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The 36Th Annual Conference on South Asia (2007) Paper Abstracts

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The 36Th Annual Conference on South Asia (2007) Paper Abstracts 36th Conference on South Asia October 11 - 14, 2007 Abbas, Amber Re-evaluating Failure: The Punjab Boundary Force Outside the Archive The Punjab Boundary Force, composed of fewer than13, 500 men had a brief existence in 1947. It was charged with keeping order in the massive Indian province of Punjab due to be divided between India and Pakistan on August 15, 1947. The Force came into being on August 1, and was officially disbanded by the first day of September. However, the massacres of villages, trains and communities that took place between August and October of 1947 reveal the failure of the Boundary Force to fulfill its charge. The little scholarship available on the Boundary Force points to the particular ineptitude of the civil authorities in India and Pakistan to provide the basic infrastructure the military expected to support when dispatched “in aid of civil power.” Major General Wajahat Husain (Ret’d) is the last surviving officer of the Punjab Boundary Force. At the age of twenty-one, then Lieutenant Wajahat led a tank squadron in Punjab. His charge included escorting refugee trains, providing security in cities in East Punjab ripped apart by violence and resettling refugees in Lahore. In oral interviews I conducted in 2005 and 2006 General Wajahat tells a story about the Punjab Boundary Force that suggests more than just a breakdown in civil authority on the part of the new governments of India and Pakistan. Rather, he cites a terrific breakdown in the military infrastructure itself: the disloyalty of non-commissioned officers and enlisted men who failed to behave as neutral peacekeepers, the failure of British leadership to anticipate the scale of the violence despite its many antecedents, the desertion of soldiers into mercenary state forces and the breakdowns in communication and supply that prevented the British divisions from effectively navigating the Punjab. While the work of the Punjab Boundary Force is generally considered to be a failure, it is deeply mired in the often tendentious history of Partition. The available scholarship does not tell same story that General Wajahat does. Linking oral and archival sources I examine both stories to discover how the oral narrative can challenge our perception of the Boundary Force as an unmitigated, and perhaps inevitable failure. Adhikari, Shyam Food Security and Agro-biodiversity Nexus in Arun Valley of Eastern Nepal Traditionally Agro-biodiversity and food security are opposed to each other. This research document on agro-biodiversity and food security concludes that in the context of diverse socio-economic and geo-physical settings, the relationship between agro- biodiversity and food security differ. A study conducted in two Village Development Committee lying on the same water shed but spread from 300 msl to 1400 msl in Dhankuta district in Nepal revealed a mixed type of nexus amongst the variables of food security and agro-biodiversity. Households with acute food insecurity (landholders less than 0.25 hectare) were indifferent with the level of agro-biodiversity or crop diversity in their land and the same was applicable for those with food secure households (landholders above 0.75 hectare). However, in contrast, farmers with moderate food insecure households (those holding 0.25 - 0.75 ha) were concerned and had an interest in diverse crop varieties and crop species to minimize the risk of failure and to meet diverse household needs. Similarly, ethnic minorities like occupational caste group also appeared to be indifferent with the number of crops and the same was also reflected amongst so called higher caste groups due to the availability of resources at their disposal. The research also found that minorities like indigenous caste groups (Majhi, Rai, Limbu) were more dependent on agro- diversity. In relation to addressing food insecurity amongst indigenous caste groups and those holding 0.25 - 0.75 ha land, the two bracket groups could be front runners in agro -biodiversity conservation. However, if the bracket group of those holding less than 0.25 ha land are to be involved in agro-biodiversity, immediate relief in the form of humanitarian assistance would be warranted. Ahmed, Hilal ‘Muslim Homogeneity’ versus ‘Muslim Secularism’: Understanding Muslim Politics in Postcolonial India The contemporary academic literature on Indian Muslim communities discusses the term ‘Muslim politics’ in a number of ways. Popular demands such as the protection of Urdu or Muslim Personal Law, the programs, policies and activities of Muslim organizations or pressure groups, sermons, speeches and statements of influential Muslim personalities and the Muslim voting pattern in elections are often studied as the constituents of ‘Muslim politics’ in postcolonial India. A few illuminating studies, produced mainly in the 1970s and 80s, have already made attempts to conceptualize the political power structure among Muslims by employing Marxist and/or elitist framework of analysis. Recent studies on Dalit Muslims also claim that the Muslim ‘lower caste/dalit identity’ questions the ‘Muslim politics’ of upper caste Ashrafs. However, despite such a variety of academic writings, our knowledge about different forms and trajectories of post-1947 Indian Muslim politics is rather limited. A strong conviction that there is only one form of ‘Muslim politics’ in India, which eventually characterises an indispensable dichotomy between Western modernity and Islam, seems to dominate academic discourses. It is believed that ‘Muslim politics’ as a manifestation of ‘minority communalism’ could either be juxtaposed with ‘secular’ politics’ or completely ignored as a kind of ‘reaction’ to assertive Hindu nationalism also known as Hindutva. There is an underlying assumption that an upper-class, upper-caste, male Muslim elite diverts common Muslims from secular/ national issues. This assumption is often accepted uncritically. As a result, the internal complexities of Muslim politics and the ways by which Muslim political actors function become less important and intellectual energies are devoted to reproduce the existing intellectual and political divide between ‘secularism’ and ‘communalism’. The prime concern of this paper is to examine different manners, attitudes and perceptions by which the term ‘Muslim politics’ is understood, explained and analysed. The paper critically discusses two dominant perspectives on Muslim politics: the Muslim homogeneity perspective and the secularist perspective. Highlighting the contributions, strengths, problems and weaknesses of these ‘positions’ in detail, the paper argues that the Muslim homogeneity perspectives as well as the different versions of secularist perspective do not look at the internal complexities of Muslim political discourses and, as a result, are unable to convincingly explain various forms of Muslim politics in India. Ali, Kamran Asdar What is Pakistani Culture?: Debates, discussions, dilemmas in Pakistan's early years Familiar renditions of Pakistan’s early history emphasize how in the first decade of the country’s existence the bureaucracy, aligned with the military, effectively sidelined all other political forces and took control of the state machinery. What is often missed in this narrative is how the new country struggled in its founding moments to find the ideological and cultural basis for its creation and existence. The discussions, disagreements, apprehensions and conflicts over what should pass as “authentic” Pakistani culture is a continuing story of various twists and turns. In Pakistan’s early years there were clear camps of intellectuals who had competing claims linked to various ideological positions that impressed upon the state and the populace the legitimacy of one set of ideas over others. Among them were writers associated with the All-Pakistan Progressive Writers Association (APPWA) and closely affiliated with the newly formed Communist Party of Pakistan (CPP). Other groups were not as organized and consisted of a range of free thinkers, modernist poets and independent-minded intellectuals, along with those who sought to link the question of Pakistan with Islamic morals and values. While APPWA had names like Hamid Akhtar, Faiz Ahmed Faiz, Sibte Hasan, Ibrahim Jalees, Abdullah Malik, Ahmad Nadeem Qasmi and Sajad Zaheer under its banner, the “non-progressives” consisted, among others, of Ahmad Ali, Hasan Askari, Sadat Hasan Manto, Mumtaz Mufti, Akhtar Hussein Raipuri, N.M. Rashid, M.D. Taseer and Mumtaz Shirin. The latter group was intellectually eclectic and divided and many had also been previously close to the progressives. In this paper I will trace the works of the first secretary general of the CPP, Sajad Zaheer, who was one of the founding members of the Progressive Writers Association, juxtaposing his views on Pakistani culture (adab) with that of Mohammad Hasan Askari, the eminent Urdu critic and writer of the period. Two strands of intellectual ferment clearly stood out in these early discussions. One was the importance of linking Islam to Pakistani culture. The other was the place of Urdu in this new cultural space where a majority of its inhabitants did not use it as their first language. Hence the paper will seek to offer a glimpse of some of the debates linked to specific personalities to show how the question of Pakistan’s future culture was being discussed, debated and reshaped in these circles at the moment of its own inception as an independent state. Allendorf, Teri Village tiger rangers in Nepal Maintaining
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