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Wartime Presidents: Lincoln, Wilson, for an Interview with Richard Striner, Part One SG: Please Comment on the Anti-War Sentiment That Each Presidentfaced

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Wartime Presidents: Lincoln, Wilson, for an Interview with Richard Striner, Part One SG: Please Comment on the Anti-War Sentiment That Each Presidentfaced WarTime Presidents: Lincoln, Wilson, FOR An interview with Richard Striner, Part One SG: Please comment on the anti-war sentiment that each presidentfaced. RS: In Lincoln's c.ase, the anti-war sentiment had several origins. Some of the people who were opposed to the war were the "Peace Democrats" or "Copperheads." Like most Democrats in those days (at least after the Kansas­ Nebraska schism and the departure of the Free Soil Democrats), many of them were white supremacists and supporters ofslavery, and they blamed the Republicans for fomenting an unnecessary war by pushing the slave stares into secession. (1he "War Democrats" largely agreed with such views, while believing that secession was treason that had to be stOpped, Abraham lincoln and His Gellm~ls/LinctJin Finantial Collt-flitm OC-1-180 by war if necessary and through negotiations if possible). Another own economic interests. One form of advent of the Spanish-American War source ofopposition to the war this belief was the view that corporate in 1898 under President McKinley. that Lincoln had to face were the profits depended on foreign markers. William Jennings Bryan, the people in both parries who were so Since the wealthy elite kept domestic Democratic candidate in 1896 and in appalled by the casualties, at least by wages down, the domestic market 1900, was Wilson's first secretary of 1863, that they regarded the war as for manufuctured goods was weak state, and he argued steadily against unwinnable. By the summer of 1864, in purchasing power; consequently, American involvement in the war and even leading Republicans like Horace the "surplus" production had to be also against military preparedness. Greeley were Aining with this belief. "dumped" abroad, and imperialism, Among rhe Republicans, progressives In the case of Wilson, a great with w;tr as irs spearhead, facilitated such as Robert LaFollette felt much many Democrats and Socialists were this upper-class method. Many the same way. Also, as in the case opposed to Americ-an involvement (though by no means all) Socialists of the Civil War, people who were in World War One, and some of were pacifistic in principle, blaming understandably sickened by the them continued ro be opposed after war on capitalism itself. Less radical carnage of World War One believed the declaration ofwar in April 1917. left-of-center leaders were inclined it morally imperative for the United To a certain extent, left-of-center to the view that war was often an States to avoid getting involved in opposition to war in general during unnecessary distraction that business what appeared to be a meaningless the early twentieth century Rowed interests would use to short-circuit slaughter. Finally, there was a from the belief that the enemies of the campaigns for economic democracy at geographical basis for some opposition working class-what the Socialists home. Many Democrats and former to the war. People in the Midwestern would call "capitalists" and what the Populists remembered how the grass­ States were often more susceptible liberals would call "big business"­ roots economic insurgency of the ro a mood of non-interventionism used war as a means of advancing their 1890s largely melted away with the in the case of foreign wars. Lincoln Lore is the bulletin of The A llen County Public Library and The Friends of the Lincoln Collection oflndiana CONTRIBUTORS: Richard Striner james M. McPherson Myron A. Marty Hon. Frank Williams ACPL: Cheryl Ferverda Jane Gastineau Katie Hutmac-her Adriana Maynard Philip Sharpley September Cure Witcher Allen County Pub Friends of the Lincoln Collection: Fort Wayne, Sara Gabbolrd, Ed•tor Post Office Address Box 11 083 Fort W;ryne.lndiana 468SS [email protected] www.acpl.lnfo www.lincolnCollection.org www.facebook.comfUncolnCollection Lincoln Lore® ISSN 0162-8615 MEMBER lln«llmll Members of the Friends of the Lincoln Collection of Indiana receive a discount for books published by Southern Illinois University Press. To order, contact Speakers: Chicago Distribution Center at 1-800-621-2736 (phone); Nicole Ercheson, Ball State Unive rsity 1-800-621-8476 (fax); Jeffrey J. Malanson, Indiana-Purdue Fort W ayne or order online at www.siupress.com. Jennifer Weber, University of Kansas Use promotional code F LC25 to receive a 25% Jonathan W. White, Christopher Newport University discount on your order. For more information, please contact [email protected] • SPRING 2014 In the 1930s, under FOR, the aforementioned attitude; from the 1910s continued to be influentiaL The historian Charles A. Beard had produced a macro-historical theory that purported to prove that American wars in general had been fomented by the wealthy elite ro short-circuit domestic reform. Many l ew Dealers were susceptible to this point ofview. 1 hey looked back upon IJ)I: ll&o<lrtJW Wit..,/LC-US/.62-t0i()()7 America's involvement in the First Cmttr: Fnmlli'' f)(ltmfl R IJOtttotll (FDR)/LC-DIG-htt-47235 World War in light of the backlash Ri'ght: Hi11orim1 Ch.~rltt A. fJ,·~mVLC-USZ62·36755 against "progressivism" that followed in the 1920s, when business interests said much the same thing, though in Seward learned to behave himself seemed to rule the roost. ·n,eir a far more defe.1tist frame of mind. and he became occasionally valuable arritude could be summed up in the Though Orwell was not a pacifist­ as an adviser. Lincoln also had old adage, "Fool me once, shame on he had served in the Spanish Civil trouble with Treasury Secretary you; fool me twice, shame on me." War-he wrote in 1940 (in the Salmon Chase, and an open breach In order to 'upport the left-of-center essay "Inside The Whale") that "the between them developed in 1864. components of the :-lew Deal, such autonomous individual is going to Both Seward and Chase had been people believed that it was viral to be stamped out of existence .... rivals of Lincoln'• for the 1860 avoid the "red herring" of another Give yourself over to the world­ Republican nomination and Chase's war. Their suspicion> were bolstered process, stop fighting against it or jealousy was almost incurable. When by the hearings of the so-called 1 ye pretending that you can control it; it came to the issue of slavery as it Committee, which purported to simply accept it, endure it, record it." figured in the war, both Seward show that America n involvement in In 1940, isolationist opinion and Chase weighed in. lhe most World War One had been fomented was largely orchesrmred by the obvious example of cabinet divisions by a scheming cabal of bankers bipartisa n America First Committee. in regard to slavery :.sa war issue and munitions makers. There was Democrats like Burton K. Wheeler was the mixed reaction to Lincoln's also opposition to war on the right, and Republicans like Gerald Nyc Emancipation Proclamation when among conservatives who might joined forces across party lines to he first announced it ro the cabinet have been-or who clearly were­ oppose U.S. entry into the war. in July 1862. 1\ s to the conduct pro-fuscist. They did not want to After Pearlllarbor, isolationism of the war it<elf, the members of see American military force thrown weakened, but there remained the cabinet had definite opinions into the global balance against the an isolationist hard core, some as to strategy and the choice of Axis. Again, as in World War One, of whose memben. believed that commanders. Secretary of \.Yar the geography of politics made FOR had provoked the Japanese Edwin Stanton played the most isolationism stronger in the Midwest into attacking the United States. fundamental role in strategic than elsewhere. And again, there was SG: w~r~ there pro/con divisions deliberations and the evaluation of a widespread feeling of futility in the within each presitltnt's Cabinet-r genemls such as George McClellan. f.1ce of war's carnage. A significant RS: lhere were divi>ions of Stanton was often a shrewd adviser, number of A mcrican poets expressed opinion within Lincol n's cabinet but he sometimes made mistakes, this view, before, during, and after throughout the war. ·n,e most as when he recommended l lenry World War Two. An example: l lalleck as general-in -chief (Halleck Robert Lowell's poem "lhe Dead stunning example from the early months was the attempt by Secretary proved to be a lackluster strategist). ln Europe" (1947). 'there was even \Vilson had major problems a mood ofdefeatism regarding of State William Seward ro talk Lincoln out of reinforcing Fort with key members of the cabinet democracy itself that spanned the throughout World War One. ideological specrrum. On the right, Sumter. Seward had been dallying with ad,·ocate> of negotiation and Both of his secretaries ofstate­ people like Anne ~lorrow Lindbergh he suggested that Lincoln pick a \Villi am Jennings Bryan and viewed totalitarianism as the "wave Robert Lanoing--disagreed with of the future," and they argued that fight with one or more European nations to induce the secessionists his policies in certain ways. Bryan the people in democracies had to be to join forces with the United was a staunch advocate of peace realistic and adjust. On the left, there and American neutrality, and he were people like George Orwell who Srates. Lincoln put Seward in his place, politely bur firmly. Over time dissented from Wilson's decision NUMBER 1905 • Ufi:R.M.S. Lus;tania. hit hy 1or~Jo1 "..f Kin salt Htad. lrdtmd LC·USZC4-JJ285 Right: TaAe up th< sword of ju.sliu (to avenge the Lusitania) LC·USZC4-IS02 ro countenance travel by American FDR had a comparatively easy politicized in their editorial poHcies, civiHans on passenger liners that situation with his cabinet.
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