Improvisation in Freestyle Rap

Oxford Handbooks Online

Improvisation in Freestyle Rap Ellie M. Hisama The Oxford Handbook of Critical Improvisation Studies, Volume 2 Edited by Benjamin Piekut and George E. Lewis

Print Publication Date: Sep 2016 Subject: Music, Musicology and Music History Online Publication Date: Mar 2016 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199892921.013.24

Abstract and Keywords

This chapter explores the process of improvisation by emcees in freestyle, or improvised, rap. Drawing on interviews with and writings by freestyle practitioners as well as on recent scholarship in linguistic anthropology, social psychology, and sociology, it argues that freestyle is an everyday activity and a fundamentally social act. The chapter examines a recent study that uses functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) to measure cognitive activity of improvising emcees, and it suggests that the study’s physical constraints on the emcees, its focus on emcees in isolation rather than on those improvising in a cipher (a group of people who take turns improvising rhymes), and its lack of attention to the effects of gender, race, ethnicity, and other identifications on freestyle performance limit the force of its conclusions.

Keywords: freestyle, improvised rap, fMRI, cipher, gender, race, ethnicity, hip hop, neuroscience

SPANNING a range of kinetic, sonic, and visual expression, hip hop emerged as an improvisatory art four decades ago.1 Freestyle, or improvised rap, provides an arena for emcees to develop and display their rhyming skills. Often performed in a cipher, a group of people in a circle who take turns to improvise rhymes informally, freestyle is sometimes playful but sometimes not. In a freestyle battle, performers compete to establish their superior rhyming skills, with the audience determining the winner.2

The definition of freestyle has changed since the 1980s, when it initially referred to rap not focused on a specific topic. In the words of Divine Styler: “It’s a non-conceptual rhyme. … It’s just random thought. … Now they call freestylin’ [off] the top of the head” (Fitzgerald 2004). In Canibus’s definition of freestyle, “You’re not rhyming about a subject matter in particular. … You’re not being so specific about what you’re talking about” (Spady, Lee, and Alim 1999, 220). Big Daddy Kane elaborates on this early understanding of freestyle:

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The term, freestyle, is like a new term, because in the ’80s when we said we wrote a freestyle rap, that meant that it was a rhyme that you wrote that was free of style, meaning that it’s not [on] a [particular] subject matter—it’s not a story about a woman, it’s not a story about poverty, it’s basically a rhyme just bragging about yourself, so it’s basically free of style. … Off-the-top-of-the-head [rapping], we just called that “off the dome”—when you don’t write it and [you] say whatever comes to mind

(Edwards 2009, 181–182).

Thus whereas old-school freestyle could be written or memorized, the term freestyle now in circulation generally does not permit written or prepared rhymes, a stance enunciated by Rifleman [Ellay Khule]: “Freestyle is you being spontaneous [he snaps]: right now. Improvise: right now. On the spot” (Fitzgerald 2004). In an interview with James (p. 251) G. Spady, Canibus acknowledges using an “old freestyle” on the radio (Spady, Lee, and Alim 1999, 220), a phrase inconsistent with current understandings of freestyle.

This later definition of freestyle as rhyming that is “spontaneous” and takes place “right now” corresponds to Leo Smith’s definition of improvisation: “Improvisation is an art form used by creative musicians to deliver an expression or musical thought at the very instant that their idea is conceived” (Smith 1973, n.p.). Erik Pihel, following T-Love’s identification of three elements necessary to a freestyle, suggests that freestyle must rhyme, cohere, and fit to (“ride”) the DJ’s beat (Pihel 1996, 254–257). Jooyoung Lee points to lyrical complexity, delivery, and humor as those aspects valued by regulars at Project Blowed in Los Angeles (Lee 2009b, 313).

Freestyle, like improvisation more generally, is sometimes romanticized as a product of genius, revealing gifts mysteriously bestowed on only a select few, but emcees themselves frequently acknowledge the work that goes into freestyling.3 In my interview with Ace, founder of the Columbia University Society of Hip-Hop (CUSH), he remarked that “some people see [freestyling] as magical, but for me, it’s practicing a mode of expression” (Patterson 2011a).4

Those training in the freestyle practice have to continually work at pulling words from their heads, transforming thoughts into coherent verbal expressions, expanding their mental glossary and fighting to articulately freestyle no matter the conditions

(Patterson 2011b, 1).

Emphasizing that freestylers are made, not born, Myka 9 of Freestyle Fellowship recalls that “[kids] can sit on the staircase and exchange rhymes instead of going around getting

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into crimes” (Edwards 2009, 182). The everyday nature of freestyle is further underscored by One Be Lo of Binary Star:

It was a day-to-day thing. All we used to do was sit around all day and freestyle. … We were just trying to be the best we could be, and we were bouncing it off each other. We woke up freestyling, we went to sleep freestyling. We would just be sitting in the basement trying to come up with songs, and we’d just start freestyling. We was just having fun—we wasn’t trying to make records or make history

(Edwards 2009, 183).

Ace describes freestyle as an activity he sometimes does with a friend “just because”: “Freestyling is a way of talking to each other, to talk about your day … with no judgment between [a friend] and me, and no audience … the most beautiful thing about it” (Patterson 2011b). Rather than the product of exceptionally gifted individuals, freestyling is a commonplace activity; rather than “magical,” it is a learned practice “sharpened and presented to a critical circle” (Spady, Alim, and Meghelli 2006, 6).

Derek Bailey’s observation that a successful improvising group has a “common stock of material—a vocabulary” that is developed individually and collectively (Bailey 1992, 106) resonates with the practice of freestyle, which draws from a pool of words (p. 252) as well as non-verbal sounds and gestures. Ace describes the process of freestyling as “rhyming while talking; a combo of hearing flow, knowing how to flow, feeling flow, making up your own flow, starting knowing what rhymes, getting the words so richly mosaic … different words ‘eagles fly—pizza pie’ lead to other words, other thoughts” (Patterson 2011a).

Emcees distinguish between improvised rhyming and precomposed rapping, or “writtens.” As Boots of The Coup reflects, “There’s two different art forms: there’s written rhymes and there’s freestyle. And usually the people that are good at one are not good at the other” (Fitzgerald 2004). Freestyle is sometimes used as a precursor to perfecting one’s written rhymes through a process of editing. Kurupt, for example, observes:

I think in freestyle … I might freestyle and say something that I just think is so catty. So, then I just sit down and write the freestyle rhyme I said, but then I calculate it more. … I put more brain power to it when I just sit and write it because I can think more about how I can word it

(Spady, Lee, and Alim 1999, 537–538).

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This process by which one develops a freestyle into a rhyme that is more “calculated” is also recognized by k-os, who muses that “freestyling helped me learn how to make my more calculated raps sound sweeter” (Edwards 2009, 184).

An optimal state for a freestyler to reach is “the zone.” As Ace describes it: “When a freestyler gets to the point where his thoughts are in sync with the words that he’s spitting at the pace that he’s spitting at the imagined complexity of which he’s utilizing, he is now in the zone. … His lines are delivered with such a polished smoothness and fortification that inhibits others around him to cut through or penetrate” (Patterson 2011b, 1–2). He describes some of the bodily changes discernible in a freestyler who is in the zone:

He has transformed, and this conversion can even be visible. His eyes appear shut down; his mind is doing all the seeing. His hand gestures become more rapid, piercing the atmosphere with such fierce expressiveness

(Patterson 2011b, 1).

Interest in charting discernible changes to the body during musical performance led researchers to conduct neurobiological studies of improvisation using functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI), which measures blood oxygenation to the brain and the brain activity that results from increased neural activity. Aaron L. Berkowitz explains that “brain areas more active during a given cognitive task have higher metabolic activity, needing—and hence removing—more oxygen from the blood flow to those regions. This change in oxygenation of the blood … can be measured and used to assess changes in activity in brain regions during a cognitive task, albeit indirectly” (Berkowitz 2010, 132 n3). Research on the relationship between musical improvisation and brain activity has turned recently to freestyle rap (Liu et al. 2012; Limb 2011), following fMRI studies focused on improvisation in classical music (Berkowitz and Ansari 2008; Berkowitz and Ansari 2010; Berkowitz 2010) and improvisation in jazz (Limb and Braun 2008) in an attempt to better understand the creative process.5

(p. 253) At the National Institute on Deafness and Other Communication Disorders, part of the U.S. National Institutes of Health (NIH), Siyuan Liu and his colleagues conducted a study of brain activity of 12 right-handed male emcees, comparing performances of a precomposed rap and a freestyle in order to explore the neural correlates of creative musical practices (Liu et al. 2012). An initial difficulty encountered by researchers of improvisation in rapping is the intertwining of speech and music—that is, freestyling is both linguistic and musical. Berkowitz argues that the “improvising mind … draws on some of the very same neural resources as the more mundane but equally infinitely creative faculties of spontaneous speech and action” (Berkowitz 2010, 144). He suggests

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that language and music might share syntactic production resources, observing that his and co-researcher Daniel Ansari’s claim about language and music’s shared networks is speculative because they are not yet able to tell whether smaller subregions participate in linguistic, musical, or both functions (Berkowitz 2010, 151–152).6 Yisheng Xu of Liu’s research group was able to “scrub” the fMRI data of artifacts in the images, thus enabling the freestyle study (Redmon 2012).

The NIH lab recorded the neural activity of emcees rapping memorized lyrics written by the researchers (“conventional” conditions) and freestyle rapping (“improvised” conditions) to the same eight-bar track. The NIH study shows that different regions of the brain were activated in the two data sets; when improvising lyrics, brains exhibited activation in the medial prefrontal cortex (mPFC), which indicates increased motivation, organization, and drive, and deactivation in the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex (dlPFC), which indicates decreased sensoring, monitoring, and adjusting of behaviors (Liu et al. 2012). The researchers propose that “the conscious, deliberate, top-down attentional processes mediated by this network may be attenuated during improvisation, consistent with the notion that a state of defocused attention enables the generation of novel, unexpected associations that underlie spontaneous creative activity” (Liu et al. 2012, 5). Their study suggests that freestyling appears to lead to a tempering of self-regulating behavior and the increase of activity in areas related to motivation, emotion, and language.

Although the effort to track changes to the brain when one improvises is a potentially valuable project, there are a few intractable problems with the NIH study. As noted by the researchers, subjects were required to memorize improvised material as it was generated and reproduced during a subsequent scanning run, which “might in part account for the activation of the DLPFC” (Liu et al. 2012, 6). An upright posture and free physical motion are the norm for emcees, who were required to enter the fMRI scanner prone and motionless while their brains were imaged, with foam pads constricting head motion (Liu et al. 2012, 6). While freestyling, emcees typically bob their heads, gesture with their hands, cradle a mic, laugh, or dance. Although the researchers assert that “participants’ performance was not affected by the motion restraints” (Liu et al. 2012, 6), the physical constraint placed on the participants in the experiment necessitates an uncomfortable and unfamiliar posture, one that must alter the performance, if freestyle is considered to be an embodied performance and not simply recorded verbal output.

Further, the NIH study included only male rappers, although the results are presented as suggestive of freestyle generally. While hip hop battles, including DJ battles, tend to be (p. 254) competitive and masculinist events, women certainly freestyle and a number enjoy doing so. Medusa, for one, asserts: “I like battling. … It’s a healthy … outlet. It’s better than fighting, it’s better than shooting and stabbing other. … When you finally

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come across a dope sistah that is really saying somethin’ and speaking her mind and her voice is allowed to be heard, a woman can move mountains; can move nations of men. …” (Fitzgerald 2004). Eve has likewise reflected on her presence as a woman who freestyles in ciphers:

I stayed around boys. So, I was really focused on guys because I rhyme like a guy. Like everybody always tells me, “You rhyme like a guy.” Because I’m used to being in ciphers. And I’m a female that will break in a cipher. I don’t care if it’s fifty guys in the cipher! I’m going to break in the cipher! … Guys tend to look at you like, “Oh, you rap?” … And the thing is, I love for people to underestimate me. Especially guys, I live for them to laugh and snicker. Because as soon as I open my mouth, they’re like, “What?! Where did you get that from? Who wrote that for you?”

(Spady, Lee, and Alim 1999, 486–487).

Including female subjects in a freestyle study would make it possible to address the psychological situation of a female emcee who may confront such aspects of Otherness in breaking into the cipher, and the potentially physiological consequences when she does so.7

This lack of attention to gender, including the issue of whether constructions of gender affect the process of freestyling at multiple levels, emphasizes a significant gap in the NIH study: it does not take into account a defining characteristic of freestyle—that it is a fundamentally social act. Erik Pihel observes that “[a] freestyle … is a live performance in front of a live audience—whether an audience at a club or listeners to a freestyle competition on live radio” (Pihel 1996, 252). As a social act, freestyle performance is affected by representations of race, ethnicity, gender, sexuality, and economic status, among other identifications, and it is sometimes marked by conflicts that emerge when such aspects of social identities are noted by emcees.

Responses by other emcees and by the audience inevitably shape a performance, affecting choices of topics and altering the freestyle at any juncture. H. Samy Alim, Jooyoung Lee, and Lauren Mason Carris refer to the dynamic relationship between freestyle participants as a form of coproduction. In their analysis of freestyle performances in Los Angeles on the street corner outside of the open mic venue Project Blowed, videotaped over a four-and-a-half year period, they argue that black normativity is both upheld and contested by non-black emcees and non-black listeners (Alim, Lee, and Mason Carris 2011). The effect of the audience’s responses on the emcees is a phenomenon that Alim, Lee, and Mason Carris dub “crowding the emcee” (424), inverting the more traditional formulation of the emcee’s “moving the crowd.” In one situation they

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examine, after African American emcee Flawliss indexes Latino emcee Lil Caesar’s Latinidad with stereotypical ethnic depictions, joking about “Mexicans Gone Mad” (427), invoking yardwork done by Latino day laborers (430), and using a pseudo-Cuban accent (428) in “performing the Other” (Pennycook 2003, 515), the audience visibly (p. 255) rejects Flawliss’s rhymes, and Flawliss retreats from his racially based taunting to focus instead on Lil Caesar’s skills as an emcee (Alim, Lee, and Mason Carris 2011, 432–433). In another study of the co-construction of race and ethnicity in freestyle, Alim, Lee, and Mason Carris remark upon the situational dominance of blackness, noting that “[n] ot all emcees have the same ‘right’ to use racial and ethnic disses. … [W]hile hegemonic meanings of race and ethnicity may be locally and temporarily inverted in these interactional moments, this ‘inversion’ also depends upon and maintains other hegemonic social meanings” (Alim, Lee, and Mason Carris 2010, 128).

The “conflictual encounters” in freestyle rap battles identified by Alim, Lee, and Mason Carris (2010, 117), which establish and sometimes invert hierarchies based on race, ethnicity, gender, sexuality, and occupation, cannot occur in the experimental setting described in the NIH’s fMRI study of freestyle. The phenomenon of “face-work” described by Lee (2009b) in which other emcees jump in when a rapper “falls off,” unable to continue a freestyle, in order to preserve the flow in a cipher, is also absent in a study limited to freestyle performed by an isolated individual with no audience. Such research is, further, not able to take into account the pressure of audiences in establishing an ethics of freestyling, in which originality and creativity is prized (Lee 2009b, 310) and in which offering a written rhyme as one that is improvised (“frontin’”) is unacceptable, or “wack” (Pihel 1996, 267).8 This research thus leaves untouched a considerable terrain of actual freestyle practice.9

“A freestyle mode of thinking” (Alim 2006, 93) is shared and developed by a community of interactive emcees and listeners. The collaborative and conflictual nature of freestyle thus offers a potentially rich layer to mine in explorations of improvisation, thus contributing to a more comprehensive understanding of the process by which improvising emcees are able to organize verbal elements in musical time, which is as much a social process as a technical one.

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Notes:

(1.) I would like to thank Jocelyne Guilbault, Mark Katz, Josh Kun, Anthony Patterson, and Anton Vishio for sharing their thoughts about this work, and the faculty and graduate students at Duke University’s Department of Music for their perceptive questions and comments.

(2.) H. Samy Alim, Jooyoung Lee, and Lauren Mason Carris explore the competitive dynamic and social meanings of freestyle battles (Alim, Lee, and Mason Carris 2010; Alim, Lee, and Mason Carris 2011; Lee 2009a, 2009b).

(3.) When asked by Derek Bailey about the difference between the initial performance of several recorded guitar breaks and his reproducing those improvisations, Steve Howe of Yes characterized the reproduced versions as “never quite as magical” (Bailey 1992, 41).

(4.) Further information about Ace and CUSH is available at http:// welcometocush.tumblr.com/.

(5.) Using blood oxygen level dependent (BOLD) imaging of the brains of six right-handed professional male jazz musicians, otolaryngologist Charles J. Limb and neurologist Allen R. Braun observed that during improvisation, lateral portions of the prefrontal cortex, including the lateral orbitofrontal cortex and the superior portions of the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex (dlPFC), areas of the brain linked to self-monitoring and self-inhibition, are deactivated while the frontal polar portion of the medial prefrontal cortex (mPFC), linked to creativity and self-expression, was activated (Limb and Braun 2008, 3, 6, 8). They suggest that this “unique pattern [of changes in prefrontal cortical activity] may offer insights into cognitive dissociations that may be intrinsic to the creative process: the innovative, internally motivated production of novel material … that can apparently occur outside of conscious awareness and beyond volitional control” (Limb and Braun 2008, 3). Using real-time MRI, Proctor et al. (2013) have examined mechanisms of sound production in beatboxing.

(6.) Charles Limb initiated a separate study of freestyle at Johns Hopkins University using fMRI that demonstrated increased activity in Broca’s area—a region of the brain linked to language production—during freestyling, compared to when performing the prewritten rap (West 2012). Limb asked rappers to “spontaneously generate rhymes incorporating a random cue word” in their freestyle (Green 2012), a requirement not included in the freestyle study of Liu et al. (2012). A video demonstrating Limb’s research methods in his jazz and freestyle studies is available (Limb 2011). The results of Limb’s freestyle study remain unpublished as of this writing.

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(7.) Yoko Suzuki examines the gender dynamics of jam sessions in which female jazz musicians attempt to enter the performative spaces established by men. See Yoko Suzuki, “‘You Sound Like an Old Black Man’: Performativity of Gender and Race Among Female Jazz Saxophonists” (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Pittsburgh, 2011).

(8.) In 2012, Canibus read rhymes from a notebook in a battle with Dizaster, an event that led to professional embarrassment and an apology from Canibus (Kangas 2012; Dukes 2012).

(9.) Alim, Lee, and Mason Carris (2010, 2011) highlight the frequency of invocations of race and ethnicity in freestyle. They describe a rap battle between Filipino American emcee Lyraflip and African American emcee Flawliss, both of whom reference each other’s race; Lyraflip invokes obese African American characters in popular culture and Flawliss raps in mock Chinese English (Alim, Lee, and Mason Carris 2010, 120–123). Alim, Lee, and Mason Carris note that references to race by nonblack emcees toward black emcees are “extremely rare” in the data Lee gathered at Project Blowed (Alim, Lee, and Mason Carris 2010, 121). Jooyoung Lee chronicles how onlookers have assisted in defusing freestyle rap battles in South Central Los Angeles that have escalated to near violence (Lee 2009a).

Ellie M. Hisama Ellie M. Hisama, Columbia University

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