." May it forever float the R.epublic. only over a country domimited by the men capable of appreciating Mr. Chairman, the people of the South are the greatest people, and perpetuating human freedom. Man has not the piercing eye in many respects, in the world. My political associates from that of the eagle, yet in this fit home for the highest type of manhood part of the country have in the past proven themselves worthy of he has acquh·ed the power of making instruments which not only the very highest compliment of the matchless and immortal Blaine. bring into view stars whose light has taken a thousand years to Of all the men of any section to whom he refers with compliment reach the earth, but which also tell us what metals are in the sun in his book it is the men of the South, as above all others, as and stars. Man has not the swiftness of the deer, but in our parliamentarians, as gentlemen, as men of integrity, as men pos happy America he knows how to make steam engines that will sessing the capacity even to dominate the Senat.e when they were carrY. him 60 miles an hour. Neither has man the strength of in the minority, Mr. Blaine places above all others, and he gives a horse, but here he can put together machinery which can do the them the position to which they are entitled. work of a hundred horses. These are some of his achievements In that grand country of ours what is the result? Where this along the line of material development of which man can boast race question, which, I say, is inevitable in the permanent admis under the best conditions, unassociated with the lower tribes of sion of these islands to the sisterhood of States or Territori mankind. ally, it would form this maddening, dangerous question. Let me I said there is very little if any energy even in the natives. At call your attention to the workings of it. Louisiana has 6 mem· page 14 of Spedal Commissioner Harden's report this statement is bers in Congress, and she gives 33,311 votes. Mississippi has· 7 made: ''A bridge is built, and there is absolutely no further work members, with 27,485 votes; South Carolina, 7 members and done on it until it is finally washed away by the summer freshets, 35,374 votes; Alabama, 9 members and 169,947 votes, aggregating or rots from neglect and age." · Why is this? Why, in a country 29 members from these States, and the aggregate vote upon which where a man almost drowns on the top of the mountain in what they rest is 266,517. North Carolina has only 9 against 29, and they call the dry season (by surface water flow), does it happen she gives 333,720 votes. Four States, with 29 Congressmen, that our commissioner is forced to make this statement? Because give 20,703 votes less than North Carolina gives for 9 Congress these islands are not fit for the abiding place of the white man or men. the American negro. I am opposed to attempting the experiment What else? I read this, and I hear it as the ringing of the fire bell and making these people a part of us. lthinkitunwiseto attempt at night. These things are worthy of the study of every Ameri by amalgamation or any other method their elevation merely for can citizen, and especially the study of the honorable gentleman the experiment. There may be some curiosity in the minds of from the State who represents this popular branch in the legis· gentlemen to make trial of our strength. The enterprise is too lature. hazardous. Have we not enough to do here, without inviting new Idaho gives 49,149 votes for 1 Representative; South Carolina complications? Mr. Chairman the mostmaddeningissue that ever 37,772 votes for 7 members-13,317 vot.es for Congressmen in engaged the attention of trained intelligence is the one founded in South Carolina less than Idaho cast for 1 R.epresentative. What race prejudice. did it? Gentlemen say," Oh, indifference to voting.'' Mr. Chair· To this I invite your attention. It is said that these people can man, that indifference to voting indicates a diseased condition never become and will never become in the case of the carrying somewhere. The lark that does not sing is sick; the lion that does out of the policy alleged to exist by some-! do not believe it ex not roar is sick unto death, and nobody knows better than do the ists-that of an attempt to make them a · permanent part of this gentlemen from the South and from North' Carolina and all those country-that they will never come into statehood with us. Let States that King Solomon uttered a great truth when he said, " A me see about that. Mr. Chairman, everything done in this high live dog is better than a dead lion." Yet in this grand section·of place has a political tinge, or most things have a political tinge the country, where the noblest people that ever lived exist, there upon them. Why, sir, a few days ago, when we were discussing is this maddening issue, this exciting issue, an issue that par a somewhat exciting question, but a purely businel'! S question, alyzes to such an extent that three-quarters of the citizens, those that of the civil service, every brother Democrat on that side ex little kings, those lions, r etire from the exercise of that only lordly cept four or five and a number of R.epublicans over here opposed privilege that is vouchsafed to little kings. to it, I thought, after counting-being opposed to it as much as I What else? Why, sir, our brothers go further on that part, and can be to any evil; at any rate, I think it an evil-we can, with say what? I read, Mr. Chairman, from one of the ablest editors the aid of our brother Democrats, wipe out this great evil from in the South since the lamented Grady, whose lips have been the statute books. But one distinguished gentleman over there silent since his heart ceased to pulsate. I reckon the editor of said: "Oh, you Republicans are in a hole, and we will not pull the Charlotte Observer in the South stands head in journalism , a you out." superb representative of Democracy in the South. What says Politics in that question! Politics in most all questions in all that great intelligent representative on this line of thought? chambers of legislation. Now, sir, we legislate for centuries and [Charlotte Observer, January 4. 1899.] not for a day. The statutes which are to be put upon the statute SOUTHERN REPRESENTATION. books are put there to be as eternal, so far as we know, as the Referring to the fact that Louisiana, Mississippi, and South Carolina have statutes that the finger of God wrote in that great book centuries disfranchis&d a large number of their voters, and that "two other S tates, Alabama and North Carolina, are soon to restrict their suffrage in like man and centuries ago. ner," the New York Sun Eays t hat this "introduces a novel question of very There are something near 10,000,000 people upon these islands. grave importance, which must be brought into prominence when t he new They will have upon the ratification of the treaty of peace, apportionment of Pl'e~idential electors and of Representatives in Congress. under the enumeration of the census of next year, comes up for serious con according to the opinion of the distinguished gentleman from sideration." It is "glad to observe, accordinaly, that there is a disposition Indiana [Mr. CRUMPACKER], all the rights of citizens so far as among fair men and newspapers in the Sout!i. to look upon the matter with Territorial citizenship is concerned There are forty-five States in calmness. They deem the restriction of ne~ITo suffrage absolutely requisite to the preservation of their civilization, and to gain the boon of white domi the Union. It takes less than 2,000,000 in a State to give it the nation in their States they seem willing-; if necessary, to sacrifice some of right to demand the right of admission into statehood. These their present proportionate share in the National Government." islands contain about as many citizens as New York and Texas The Sun continues: "Of course it is not tolerable that a vote in one part of the Union should combined, with 9,000,000, as I understand. in New York and have twice or even four times the power in national politics of a. vote in an Texas. These islands have somewhere between 8,000,000 and other part. Obviously, the new situation demands some new adjustment of 9,000,000. the political equilibrium under the provisions of the Constitution, and if the In some time, Mr. Chairman, when party rage runs high, in subJect is approached in a fair and reasonable spirit there need be no virulent controversy over it. The election of Representatives in Congress from South some time when this Chamber will be excited almost to the point Carolina or any other State concerns the welfare of New York no less than of frenzy upon some political point, some time when the struggle the election of Congressmen immediately re:pl'esentative of itself; and, of will be for ascendancy, and there has been one broad line of con course, it is the same with the electors for PreSident. It is not a local matter of State concern only, but involves the interests of the whole Union, for to flict from the first organization of human society to the present as every part it is of vital importance that the distribution of the political power the result of various earnest irrepressible conflicts for domination, shall be logical and equitable without discrimination in favor of any." some man in the House, maybe of a new party that may arise, or This is a fair statement of the case and we can not deny the justioo of this contention. However, representation in Congress is based not upon vo~ one of the present parties, in centuries that are to roll by, will stren~ but upon population, and it is not quite clear how, under the Con have this temptation presented to him, that with the annexation s~itntiOn, the South is to be deprived of any fart of its present represent&-. of the Philippines we get 10 new Senators and probably 50 Mem tion, even if it does deprive a certain class o its citizens of the right of the ballot. But be this as 1t may, any Southern State could afford to relinquish bers of the House. The party that does it gets, of course, its a part-say, half-of its representation in Conpesa and the electoral college influence in a political point-of view. Under those conditions... rather than surrender its local government mto the hands of the element 1050 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. J.ANU.ARY 25, which it disfranchise!!. It is very pleasing to North Carolina, for instance, guilty and without protest will submit to be executed.'' But the to send nine gentlemen to the House of Representatives, but they can not do the State as much good in Washington as Ignorant and corrupt government test which he challenged was denied him. can do it harm at home. The threat to reduce the number of the State's Gentlemen say or assume that because our great Christian Presi members in the lower House of Congress, if it is a threat, has therefore no dent used the expression '• Who shall pull down the flag? " he terrors for us. There is nothing that we have that we could not afford to exchange for the boon of home rule by the State's integrity and intelligence meant that the policy of the Government, so far as he is con rather than by its corruption and ignorance. cerned, shall be to take in this conglomerated mass of mankind The article speaks for itself. from the N egritos class up to the Chinese. Does he mean any such Mr. Chairman, 1 am opposed to cutting down the representation thing? of the South. I believe that a statute in each State requiring all M.r. NORTON of Ohio. Why does he not speak out? municipal officers to give bonds for the faithful and honest per Mr. LINNEY. My friend asks, Why does not the President formance of duty will protect any State from negro domination. speak out? Why, my friend, a man ought to be silent always, M.r. Chah·man, I was stupid enough to believe that the law of except when it is proper for him to speak. If the President were which no less can be said than that her seat is the bosom of God, subject to be interro~ated and cross-examined by every man in and her voice the harmony of the world; all things in heaven and the United States who is curious on this subject, he would find earth do her homage, the very lowest as being worthy of her care; little time to do anything else. the very greatest as not exempt from her power, I thought this But, gentlemen. of the Honse, let us look at another thing. I was the leaven that would leaven up and work up the whole so say that the course of the President challenges the admiration of cial and political fabric, and give vitality and strength and purity all liberty-loving and intelligent people. How happened he to and integrity to every section of the country upon this great ques undertake this great enterprise of commanding the Army of the tion of suffrage, and that no part of our beloved Southland would United States? He did it under a resolution passed by the House ever seriously consider the proposition of yielding any part of our and the Senate. We COillJ:l?.anded him to do it, and he did it better strength in this great Federal Congress. But it has been tried, than we expected. Supnose, for instance, that he had not done it; and we see the results. We see that great and good men are will why, he would have been censurable here, and would have been cen ing to accept even the cutting down of the representation of their sured I do not doubt. As law-abiding as our people are, as con States in order to escape-what? In order to escape that madden servative as they are, I fear, .M:r. Chairman, that if the Chief Mag ing i8sue, the race question. I do not know, my brethren of the istrate of this nation had refused to execute that resolution, he North, but what you would do the same thing. I am not here to would even have been assassinated. The country was ripe for assail anyone. I am not here to assail by brethren of the South. war; it was ready for the conflict; bloodshedding was necessary; I am only speaking now of facts accomplished. These things everything pointed in that direction, and the whole affair culmi exist with us; it may be possible that they exist with you. I hava nated with the blowing up of the Maine. Our people were thrown thought that they should not so exist, and still think so. into a war frenzy. They demanded that reparation should be . In addition to that, the strife, the furore, that extended through made not only for the wrongs of the Cuban people, but for the ce1·tain sections even of om own beloved State at the election was destruction of the lives of our own seamen. We placed the Army something that startled many. In a condition of profound peace, in the hands of the President of the United States. He did hi.s when there was not a solitary negro sheriff or clerk, so far as I d~ty with it. He did even more than we expected. He not only ever heard, in that whole State-am I correct about that [turning freed Cuba, but he planted the flag of the country over there near to Mr. PEARSONl? the shores of Asia on territory the ownership of which is now the Mr. PEARSON. Not one. subject of treaty. He made some portions of the Old World-one Mr. LINNEY. Not one, and when there had been fewer lynch portion in particular-as famous as a battle ground-! mean the ings during the year the State was out of Democratic rnle than there harbor of Manila-as Bunker Hill, Kings Mountain, or any other had been at any prior time-for many years, if I am correctly of the great battlefields in our own country. · informed-when social order was perfect throughout the State in Now, suppose for any reason or without any reason, as a mat a time of excitement when this maddening issue was raised; and ter of fact, out of the mere necessity of the war, he had planted the effect would probably have been the same (I am not here to say the flag at .M:adrid, the c_apital of .Spain; or suppose in any of the it would not have been) in any community-there went through unforeseen exigencies and incidents of war there had fallen into out the State such a condition of feeling that the result was, if I our possession the Rock of Gibraltar, a part of the British Empire, have understood the figures aright, that North Carolina lost more if that people had taken any part in the war. What could the than half as many men in the late election-and some on both great President have done under the circumstances? Would he sides, I believe-than the State lost in the war with Spain. I have had volition to have yielded up, without a question, what believe that an examination of figures or an account taken by a had been obtained in that manner? Would he reflect the opinions jury duly impaneled would show that more men lost their lives. and the desires of the people had he done so? Would he have or received injury of some sort from violence, even in that State directed the Army to retire and give up what it has conquered? where, it seems to me, there was not the most remote possibility If so, he would h ave been censured for such an action. The peo of the domination of the inferior over the superior race, than the ple would not have submitted to it. But what does he do in con State lost in the war with Spain, notwithstanding the first sacri nection with the matters which have come under our possession? fice made in that war was a beloved son of our State whom we He brings trophies of the war and presses them upon us. He pre almost worshiped. And besides, as a friend near me suggests, sents to us the fruits of the victories gained by our troops. And not more than one-tkird of the populatioJ?. were negroes. wha_!; do gentlemen say in response? Why, that you fought too These are some of the results springing out of the race issue. well; you did too much; that you are ambitious! Is that true? No man can read this book before me, showing that Idaho, with Suppose he is ambitious. Ought he to be criticised and condemned one member, gives a vote of 49,000, while another State of the for the success of our armies? Union, with seven members, gives 35,734, without coming to the Why, Mr. Chairman, if any member of any legislative depart conclusion that here is a trouble which should engage the atten ment of the United States had been placed in a position to achieve tion, the undivided attention, of every statesman in this Republic. such wonderful success he would be as proud as Julius Cresar or Why, then, introduce additional complications? Why go to the Napoleon Bonaparte. No man living would have been oblivious Philippine Islands and bring into our sisterhood, into this great of such wonderful success. I suppose even the old prophets, pos national family of ours, a community of 10,000,000 people, repre sibly Enoch or Elijah, when drawn up to heaven by fiery horses senting I do not know how many different branches of the human in swift chariots of light, would not have tightened the reins and race, all of whom are inferior to the intelligent white m an in turned around to listen to the glorification which would n eces North Carolina or South Carolina, and inferior, in fact, I pre sarily follow from such results. sume, to most of the n egro population of our country-most; I do But here comes the President of the United States bearing the not say all. In doing this, Mr. Chairman, it seems to me we invite war trophies and presenting them to the people of the United a greater evil than has yet overtaken us. States and to their representatives. Shall we spurn them, andre I do not believe the President of the United States contemplates fuse them at his hands? We can not attribute to him dreams of for a moment any such thing. I think he has been tried in this ambition, or anything of that kind, because we know him to be House and convicted in the minds of certain honorable gentlemen sincere, and that he has given us only the fruits of the achieve on less testimony t han that on which Judge Jeffreys tried and con ments of our own armies. How, then, can he be charged, not victed Roseboro for heresy. I recollect that when Roseboro was only with ambition, but even censured for treachery, as we have tried h e was convicted upon testimony as to what he had said in heard some gentlemen suggest on this floor? . a certain sermon. Three women came up and swore that he had Mr. GREENE of Nebrask a. I desire, with the gentleman's uttered the sentences which appeared in the bill of indictment . consent, to ask him, in good faith , a single question. Afte:P he was convicted the judge inquired what he had to say why Mr. LINNEY. Cer tainly, I will yield to my friend. judgment should not be pronounced upon him. And then Rose Mr. GREENE of Nebraska. We see in the papers day after boro stood up, with almost the moral courage of Luther, and said, day that the relations between our Army and the people of the "Your honor, if the three witnesses who testified against me will P hilippine Islands and the insurgent forces there are very repeat any three periods of the sermon that I delivered, a perfect strained, and the indications point to a possible and probable con manuscript of which I have here, I will withdraw my plea of not flict between our forces and those of Aguinaldo, growing out of .. 1899. - CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 1051 the fact that these people believe that our intention is to hold the ment then let us say to them, "Pay back to us the $20,000,000 and islands as a part of the territory of this country and govern them go scot-free. Make better citizens of yourselves hereafter than at our will . . Now, if the President is unfavorable to that condi- you have in the past." tion; if that is not his intention, then can the gentleman give us Mr. GREENE of Nebraska. I agree perfectly with the gentle any reason why he remains strictly silent in the face of these man on that proposition. Now, I want to ask this further ques strained relations, when an announcement from him to the effect tion-- that he did not intend to hold the islands would relieve the condi- Mr. NORTON of Ohio. ·Certainly. tions? Mr. GREENE of Nebraska. I want to ask, if it is not the I ask the gentleman in good faith and only for information. policy of the Administration to hold those islands against their Mr. LINNEY. Mr. Chairman, of course I am not the keeper of will, can the gentleman explain why it is that the supporters of the President's mind, but I can see a reason why he should remain the Administration in the other end of the Capitol, where the silent upon this question. The President has performed the func- treaty is pending, and where alone they have the right to ratify tiona allotted to him. The President's mission is ended mainly. or refuse to ratify it, they are so studiously and sternly refusing His work has been accomplished. He has brought the evidences to couple with it an amendment announcing to the Filipinos and of that work and the perfection of its accomplish~ent and pre- to the world that it is not our intention to hold them by force? sented them to the Senate of the United States. A commission- Mr. LINNEY. I do not know that we have any right to speak a peace commission-was appointed, which carefully investigated about matters in the Senate, but here is what I do know-- the matters involved, and that commission has made its report. Mr. GREENE of Nebraska. I beg your pardon. I am asking That report seta forth the probable terms of peace between the you, if it is not the policy of the Administration to hold those United States and Spain. That matter is before a tribunal for ar- islands by force, how can you account for that condition of affairs? bitration or determination. The President is on trial, therefore, Mr. LINNEY. I will answer the gentleman. I believe that the and no honest litigant who is on trial in a court of justice ever military department of the Gov-ernment, especially the officers, whispers in the ear of the judge. He is a prudent, capable, honor- are in favor of holding them. It is natural that they should be. able, Christian President, and he has laid this matter before the Naturally they are ambitious. I do not believe the President of Senate, a matter with which they have to deal, and he is abiding the United States is in favor of any such policy. From what I their decision. have gathered through some association with some of the best But it is most unjust to our Christian President to criticise him thinkers of the Republican side and some of the warmest friends now, when that matter before it can take effect must be passed on of the Administration, I think I know that they intend no such by that same Senate. If the Senate adopts the treaty of peace, thing. And we know as a matter of history, and can collect it the President is bound to accept it. If the Senate defeats the from the journals, that some of the-ablest leaders of thought on treaty, then it is at aft end. We can not do anything else than re- the Republican side in this Republic are as earnest in their opposi ject it. The Senate has the control of the matter at the present tion to the permanent holding of those islands as is the distin time, and we m~t wait upon them. Their action must be final. guished gentleman or anybody else. The first great speeches that Mr. NORTON of Ohio. The gentleman's statement is clear and went out from this high legislative department went out from succinct. Will the gentleman explain to the House whether this leading Republicans, pointing out the danger, and they went so is not a fact, that if the treaty is ratified by the Senate it provides far even as to contend the illegality and unconstitutionality of the for the ceding-of the Philippines to the United States the same as matter. Porto Rico, and if the Philippines are ceded to the United States, Now, Mr. Chairman, I shall conclude in a few words touching what then is to become of them? Are we not by that treaty in- the policy to be meted out for these Filipinos. I think a course troducing the same race trouble that the gentleman spoke of a ought to be pursued that will render quite certain that we are not moment ago, against which he protested so far as the annexation to be troubled with them for a great length of time. I wish we of the Philippines is concerned? could get rid of them in ten days after we get back our $20,000,000 Mr. LINNEY. I am glad my friend asked me the question. If and get rid of their $40,000,000. It would be a good plan to adopt we retain the title th11t we obtain in that way, by the ratification II the philosophy found in the old blue spelling book, where there is a of the treaty of peace, of course we would. But there is nothing story of an old farmer: Finding a saucebox up in a tree, he ad in anything that I have seen from the President indicating any vised him to come down, and he finally threw little things at him; intention to permanently hold them. The distinguished gentle- but finding that he could not get him to come down, he turned to man from Nebraska [Mr. GREENE] took the position the other stoning him. The young saucebox readily fell down and begged night that he would hold onto them with a steady hand until they his pardon. became sufficiently intelligent to organize a republican form of Let us throw small things at these Filipinos. Let us induce government and then let them go. I do not go that far. I do not them by every possible means to come to the point of catching n.n think we ought to wait until these people are sufficiently educated idea of self-government, and as soon as they organize some sort of to have that, because if we did we would wait three hundred and government why then let them go. But after we try them in fifty years. every conceivable way-and, by the way, I would not require all Mr. NORTON of Ohio. A thousand years. of them to indorse it. Why? Because we did not indorse any Mr. LINNEY. Yes; a thousand years, as my friend from Ohio such policy as that touching the Hawaiian~:~. There were only says. We have waited three hundred and fifty years since their one-third of the people who voted in the election of the officers discovery, and we see the low order of intelligence there now. I that made that treaty; but the courts were open, revenues were will tell you my own opinion touching it, and give it to you for being collected; and as time shall pass let the courts be open, let whatever it is worth. Of course it is not worth much, but having the revenues ba collected, and administer a government of some an interest in this country and its future, my idea about it is this: sort. Then the time has come for us to turn them over to the·m That having paid $20,000,000 and incurred a debt of forty millions selves and bid them Godspeed. more, to wit. the debt that these Philippine Islands owe to other These, Mr. Chairman, are my views touching these various nations-having probably incurred that, if what Grotins teaches questions. Let us have an army commensurate with the great is correct-then there is a liability for $60,000,000 that we have ness of this nation. If it is a hundred-thousand army, it is a hun incurred upon the ratification of this treaty. dred-thousand army nation. If 5100,000,000 is to be expended, it If it is going to be ratified, we can not help it. That is in the is a hundred-million nation. You recollect the demands of the breast of the Senate. If it is ratified, I for one say that the peo- hour require it, the threatening condition of every nation on the pie of this country ought not to pay it. But who ought to pay earth demands it, and I think it is approved by the best military it? The Filipinos ought to pay it. They get the benefit of it. thought, and the best philosophic thought, and the best statesman What, then, ought to ba the result? Upon the ratification of ship of the age. When these things shall have been done, then all that treaty our title becomes as perfect to that territory as to any the glorious results of the war for humanity will have been other portion of any territory there is in the United States or in the achieved. The Philippine Islands will have been freed. America world. Then what? If the distinguished gentleman from Ne- will have lost nothing. The army o:t America, both citizen and braska [.M r. GREENE] will let me give my idea, it is not to occupy standing army, will have been covered over with glory, and from them until they become sufficiently intelligent to form a republic; this day on our nation will take a stand among the various people but let us impress them with the idea in every way we can that of the earth, and will occupy a position second to none under the we do not wish to hold territory that far removed and of the char- sun in the heavens. [Loud applause.] acter that it is, and let us say·t-o them, "The very moment you Mr. JETT. Mr. Chairman, I do not know what the desire of will organize a government-it does not matter to us whether it is the House is, whether to continue in session or not. republican or not--" 1\Ir. CONNOLLY. We ran until half past 11last night. Mr. NORTON of Ohio. They have a government now, have Mr. JETT. My colleague states that we ran until half past 11 they not? . last night. While I do not care anything about it for my part, Mr. LINNEY. No; I do not think they have any. The collec- there are several gentlemen who desire to proceed. tion of taxes, I believe, was by poll tax. But let them organize Mr. GRIFFIN. Well, Mr. Chairman, the only way to test that a government, and the very moment they organize that govern- question is to make a motion. I concede that this sidf' ef tha 1052 CONGRESSIONAL . RECORD-HOUSE: JANUARY 25, House has occupied more than its share of the time to-night; and To do this would be to add new glory to our illustrious history if the gentleman desires to have further recognitions on his side, of justice and freedom. Every patriotic citizen of the Republic I feel that we ought to :yield to him as a matter of proper courtesy. would feel a new inspiration, and cherish new hopes for oppressed Mr. JETT. Well, so far as I am concerned myself,! have no humanity throughout the world. particular reason to proceed nor to adjourn; but there are some We have already declared by a solemn resolution passed by Con gentlemen here who desire to proceed to-night. gress. aJ?-d approved by the President, that the people of Cuba were Mr. CONNOLLY. Give them time. and of right ought to be free and independent, and this resolution Mr. JETT. I will first yield, then, to the gentleman from .A:r must be carried out or the nation suffer a lasting dishonor; shall kansas fMr. LITTLEl such time as he may desire. we then do less forth~ former subjects of Spain in the Philippines Mr. LITTLE. Mr. Chairman, the temporary occupancy of than we do for them m Cuba. Cuba .and the Philippines by the United States will in no wise Can we hoist the flag of liberty at Havana and the flag of empire justify us in the permanent increase of the army to the extent and subjugation at Manila? Who would thus rob the hero of provided for in this bill. ·A permanent increase can not be justi Manila of the glory of the most renowned naval victory of the fied simply to meet a temporary necessity, and unless we are now world? Who would thus change our history and our traditions? willing to embark upon the hazardous and unjustifiable task of Not the Representative who stands for the Constitution and the governing other people without their consent permanently, I think teachings of our fathers. Who, then, would do this? Not the the present bill should be defeated. If it is only sought to occupy plain, honest people of the nation; they would spurn such a com-se. these islands temporarily, for the purpose not of governing, but But it is that same power that would disregard the rights and of aiding those people to establish a stable government for them liberties of our own people that would do it. It is greed! The selves, then any necessity that may arise for \hat purpose can sugar trust, the hemp trust, the coffee trust, and the money trust well be met by a temporary army of occupation, organized and would fatten off the people of these islands, while guarded by our raised for that purpose, and can be mustered out as soon as the Army and Navy at the public expense of our people. exigencies of the situation' will permit, and not leave as an inherit lt is, Mr. Chairman, the spirit of rapacious greed that wonld ance upon the people an army of a hundred thousand men to be sap the foundations of our political, social, and industrial fabric maintained at the expense of the taxpayer. to add_materially to their well-filled treasury. It is the men and Mr. Chairman, at the beginning of the war with Spain we had corporations that would withdraw their capital from our indus something over 25,000 men in the Regular Army, ample for all tries and invest them in factories and industries in oriental conn· the needs of the Government in time of peace. And when the tries, where they could utilize pauper contract labor, and with the tocsin of war was sounded and the call for men was made every cheap production of their labor take the markets of the world, State in the Union responded with its best blood, and before troops and thus deprive this country of ~ts export trade and throw our, could have been dispatched from Spain an army of volunteers people out of employment except in the production of such arti could have been placed in the field sufficient to have met and van cles only as would be necessary for our home consumption. quished them. It is these, sir, that would stop the progress of our industrial While but few of our volunteer soldiers had an opportunity to {S''owth, put out the fires in our furnaces, add millions to the meet the enemy in actual battle, yet they exhibited not only a army of the unemployed, arid tax the people for the money to willingness, but an eagerness for the conflict. And if they had carry out their unholy and treasonable purposes. They want been called upon to meet the enemy they would have displayed a standing armies; they want empire and aggression. They want courage and endurance unexcelled by the regular army of any this Government to assume and maintain sovereignty over the nation in the world. They would have repeated the chivalrous Philippines, and would gladly join in a crusade against China. deeds of their fathers. Only a few of them met the enemy, and Like .buzzards they would follow the flag, and whHe the people SanJuan, El Caney, and Santiago bear witness to their heroic cour would pay the expenses, they would utilize the 5-cents-a-day labor age and deeds of unexcelled renown; and these are but witnesses of those countries and drive the foreign trade of the United States of the glory that would have crowned the deeds of the volunteer from the seas. soldier if opportunity had.offered. The man who aids such a scheme of wicked plunder will com Mr. Chairman, the power of a republic is not in a great Rtand mit a crime against the people of his own country and against ing army. It is anchored in the hearts of a consecrated, patriotic progressive mankind throughout the world. citizenship. And when we learn to rely only upon the military Our liberties were not bought by the blood and sacrifices of our organization of the country for our strength and security, we rely Revolutionary forefathers to enable us to visit upon other people only upon that power which supports the crowned beads of the the wrongs that they resisted and overcame. And the man or world. Responsibility inspires patriotism, and when that respon party that does prostitute the principles and noble purposes of sibility is tranferred from the people to a large military establish our Government to the unholy cause of empire and oppression ment, it will mark the decay of om· nation and the decline of our will be condemned not only by our people but by the just and citizenship. enlightened judgment of mankind. The greatest war of the century, the civil war, was fought by a Mr. Chairman, the Democratic party has always been the party bold and loyal citizenship. Each side believing that the princi of expansion and national growth within constitutional and pru ples for which they contended were right, and consecrating their dentiallimits. All the vast territory of importance that has been lives and property upon that holy altar, they went forth, citizen added to our Government has been acquired through the wisdom against citizen, to deeds of valor and courage unparalleled in the of Democratic statesmen. But no Democrat throughout the illus history of the world. trious history of that party ever advocated or supported a policy Mr. Chairman, can we oot rely upon the patriotic sons of these looking to the annexation of territory in the Eastern or Asiatic . lion-hearted sires for the defense of om· country without burden countries. And those who persuade themselves now that it would ing our people with the expense of a large standing army? Any be either wise or beneficial overlook entirely the great principles necessity that the Government may have for soldiers can be fur upon which our Government rests. nished under the provisions of the substitute bill, which will be They confound the idea of the fathers of a great, powerful, com offered by the gentleman from Kentucky [Mr. RHEA], without a pact Government, based upon the liberties of the people, with permanent increase in the standing .A:rmy. Let us meet a tempo that of an un-American, imperial policy, resting for its supporb rary necessity with a temporary army, and not make a temporary upon the military power of the Government assuming control of need the excuse for forcing upon the country a needless army of territory either by conquest or purchase, but without the "con 100,000 men. sent of the governed." One is liberty, the other tyranny; one is :M.r. Chairman, we have millions of men ready to sacrifice their American, the other is European. lives and property in the defenseof their homes, their liberty, and Shall we undertake to govern the Filipinos as a vassal or sub . their country. But, sir, we have not a single man nor a dollar jugated territory? If we do, every time they read our Declaration that I would be willing to sacrifice in the unholy canse of empire of Independence or our Constitution it would teach them that re and conquest. sistance to tyranny is their duty, and to die in the cause of lib· While our people stand ready to respond to the call of liberty, erty, if nec-essary, would only be following the patriotic example not one, I hope, is willing to respond to the call of oppression and of our forefathers. slavery. Mr. Chairman, I would give the 9,000,000 Filipinos their W .e must first abandon the liberties of our own people before we freedom; I would break from their hands the chains that have can successfully teach the lessons of slavery to the people of dis· bound them for centuries; I would secure from them by treaty tant lands. Our flag must represent power and pelf, not liberty such coaling and naval stations, such commercial advantages and and justice, before we can vie with the kingly powers·of Europe indemnities, as would be just and right; I would aid them to for conquest and dominion over other people who have as much establish a government based upon religious and personal liberty; right to be free and independent as we have. I would give them the land that has been consecrated by their Mr. Chairman, I think it is about time for the representatives blood for centuries; and I would say to the nations of the world, of the people to consider a reduction in the taxation of the people "Let them alone." That would be enough. This can be done, and questions of economy in public expenditures and not seek to Mr. Chahillan, without sacrificing our soldiers and without bur make permanent our present great expenditures. dening our people. · - · The war revenue bill,-which was intended as an emergency 1899. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 1053 measure, is to become a permanent system of taxation:~ and by the to be our duty as to pass this bill, it will give us an enlarged and aid of the revenues collect-ed from this source the iniquitous, pro ever-increasing list of retired officers to be paid large salaries hibitory, trust-breeding, nonrevenue-producing tariff law is to be until kind Providence shall relieve the people of that burdensome perpetuated. duty. Also our pension list will grow with startling rapidity. No relief is proposed by those in power for the benefit of the Our armies in the Tropics will be reduced every year from 30 to 50 people. The taxgatherer . continues to knock at the doors of the per eent from disease, to say nothing of the fatalities from conflict. poor, but dares not distUl"b the repose of th'6 rich, who rest under The estimates to pay pensions for the next year is $145,233,830, the protecting care of the trust. We can therefore, Mr. Chairman, and I do not believe any well-informed man thinks that amount well afford to address om."selves for a short time to the financial will be sufficient. Thus we will be required to pay about 5300,- side of the colonial policy about to be inaugurated in this country. 000,000 on account of the entire military branch of the service, with CO.ALING STATIONS no hope of its being reduced in the future. Are not indispensable to export trade. In times of peace every I believe, Mr. Chairman, that it is wise to have a navy in keep seaport around the globe is a coaling station, open to the ships of ing with the commercial and political importance of our Govern every clime. England to-day owns coaling stations all around the ment, and shall support any reasonable measure looking to that world and must guard them with a thousand fighting ships and a end. great army; yet her commerce is not now superior to ours. While Our future battles must be fought on water and not on land. it may be conceded that certain coaling stations are desil-able to Navies can not be constructed on short notice. so it is therefore be owned and controlled by a commercial country, we should wise to maintain a strong navy, one that will be our pride at not allow this desirability to lead us into unnecessary dangers home and command the respect of other nations abroad, and be and extravagant expenditures. It must not be forgotten that fully able to maintain the rights of our citizens in any port of the each colony o.t coaling station, no matter where located, must be world. lVIore than that, a strong navy is the surest guaranty of defended and garrisoned by an army and a navy. And in time of peace with foreign nations. war each of t11ese outposts must be defended or surrendered to But, Mr. Chairman, if we lay aside the cost to our Government the foe. in dollars and cents to permanently occupy these islands and sub It requires no argument to show that as the number of these due the people; if we utterly disregard the liberties of the inhab increase the greater will be our peril in time of conflict and the itants of these islands; if we are ready to pour our treasure, wrung greater must be our expenses in time of peace. Yet, with the cry from the people by taxation, into the sea; if we are ready to pass of imperialism comes the ingenuous argument that we must have by the warnings of the fathers as childish nonsense, and engage coaling stations at any risk or abandon our commerce, in the very in all the political intrigues and international complications and face of the fact that without coaling stations our commerce has wars of the Old World, tell me who of us is willing to place a price grown to mammoth proportions, not only equal to but h!:!.s out upon the health and lives of our soldier citizens who shall be sent stripped England; and at the same time we have avoided the cost to this . deadly climate for oppression's sake. Who is willing to and danger of owning and maintaining them. Why, then, all this place a price upon the gallant son of an American mother, to be hue and cry for coaling stations, if it be not to persuade us to em paid in commercial greed and human subjugation? brace the un-American and iniquitous doctrine of empire and If left to me, Mr. Chairman, I would not exchange one son, I colonization and follow in the blood-stained path of English colo would not crush one mother's heart of this fair land for all the nization and extortion? fruits of such a policy. I had rather give liberty and happiness Then, Mr. Chairman, is the colonization · or imperial policy to one human being than to be a king whose throne was resting sought to be ingrafted upon our Government a paying invest upon an oppressed and suffering people. ment financially, laying aside the other and greater questions in TRUSTS AND CORPORATE GREED. volved? In the Philippines, we are advised through the press, Mr. Chairman, if I may be pardoned, there is a greater influence· speaking semiofficially, we are to maintain the "open-door" in this country demanding a permanent increase in our Army policy, which we will be compelled to do or involve our nation in than arises out of the exigencies of the war with Spain. It is a most serious commercial disputes. These islands belong geo greater power than the Republican party, for that party is but its graphically to another continent, much nearer other commercial mouthpiece. It is a power, Mr. Chairman, that disregards right, countries than our own. We are advised already that our army defies the law, and levies extortions upon the people at will. It is and navy at Manila are being fed upon provisions bought from a power that has already had too much to do with the making and other countries. All the taxes that we can gather in the ports of execution of the laws of this country. that country will not pay half the expenses of om· army and navy It is, Mr. Chairman, the tyrant of greed represented by certain there, to say nothing of the sacrifice of .the lives of our soldiers in corporations and trusts in this country. They fear the just and that climate, amid its fatal and loathsome diseases. indignant wrath of the people. They know full wen what the I suppose it will be conceded that England has the best colonial judgment against them will be if the legislative and executive system of any nation in the world, with no constitutional lim powers of this Government ever get into the hands of men in sym itation upon her power to levy and collect t axes from her colo pathy and love with the great body of the common people. Mr. nial subjects; and yet statistics show that her system has been Chairman, an examination into the conditions of this country will a losing investment, except to her trusted speculators and the develop a most alarming situation-a situation that ought to en large army of officers who are kept on the pay rolls in her colonies. lis.t the sol~citude an~ command the earnest efforts of every patri She runs her colonies now at an annual loss of about three and a otic man m the natwn. The growth and organization of the half million dollars annually. Other countries hold more than 50 trusts are enonnous. During the year 1898 there was organized per cent of the import trade of all England's colonies, except Brit in the State of New Jersey alone 13 of these illegal organizations, ish Guiana, and if she, with her unlimited power and magnificent with capital stock as follows: army and navy, can not control the import trade into her colonies, how can we hope to control the trade of our proposed Asiatic ac Company. Date. Amount. quisitions? We can not do it, but we can do what England has done. Federal Steel Co------·---:--·------Sept. 9,1898 $200, 000, 000 We can open the way for our trusts and corporations to prey Continental Tobacco Co------·------·---·--- Dec. 10,1898 75, 000,000 upon the people of that cotmtry and at the same time supply fat National Biscuit Co ------______Feb. 3,1898 55,000,000 places for partisans with influence. We can increase the army of American Tin Plate Co·------·- ____ ------Dec. 14,1898 50,000,000 American Linseed Co.------____ ------____ ------Dec. 5,1898 33,500,000 dependents upon the Administration, who will in tm·n help to American Potteries Co------·------·------Dec. 15,1898 27,000,000 perpetuate its power and existence. We can pay the expenses, Standard Distilling and Distributing Co------June27,1898 u,mo,ooo while other nations reap the profits. At no time during the reign International Silver Co _------____ ------__ ·- ______Nov. 21,1898 20,000,000 of Queen Victoria has England been two years without war. American 'rhread Co------____ ------____ ------· ____ Mar.10,1898 12,000,000 11, (XX). 000 Macaulay, the greatest of English hiswrians, speaking of the im ~ll~:~~v~!C:ffco<>=~~~=- ::==== :::::::::: ===~~~==~::::: ~- ~: i:~ 10,000,000 perial policy of England and its effects, says: A~erican Fish~ries Co------Jan. 8,1898 10,000,000 5, 600, (XX) There are some who assert that in a military and political point of view Urutcd Brewenes Co------Aug. 9,1B98 the West Indies are of great importance to this country [mearung England]. This is a common but monstrous misrepresentation. We venture to say that Representing a total capital of $533,100,000, and others are be colonial empire has been one of the greatest curses of modern Europe. What nation has it ever strength~ned? What nation has it ever enriched? What ing organized daily all over the country, cornering, monopolizing, have ooen its fruits? Wars of frequent occurrence and immense cost, fettered and controlling every article of commerce and necessity known to trade, lavish expenditure, clashing jurisdiction, corruption in government, our people. The wondrous rapidity with which the wealth of the and indigence among the people. country is passing into the hands of these unlawful monopolies The cost of maintaining the milit.ary establishment for the may be gleaned from an examination of recent statisticS. In an next fiscal year is es~imated at the sum of $145,119,431.15, and article recently published in The Forum, Thomas G. Sherman, the no par~ of the naval establishment is estimated in this. The New York statistician, shows that there are 70 Americans whose greater part of this vast sum will be spent in subduing the If1li wealth averages $38,500,000 each, and that there are 100 persons pinos, if the policy toward them is pursued that is being urged whose wealth will average 525,000,000 each, and that there are 10 by many people to-day. If we are so forgetful of what I believe persons whose wealth will average $100,000,000 each , and that the 1054 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. JANUARY 25, income of 100 of the richest Americans will average $1,500,000 bread, and gaunt hunger will claim for its victims some of the each annually. . nobl~st ~nd be~t. Yet· the victory will l~e with the intelligent · The followiri.g statement will show the annual income of twenty and JUStice-loVIng people. But while this struggle is going on five of the leading trusts for the year 1898: there lurks a dang~r frau&'ht with infinite peril to the very exist ence of the Republic. It IS the efforts of these great aggregations of wealth to debauch municipal, State, and national legislation and the courts of the country. Scarcely a large city in the Union has es~aped their corrupting power and influence. These corrupt ~~~f;~2Ti:~-~-~:_i:-~-;~:_::~--\·[::·:l!=-~-~~::~~~ $l;:i:i agencies mus be met and overthrown or else anarchy or a mili tary-goverm;ntentwill takethe place of a_ government of thepeople. Pullman Palace Car Company •••..• ------·--· 5,000,000 Bell Telephone ...... ••.... -- ~ - ~ -, ..... ------...... 5, 000,000 This b~ttle IS not to be fought by armies and navies, but by the Cracker trust ---- .•..•• ------...... ------3,500, 000 sovereign people at the ballot box. "He who permits oppression Rubber trust ...... •. ------.... ----...... • : .. ------3, 000,000 shares the crime." fLoud applause.] t~:~1 ~1~~tric~~~ ::::~~=~~ :::::==~=~==: ::~ ==~: =~ :::==~===== :: =~: ::: ~: ~: ~ Mr. JETT. I wil now yield such time to the gentleman from Lead trust .... ------...... ------.•...... ------2,000,000 South Dakota rMr. KNOWLES] as he may desire. Commercial Cable Company.: •..•...••..•.. ------...... 2,000,000 Mr. KNOWLES. .Mr. Chairman, the discussion of this bill Wire nail trust...... 1,500,000 turns entirely upon our proposed policy toward the territory relin quished by Spain in our recent war with that nation. It is pre iE~tEf:~~~i~:: ~~~=.:=:: ~~~= ~==~====~~:: ::~~=-===~==~ ::~: :::::·::::: t~: ~ ~ended, a.t least, by t!J.e advocates of this measure, that the large Consolidated ice trust ...... ·------.... ------____ 1,200,000 mcrease m our standing army from 30,000 to 100,000 men is made necessary by our relations to, and our responsibility for "preserv :::::::.:::::::::: :::: i: ing order and establishing stable government'' in those islands. frFr~!~~~~ =~~~;=t~~~= ~=== ~~=~======~====~ ~: ~ If w~ are to insist upon holding and annexing that territory and W!~~ga~~~utS:ust::~~--==~~== :::: ====~~==~=~=~= =~ ~~ ==~~~= :::::~==--~~~== ~;~ making ourselves responsible for governing those people, then the Total . ---"- ---...... ____ ...... :. _ ... ____ ...... _....• 227,250,000 bill under consideration is a proper one as far as it goes. · I say as The following list shows the annua.l income of twelve persons far as it goes, for if imperialism is to be the settled policy of our who reaped profits from the trusts and monopolies of the country Government, then this bill ought to provide for an army of at in 1898: least half a million instead of 100,000 men. I have been somewhat surprised and gratified by the very frank J.D. Rockefeller .....•...... -----•----...... •.... : .....• $30,000,000 statements of some of the advocates of this measure. Mr. Chair Cornelius Vanderbilt.·------.... ------...... ------...... 20,000,000 W. K. Vanderbilt ....••..... ------______------~.()Oi),OOO man, I was glad that the gentleman from Indiana [Mr. CRUM PACKER] kindly informed this committee u~on which side of this question he was speaking, for it is my candid opinion that he has t~lil~1);; =~:=== ;;;; ==; :;: :: =;; ~ ~ ~;~;~~ :;~ ;;; :::;:::~~;~ :;:~ ~: m: 1 given the most unanswerable arguments against imperialism that D. 0. Mills ...... ------··------10,000,000 have ~een produced upon either side of this Chamber. He frankly William Rockefeller .....• ____ ·------______------10,000,000 admits that this policy will cost the taxpayers an additional $150,- Roswell P. Flower ... . ·------· ------··· 10,000,000 000,000 per year, and he failed to state wherein we are to receive any ~hl~~"f>~~r~~;:._~::::: :::: ::::::::::::::::~::::: :::::::::::::::::::: i8;~;~ compensating advantage. He has frankly stated that those islands will be an element of weakness, offering a point of attack in case It will be observed that it would take 10,000 men, working at $5 of war, necessitating the fortifying of all the ports and an expen a day, 3,400 days to earn the idle income of these 12 men for one sive system of coast defenses there. He has frankly declared that year. if we annex those islands, that population of 10.000,000 Asiatic The following will showtheincomeof six of the great corporate people must become American citizens, entitled to all the rights systems and industries for the year 1898 to have been $1,255,000,000. and privileges of such. In this the gentleman from North Caro The profits of the big industries in 1898 were: lina [Mr. LINNEY] agrees. Such arguments need no answer from Railways of the United States, $460,000,000. this side of the House. National and State banks. $300,000,000. Street railways. $200,000,000. The gentleman from New York [Mr. McCLELLAN] urges the Gas companies outside of New York, $150,000,000. passage of this measure because of the" high probability, amount ·Electric li~ht companies in the United States, $7u,OOO,OOO. ing to certainty," of wars in which we are to be engaged in the Steel and 1ron, outside of trusts, $70,000,000. near future. He says: It would take 100,000 men 2,510 days to earn this amount, each War in the future is no longer only a possibility; unfortunately it is a earning $5 per day. ~robability. The Eastern question, which has been tO us in the past a mere ngure of speech, has become a living American issue. It will only be a. ques There are, Mr. Chairman, to-day more than 150 of these trusts t;ion of time when we are embroiled in a war with one of the leading powers and unlawful combinations in this country that are levying un of the earth, with some nation having avast navy and a great army. Besides just tribute upon the American people to an amount exceeding the constant menace of a foreign war, from the day that the treaty of Reace one thousand million dollars. What amount this sum represents ~~~f~e~n~~~!s~~~~s~~~ ~~iftu~ ~~~~fig~a~:.w dominions, whic will is beyond human grasp. The imagination staggers in its effort to measure its extent. There is not a household between the oceans Unfortunately,* * Congress,* as a rule,* takes but *little interest* in the Army.* that does not contribute to this booty. Only too many of us are inclined to look upon the service as a necessary evil, to be ignored in time of peace, but affording in time of war an endless pos11i· While they are thus robbing the people they are destroying all bility of political patronage. With peace guaranteed forever, suoh:a oendt independentbusinessestablishmentsthatcomein theirway. They tion of affairs would be humiliating; with the certainty of war in the near are sweeping down and destroying competition, and throwing out future, it is criminal. of employment thousands of people who had been conducting an A most cheerful prospect indeed, coming as it does from an ad- independent business. The result of it all .will b.e that in the near vocate of this bill. · · future, unless checked, there will be no small trades or manufac Now, I am equally frank in admitting that if the policy of the tories, no competition. All that will remain of the business of present Administration, as voiced in the treaty of Paris, is to be the country will be these. great organizations;-fixing the price of pursued by this nation, then an armyof 100,000 men is butamere what they buy and demanding the measure of their greed for bagatelle to what we must have in order to carry that policy to a what they sell. . successful issue. Each day and each hour they are becoming more and more ar Successfulissue, did I say? Ah, that is an impossibility. There rogant and exacting. They ignore human rights and defy the law. can be no real success in the attempt of one nation to govern They are now seeking broader fields for their conquests. They have another without its consent. This truth was recognized and laid already cornered the sugar and monopolized the sugar-produciug down as the corner stone of our own Declaration of Independence. lands in Hawaii. They are now plunging headlong into Cuba, Why, Mr. Chairman, Georgeiii made the same pretenses of" pre Porto Rico, and· the Philippine Islands, and are using theu· influ serving order and establishing stable government" as ·do the gen ence where it win do the most good to induce this Government to tlemen supporting this bill. In one of his proclamations against take every possible step toward military supremacy and a moneyed Washington and his_patriot army that tYJ.·ant said: aristocracy. I me1;ely desire to restore to them the blessings of law and liberty, whioh This, Mr. Chairman, is the darkest cloud that lowers over our they have exchanged for the calamities of war and the arbitrary tyranny country to-day. These are the great enemies of progress, indus of their chiefs. , trial growth, and human happiness. This is the monster that Why, Mr. Chairman, this is exactly the pretense and almost must be met and conquered. The battle must be fought, a~d it the same words· now being used by this Administration and its is time the people were aroused. The contest will be a desperate satellites in their desire to enslave the people of the Philippine Is one, and before it is ended by the victory of the people thousands . lands. I for one am sincerely glad that the Filipinos have declined of men and women no~ independent and buoyant with life and the" blessings of law. and Jiberty" tendered them by th~ . 8&1':118 hope will be driven by these lawless felons and monsters into want powers in our nation that have enslaved our own people here at and beggary and untimely graves; Little children will cry·for home. · It is the very best evidence that those people are able to 1899. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 1055 have been the same. We are going to Wasbington;with.::those ideas.and..hope govern themselves. And are they not able to govern themselves? to have them accepted. We do not propose to be dictatorial We are simply· How much of those islands is occupied by our forces? Just the asking yourpeople not to invade our home, the title to which we believe rests city and bay of Manila. All the remainder is under native rule. with us. We certainly want to accomplish our purpose as "J)ractica.lly and as· Is there any evidence that the people in that portion under native speedily as possible. rule are not as well governed as in that small portion under Ameri Mr. Chairman, was it "impudence" in our forefathers to de can sway? . clare "that these united colonies are, and of right ought to be, The gentleman from New Jersey [Mr. PARKER] yesterday de free and independent States?" And by what logic does that which clared that had it not been for our forces there the Spanish prison was highly meritorious in our forefathers -become impudence and ers would have been butchered with "indiscriminate massacre treason in the Filipinos? We have assumed to "buy" of Spain and looting." Is that true? Have not the Filipinos had Spanish those islands with their 10,000,000 people. Spain never had any prisoners in their hands? Have they not got Spanish prisoners title to the islands or p~ople, and therefore could not transmit to now? Haveanyofthem beenmurdet·ed? Hastherebeenany"in this country any title. In this outrage upon these people our discriminate massacre and looting" in those portions under native Government has abdicated the Declaration of Independence, which sway? declares that all governments derive their just powers from the And what kind of "blessings of law and liberty" is it that we consent of the governed. Are our people ready to see this decla are going to extend te the people of these islands? Is it the same ration wiped out? Will not such a course be dangerous to our kind which these same ''expansionists" are now extending to our own liberty? If we assume to ru1e the Filipinos without their own laboring classes in this country? consent because we have the ships and guns to compel their sub If those people claim enough of the products of their own labor mission, may not the robber classes of this country use the same to keep their families from starvation, will they be shot to death "arguments" to compel the submission of the laboring classes, as our own laboring men were at Hazleton and Virden? I will because the former have the ships and guns and control the Army guarantee that no such exhibitions of brutalitywereeverwitnessed and Navy? l!Iay not this poisoned chalice be commended to our jn the Philippines, even under Spanish rule. You talk of" extend own lips? ing the blessings of law and liberty" to people 10,000 miles away, How can we govern those people, 10,000 miles away? What do while our own laboring clasEles are reduced to absolute serfdom. we know about their needs and wants? Have American Congress Under Philippine native governmeht, I wonder if men would be men shown themselves so expert in governing our own people imnrisoned for six months without trial for advising their co that they can be trusted to govern a nation 10,000 miles away? laborers to ilemand a fair share of the products of their own toil? Are our own conditions so satisfactory that we can afford to turn If the Filipinos are permitted to govern themselves, I wonder if our attention from our own affairs to the governing of foreign their miners will offer to sell themselves as slaves to the mine nations? Are our own people rich, prosperous, and happy? Are owners if guaranteed the necessaries of life, as the miners at men no longer compelled to tramp the streets, begging from door Springvalley, lll., recently did? to door? Are women no longer forced to find their bread in Are the conditions of our own people so sublime and heavenly brothels? Have we so far advanced in beneficent legislation that that we must sigh for other worlds to govern? I see that Richard we no longer shoot men to death for demanding enough of· the Croker. of New York, has come out as a full-fledged "expansion product of their labor to keep their families from starving? In ist." Has he made such a howling success of governing New view of onr ·own experience in government, is it not a little cheeky York that he wants to be sent over to "extend· the blessings of to talk of the inability of the Filipinos to go~ern themselves? law and liberty" to the Filipinos? I wonder in what hole or cor And what business is it of ours whether they can or not? Those ner of those islands can be found such misery as is found in the people were our allies and helped us to destroy Spanish power in sweat shops of all our great cities, where women keep death at those islands. And now to assume sovereignty over them is an bay with their needles by working sixteen hours per day, or worse act of despotism that ought to bring a blush of shame to the face still, are forced to sell their own bodies for bread. Right here in of every American citizen. your capital city, and upon Government contract work, women Has our high and lofty purpose of humanity, promu1gated in with families to support are filling seed sacks for 8 cents per the declaration· of war against Spain, degenerated into a land thousand, and by working nine hours per day they can make grabbing war of conquest? Did we first play the hypocrite and from 50 to 80 cents. Is this the kind of "Jaw and liberty" we are afterwards play the hog? Is this for wha-t our boys left their going to extend to the Filipinos? homes and firesides to die in foreign lands? . And what kind of "law and liberty" is that we are extending to 1\i r. Chairman, if this bill becomes a l11tw it is the beginning of the people of Cuba? We declared war against Spain ostensibly the end of the Republic. I commend to the careful consideration on the ground of humanity. We are now rushing 20,000 soldiers of this committee the recent words of Dupuy, prime minister of into Cuba and demanding of the Cubans that they di~band their France, as published in. the London Spectator: army and haul down their flag. Spain never perpetrated a grosser "W_e ~ave be~J?.living t.wenty-eight years upon a pious mis1p1derstanding, outrage upon Cuba than that order of General Wood forbidding and 1t 1s surpr1smg that It could have lasted so long. We have placed side the battle-scarred veteran!:! of Gomez to participate in the celebra by side an ar m y and a democracy. Now it is only too true that these two institutions have as their foundation contradictory principles. If you weaken tion of the death of Spanish rule in Cuba. Think of it, Ameri the army , you imperil the national independence. If von maintain its tradi cans! After ten years of war and unspeakable hardships to expel tions and rights,c i vil society takes fright on behalf of li"ber ty. It is. a torment the Spanish butchers, Gomez's men were not even permitted to of t he present generation to be thus pulled hither and thither between these two opposite ideals.- We are attached to liberty, but we are bound to main· raise the flag for which they had fought and for which 500,000 tain t he security of the fatherland. Cuban people had died. The Cubans are under a military despotism as absolute and as Here is a frank admission on the part of the prime minister of rapacious as that exercised by Spain in her palmiest days. The France that a republic and a standing army are absolutely incom franchises of the island are being farmed out to favorites of the patible. But we did not need the words of Dupuy to teach us Administration, and there will soon be nothing left for the Cubans. thi~ truth. IDstory teaches the same lesson. Read the epitaphs It is now six months since hostilities ceased, and no move has been written over the graves of all the great nations which have per· made by the Administration to give the people of Cuba the inde ished from the earth, '' Died of a standing army." pendence and self-government promised them in the declaration Neither is it from the dead nations that we may learn this lesson. of war. Cuban representatives are here begging of the President Look at the system of militarism in all the European nations, of to be permitted to call a convention of the Cuban people to form which certain gentlemen in this House are so emulous. Look at a government, but they get no satisfaction, nor will they until all France, where the military authorities have boldly challenged the the franchises and property of the island have been stolen. A civil and judicial powers, and where innocent men are enduring borde of carpetbaggers are already there, living upon the revenue ignominious punishment at the dictates of the army while the civil of the island and gobbling up the franchises and property. If this courts and administration crouch and cringe, powerless to protect continues much longer, the Cubans will find in changing masters their citizens. Lookat Germany, which the gentleman from New they have jumped out of the frying pan into the fire. ~ersey ~eld up to this House as the -ideal system, where every ves The Washington Times, a jingo run mad, which a year ago was tige of liberty, free speech, and equality are blotted out or held at praising Gomez as another George Washington, is now denounc the dictate of a tyrant with an army of half a million as a machine ing him as a demagogue and outlaw because he dares protest subject to·his orders. ·The gentleman from New Jersey says this against American despoliation as he did against Spanish despolia system instead of being a menace to liberty is a protection. tion. .This jingo recently had an article headed "Filipino· im I fear it forebodes the downfall of the Republic when men have pudence," which was a report of an interview with certain Philip the effron~ery to stand in this House and hold up this system of pine representatives on their way toW ashington. And what was despotism as a model for this Republic to pattern after. And to the "impudence" imputed to them? Here are their words as re what does this system lead? Listen to the words of Admiral ported by the same paper: Sampson, as reported by the New York Tribune, when recently asked if the people of Cuba would prove amenable to the sover We want the rnlership of the United States no more than we do that of Spain. The Filipinos wan tan amicable settlement of their difficulties with eignty of this -Government: your country. Moreover, they want to govern themselves, knowing they are It does not make any difference whether the people of Cuba.1Jro.ve amena· able to do so. We want to be free. Independence belongs to us as much as it ble to our rule or not. We a1·e there; we int-end to rule; and I guess that i8 Uoes to the Cubans. We have fought Spain as they have; our grievances all there is about it. - · 1056 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- HOUSE. JANUARY 25, No question of right, justice, or fair play. We have the power, By Mr. OTJEN (byrequest): A bill (H. R. 11799) to·amend the "and that is all thereiqaboutit." Onaparwith this isarecentar act of Congress approvedJuly 8, 1898, entitled "An act to incorpo ti.cle from the pen of Stilson Hutchins, of theWashington Times. a rate theWashington and University Railroad Company of the Dis· hearty supporter of the Administration initsjingopo:Ucy. Listen: trict of Columbia "-to the Committee on the District of Columbia. No more talk and conciliation for the Filipino outlaws I This is not the By Mr. LOUD: A bill (H. R. 11800) to amend an act entitled time to offer them anything but an opportunity to lay down their arms, "An a~t authorizing the Postmaster-General to adjust certain with no exemption from punishment for their leaders. There is only one way to treat bandits. especially when they make bold defiance of the consti claims of postmasters for loss by burglary, fire, or other unavoid· tuted authorities. We. have been more than patient with Aguinaldo and his able casualty "-to the Committee on the Post-Office and Post misguided !'avages. and they have taken advantage of our toleration to pre Roads. pare for formidable resistance. If General Otis has force enough to crush them at a blow, he should be in By Mr. JENKINS: A bill (H. R. 11801) to regulate the service structed to hold no further intercourse with them. but to seize lloilo, capture and fix the hours of service for persons employed as policemen and the rebels, and establish the authority of this Government throughout the officers in the District of Columbia-to the Committee on the Dis· Philippines. I! he needs more men to make his first effort conclusive, he should receive whatever reenforcements he applies for as early as possible. trict of Columbia. But in no circumstances should there be any recognition of Aguinaldo and By Mr. SHERMAN: A bill (H. R. 11802) to cause· certain steam· his followers except as outlaws. If it can be established that the two Fili ships to be registered as vessels of the United States-to the Com· pinos in this country profess to be representatives of Aguinaldo, they should be taken into custoay. mittee on the Merchant Marine and Fisheries. Further, there should be no toleration of public sympathy-which means By Mr. ELLIS: A joint memorial of the legislative assembly of moral support-for the banditiS, whether the speakers are United States Sen Oregon in favor of the Indian wa1· veterans-to the Committee on ators or disloyal private citizens. Pensions. Mr. Chairman, that voices the true sentiments of imperialism. No toleration to anybody, no free speech, not even to members of PRIVATE BILLS AND RESOLUTIONS INTRODUCED. either House of Congress. All who dare raise their voice against tyranny and despotism are to be arrested. And when the Execu Under clause 1 of Rule XXII, private bills and resolutions of tive has a standing army of 200,000 trained men at his back (for the following titles were introduced and severally referred as imperialism means an· army even larger than that), the only busi follows: ness which Congress will perform, if, indeed, even the name" Con By Mr. ALLEN: A bill (H. R. 11803) directing the issue of a gress" survives, will be to register the will of the Army. How do check in lieu of a lost check drawn by H. C. Newcomer, captain you like the prospects? f Applause.] of engineers, in favor of Stone & Stansell-to the Committee on Mr. GRIFFIN. Mr. Chairman, I move that the committee now Claims. rise. By Mr. BELL: A bill (H. R. 11804) for the relief of Abram J. The motion was agreed to. Kennison-to the Committee on Militarv Affairs. The committee accordingly rose; and the Speaker pro tempore Also, a bill (H. R. 11805) for the relief of Eliza A. Walker-to having resll.Dled the chair, Mr. LAcEY, Chail'ID.an of the Committee the Committee on Pensions. of the Whole House on the state of the Union, reported that that By Mr. CURTIS of Kansas: A bill (H. R. 11806) for the relief committee had had under consideration House bill 11022, for reor of Mrs. Mary L. Hoffman-to the Committee on Claims. ganization of the Army, and for other purposes, and had come to By Mr. KULP: A bill (H. R. 11807) to correct the military ree? no resolution thereon. ord of Joseph W . Myers, of Northumberland, Pa.-to the Com .Mr. GRIFFIN. M.r. Speaker, I move that the House do now mittee on Military Affairs . adjourn. Also, a bill (H. R. 11808.) granting an increase of pension to The motion was agreed to; and accordingly (at 11 o'clock and Thomas Gannon, of Sunbury, Pa.-to the Committee on Invalid 15 minutes p. m.) the House adjourned until to-morrow at 12 Pensions. By Mr. REEVES: A bill {H. R. 11809) for the relief of A. J. o'clock noon. Baker, of Streator, Lasalle County, Ill.-to the Committee on Claims. EXECUTIVE COMMUNICATIONS, ETC. By Mr. STARK: A bill (H. R. 11810) granting an increase of Under clause 2 of rule XXIV, the following executive com pension to Willis Webb, of Wymore, Gage County, Nebr.-to the munications were taken from the Speaker's table and referred as Committee on Pensions. follows: By Mr. BELKNAP: A bill (H. R. 11811) to correct the military A letter from the Secretary of the Treasury, transmitting, with a record of JohnS. Dodge, alias Charles E. Leslie-to the Commit favorable recommendation, communications relating to the claim tee on Military Affairs. of Herman Kretz, late superintendent of the mint at Phi1adel· phia, Pa.-to the Committee on Appropriations, and ordered to PETITIONS, ETC. be printed. Under clause 1 of Rule XXII, the following petitions and papers A letter from the Secretary of War, transmitting a communi were laid on the Clerk's desk and referred as follows: cation relating to an amendment proposed to the act of February By Mr. ACHESON: Petition of the Central Presbyterian Church 14, 1885, creating a retired list for enlisted men of the Army-to of Allegheny, Pa., to prohibit the sale of liquor in canteens, in im the Committee on Military Affairs, and ordered to be printed. migrant stations, and in Government buildings-to the Com· A letter from the Secretary of the Treasury, transmitting a mittee on Alcoholic Liquor Traffic. communication from the Secretary of War submitting an esti By Mr. ADAMS: Petition of the executive officers of the mis· mate of appropriation for Rock Island Arsenal-to the Commit· sionary societies of the Baptist, Congregational, Episcopal, Meth tee on Military Affall.·s, and ordered to be printed. odist, Presbyterian, and Reformed churches, against the seating of Representative-elect B. H. Roberts, of Utah-to the Committee REPORTS OF COMMITTEES ON PRIVATE BILLS AND on Elections No. 1. RESOLUTIONS. By Mr. BABCOCK: Petition of the Society of Colonial Dames Under clause 2 of Rule XIII, Mr. DAYTON, from the Commit of the District of Columbia, to accompany House bill No. 11735 tee on Naval Affairs, to which was referred the bill of the Senate in relation to polygamy-to the Committee on the Judiciary. (S. 3701) authorizing the President of the United States to nomi By Mr. BELL: Resolutions of Company E and Company H, nate Lieut. Commander R. M. G. Brown, now on the retired list, First Infantry, National Guard of Colorado, for an increase in the to be a commander on the retired list, reported the same without appropriation for the maintenance of theNational Guard-to the amendment, accompanied by a report (No. 1828); which said bill Committee on Military Affairs. and report were refen-ed to the Private Calendar. Also, resolutions of the Chamber of Commerce of Idaho Springs and letter of J. S. Swan, commissioner of forestry,game, and fish, PUBLIC BILLS, RESOLUTIONS, AND MEMORIALS Denver, Colo., in opposition to the passage of House bill No. 3589, INTRODUCED. extending the powers and duties of the Commission of Fish and Under clause 3 of Rule XXII, bills, resolutions, and memorials Fisheries-to the Committee on the Merchant Marine and Fishf;lries. of the following titles were introduced and severally referred as By Mr. BREWSTER: Petition of Frederick L. H. Willis, M.D., follows: and 16 citizens of Rochester, N.Y., asking for equal suffrage rights By Mr. KLEBERG: A bill (H. R.11796) authorizing the Aran for women in Hawaii-to the Committee on the Territories. sas Ha.rbor Terminal Railway Compapy to construct a bridge By Mr. BULL: Resolution of Cigar Makers' Union No. 94, of across the Corpus Christi Channel, known as the Morris and Cum Pawtucket, R. I., against the acquisition of the Philippines-to the mings Ship Channel, in Aransas County, Tex.-to the Committee Committee on Foreign Affairs. on Interstate and Foreign Commerce. By Mr. CAPRON: Resolutions of What Cheer Council, No.9, By Mr. CURTIS of Iowa (by request): A bill (H. R. 11797) Order United American Mechanics, of Wickford, R. I., against to extend Sixteenth street-to the Committee on the District of sectarian appropriations-to the Committee on Appropriations. Columbia. Also, resolution of What Cheer Council, No. 9, Order United By Mr. STOKES: A bill (H. R. 11798) to extend free delivery American Mechanics, of Wickford, R. I., against the seating of of mail along star routes-to the Committee on the Post-Office and Representative-elect Brigham H. Roberts, of Utah-to the Com" Post-Roads. mittee on Elections No.1. 1899. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. 1057 By Mr. CONNELL: Petition of N. S. Davis and other citizens second lieutena,nt in the reorganization of the Army-to the Com· of Clarks Green, Pa., and vicinity, against the seating of Brigham mittee on Military Affairs. H. Roberts as a Representative from Utah-to the Committee on By Mr. OVERSTREET: Petition of John A. Kinnick and 20 Elections No. 1. other citizens ofJohnsonCounty; Rev. W. 0. Moore and 30 others, By Mr. CURTIS of Kansas (by request): Petition of LeGrand E. H. Clifford and 43 others. J. M. Eads and 32 others, 0. T. Cum Byington, of Iowa, praying for the reduction of the Regular Army back and 39 others, all of Indianapolis; C. S. Hutcheson and 50 to the Committee on Military Affairs. others of Acton, State of Indiana, to prohibit the sale of liquor in Also (by request), petition of LeGrand Byington, of Iowa, for Government buildings, etc.-to the Committee on Alcoholic a general election in Cuba on the question of admission to state Liquor Traffic. hood or an independent republic; also for the disbandment of the By Mr. PERKINS: Petition of 8 fourth-class postmasters in Volunteer Army-to the Committee on Foreign Affairs. the Eleventh Congressionai district of Iowa, urging the passage Also (by request), petition of LeGrand Byington, asking Con of House bills Nos. 4930 and 4931, relating to the compensation of gress to cede to California the Sandwich Islands on certain condi fourth-class postmasters-to the Committee on the Post-Office and tions-to the Committee on Foreign Affairs. Post-Roads. By Mr. GARDNER: Petitions of the Methodist Episcopal and By Mr. RIXEY: Affidavits to accompany House bill for the Baptist churches of Jacobstown; Methodist Episcopal churches relief of Pohick Church, in Fairfax County, Va.-to the Commit of Medford and Windsor; Woman's Christian Temperance unions tee on War Claims. of Hamilton Square, Yardville, Absecon, Princeton, Bordentown, By Mr. ROBINSON of Indiana: Petition of Nettie Freligh and and Point Pleasant; Edson J. Burr and Mary Hayes, of Island other citizens of Angola, Ind., to prohibit the sale of liquor in Heights; Mary E. Higgins, of Beverly; ~oseph T. Sulliyan a~d canteens and in immigrant stations and Government buildings citizens of Moorestown; Rev. A. N. Dobbms and Methodist Epis to the Committee on Alcoholic Liquor Traffic. copal Church, of Columbus; Calvary Presbyterian Church of By Mr. ROYSE: Petitions of citizens of Goshen, Bristol, and Riverton; churches of Toms River; Rev. J. A. Kunkleman and York Township, Elkhart County, Ind., to prohibit the sale of First Presbyterian Church, of Atlantic City; Methodist Protestant liquor in canteens and in· immigrant stations and Government and Salem Methodist Epjscopal churches, of Pleasantville; B. H. buildings-to the Committee on Alcoholic Liquor Traffic. (.,Tosby, B. S. Stiles, George W. Mathis, B. N. Ridgway, Metho By Mr. SHAFROTH: Petition of citizens of University Park, dist Episcopal Church, and J. Frank Mathis, of Tuckerton, all in Colo., to prohibit sale of intoxicating liquors in canteens, in im· the State of New Jersey, to prohibit the sale of liquor in canteens, migrant stations, and in Government buildings-to the Commit in immigrant stations, and in Government buildings-to the Com t-ee on Alcoholic Liquor Traffic. mittee on Alcoholic Liquor Traffic. By .Mr. SHOWALTER: Petitions of Harrisville, .Mars, P~os By Mr. GREENE of Massachusetts: Petition of the Fall River pect, Zelienople, North Hope, Baldwin, and Saltlick, Butler (Mass.) Board of Trade, urging measures to promote the ocean County, Pa., to prohibit the sale of liquor in canteens and in im carrying trade in vessels under the American flag-to the Com migrant stations and Government buildings-to the Committee on mittee on the Merchant Marine and Fisheries. Alcoholic Liquor Traffic. By Mr. GRIFFITH: Resolutions of PlatttJr Post, No. 82, Grand By Mr. SLAYDEN: Petitions of J. W. Hartley and 197 citizens Army of the Republic, of Indiana, in support of Senate bill No. of Medina, Tex., favoring the establishment of postal savings 3256, to give veterans the preference in Government employ banks-to the Committee on the Post-Office and Post-Roads. ment-to the Committee on Reform in the Civil Service. By Mr. SPERRY: Petitions of Henry M. Caulfield and 96 citi Also, papers in support of House bill for the relief of Lewis zens of South Britain, Conn., in favor of the establishment of Noble-to the Committee on Invalid Pensions. postal savings banks-to the Committee on the Post-Office and Also, petitions of John Bodle and 32 citizens of Bright, Robert Post-Roads. M. Salisbury and 25 citizens of Redpath, lnd., for the abolition of By Mr. STARK: Papers to accompany House bill increasing the canteen system in the United States Army, Government the pension of Willis Webb, of Weymore, Nebr.-to the Com buildings, etc.-to the Committee on Alcoholic Liquor Traffic. mittee on Pensions. By Mr. HAMILTON: Petition pf the Young People's Union, Also, papers to accompany House bill No. 11454, granting an Young People's Society of Christian Endeavor of the Presbyterian increase of pension to Griffith Evans, of Beatrice, Nebr.-to the Church, Epworth League of the Methodist Episcopal Church, all Committee on Invalid Pensions. of Sturgis, Mich., for the pa-ssage of the Ellis bill to prohibit the By Mr. STEPHENS of Texas: Petitions of W. Boddy and 200 sale of liquor in canteens and in immigrant stations and Govern citizens of Mable, Tex .. favoring the establishment of postal sav ment buildings-to the Committee on Alcoholic Liquor Traffic. ings banks-to the Committee on the Post-Office and Post-Roads. - By Mr. HOWE: Resolution of the Paint, Oil, and Varnish Club By Mr. STEELE: Petitions of E. M. Thompson and 50 other of· New York, in reference to restoring ocean carrying trade in citizens of Lafontaine; Oliver Butler and 27 citizens of Leach; vessels sailing under the American flag-to the Committee on the Charles Gift and 42 citizens of South Wabash; Edwin Stout and Merchant Marine and Fisheries. ·50 members of the Young People's Society of Christian Endeavor, Also, resolution of Devin Post, No. 148, Grand Army of the of Kokomo; Findley Owen and 50 citizens of Liberty Church; Repubiic, Department of New York, favoring the passage of Sen Alice E. Jay and 45 other members of the First Friends' Church, ate bill No. 3256, for the appointment of veterans to Government Marion, State of Indiana, to prohibit the sale of liquor in canteens positions-to the Committee on Reform in the Civil Service. and in immigrant stations and Government buildings-to the Bv Mr. KERR: Petition of Brighton Grange, No. 1263, of the Committee on Alcoholic Liquor Traffic. State of Ohio, in favor of legislation to increase American ship By Mr. STONE: Petition of the First Congregational Church ping-to the Committee on the Merchant Marine and Fisheries. of Kane, Pa., to prohibit the sale of liquor in canteens of the By Mr. KETCHAM: Remonstrance of Rev. E. C. Oggel and 55 Army and Navy, in Soldiers' Homes, and Government buildings citizens of New Paltz, N.Y., against the seating of Brigham H. to the Committee on Military Affairs. Roberts as a Representative from Utah-to the Committee on Elections No. 1. Also, petition of George M. Brink, postmaster, and 35 citizens of Kingston, N. Y., in favor of legislation to provide for the clas SENATE. sification of post-office clerks-to the Committee on the Post-Office THURSDAY, January 26, 1899. and Post-Roads. By Mr. KULP: Memorial of a citizens' meeting held in Phila Prayer by Rev. STOWELLL. BRYANT, of the city of Washington. delphia, Pa., January 17, 1899, protesting against the acquisition The Secretary proceeded to read the Journal of yesterday's pro of the Philippines-to the Committee on the Terlitories. ceedings, when, on motion of Mr. GALLINGER, and by unanimous Also, resolutions of the Board of Trade of Chicago, Til., January consent, the further reading was dispensed with. 16, 1899, asking that an appropriation be made for improvement of the Chicago River-to the Committee on Appropriations. KIOWA, COMANCHE, AND APACHE INDIANS. By Mr. LANHAM: Petition of W. F. Hearn and 202 citizens of The VICE-PRESIDENT laid before the Senate a communica Payne, Tex., favoring the establishment of postal savings banks tion from the Secretary of the Interior, transmitting, in response to the Committee on the Post-Office and Post-Roads. to a resolution of the 13th instant, certain information relative to By Mr. McCLEARY: Petition of A. J. Anderson and 185 citi the condition and charader of the Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache zens of Porter, Minn., favoring postal savings banks-to the Com Indian Reservation, especially with reference to its being adapted mittee on the Post-Office and Post-Roads. to agriculture; the capacity of the Indians upon that reservation, By Mr. MORRIS (by request): Petition of A. G. Renstrom and and the allotments made to them in severalty, and also as to the -203 citizens of Smithville, Minn., urging the establishment of assent of these Indians to the agreement for the allotment of postal savings banks-to the Committee on the Post-Office and lands and the ceding of the unallotted lands in that reservation Post-Roads. made October 6, 1892; which, with the accompanying papers, was By Mr. OTJEN: Petition of H. J. Schneider and other citizens referred to the Committee on Indian Affairs, and ordered to be of Milwaukee, Wis., in favor of giving veterinarians the rank of printed. XXXII-67