CHAPTER V SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND CULTURAL LIFE PART I ; SOCIO-ECONOMIC CONDITION PART II ; CULTURAL LIFE
■* AUMINISTRATZOII
AS WO know* the ChaluJcyan «mplra was built gradually by acquiring or annexing areas of tho neighbouring kingdoms by way of conquosts and subjugation. We cannot say that they wore pioneers in establishino their own form of administratiye system for they must have definitely adopted the basic system of adrrdnistration frem their predecessors e»9 * their charters rcsenible more or less those of the Kadambas# in the preandale sectitm^* But at the sarae f time much of the credit should 90 to then because they had brought together various kingdoms with diverse cultures under one banner and succeeded in evolving an indigenous administrative pattern which would functiort to everyone's satisfacti omsidering the prevailing conditims of the period during which there was a perennial struggle for imperial suzerainty# this vast entire obviously called for a comprehensive machinery of admlnistratimi which enabled the king to carry oa his pursuit of conquest without any apprehsnsicm* Hence the administrative 300 systom must have been a very efficient cme for though there were political distujrit>ancea due to invasion fron outside* peace and security reignei in the country* This can be discerned from the progress and achievements made in various fields such as art* architecture# religion# social-sciences and economics* Before %ie proceed# it should be understood that administratimi in our times was guided by the political injunctions of the sniriti»Kares* This is evident because Pulakeli X was conversant with the codes of Kanu^* Moreover most of the inscriptions concluded with verses taken from Menu's works or Vyasa's^* This shows that they were bound to some extent at least by the laws of the smriti •> Haras and hence the study of then was essential for the king* King I- The fozni of govemnent was monarchial* The king was the supreme head* He was advised by a council of lainistcrs held important positions* Kingship was hereditary* The prince was cro%med as the yuvaraja during the lifetime of the king* Xendur plates of xlrttivaxroan IX states that he was nominated as heir • m 4 5 apparent by his father Vikramaditya XI * Vishnuvardhana i 351 and Vlja/aditya^ are referrad to as yuvaraja In the recorda* The eldest son was normally appointed as successor* Bat during times of trouble# \m observe that this practice was overlooked and a » suitable successor was chosen as in the case of Vikramaditya Z %iho %#as responsible for gaining back the glory and power of his family they had lost to the t^allavas* Zt also soraetimes so happened that the successor was a minor at the time of the death of the ruler# in w^iich case# a close relative was appointed as a regent* ailakefii IZ was a minor when his father xlrttivarman Z died* klrttivarman Z had prddably appointed MaAgalela# his half*brother# as a regent* But when the tine came for Hal^galela to hand ever the . throne to Pulake&i ZZ# he had changed his mind in favour of his son* But Pulake&i ZZ gathered a force and fought against Maftgale&a and wrenched his right to the throne* This could only have been possible because imich importance was laid on the hereditary of kingship* so when the time came for i’ulakefci ZZ to claim for his right# he seems to have get enough support from the ministers and the people at large to enable him to overthrow KaAgalefta and succeed to the thrme* This can be deduced from the Aiholo inscription which says *that Naftgale&a# whose great strength became on all 352 sid«8 reduced by the application of the powers of 9«od cotinael and energy gathered him# abandoned# together with the effort to secure the kinfdetn for his own son# both that no mean kingdom of his and 7 his life" • Good counsel and energy probably meant the ministers and the military force ho had to gather for fighting MaA>;ialefia^» The king was highly educated* As a prince or heir * apparent# he was trained in the art of administration and warfare* This snsured a sn»oth •takeover when the time came for ascending the throne# and assuming the reins of the 3tate and discharging his duties in the proper manner* fOnowledge of sciences was essential for the ruler for according to Kautilya* "Just as balls of meal offered to ancestors by a person not learned in the Vedas are unfit to be eaten by wise men# so whoever is not well versed in sciences shall Q be unfit to hear of council deliberations'* • Kendur plates^^ record that both Vijayaditya and Klrttivarman XX were trained in science and the use of arms in their childhood* Cholachagudda platea^^ of Vijayaditya is also eloquent on his mastery over all the lores of weapons in his childhood* His acquaintance with the treatise on the usage of weapons is alluded to in one of 353 his other records alse 12 • The Yuvaraja V or Crown Prince usually acted aa a co-admlnlstrator or took an active part In the a^lnlstratlon of the country* Ite was normally a menaber of the council or a governor of a province or a Coninander of the Army^^. satara^^ copper-plate grant relates that yuvaraja Vlshnuvardhana was stationed at KurumarathX* Grants were made at the Instance of the prince. For example# a grant^® was made by Vlnayadltya at the request of yxivaraja Vljayadltya* 3o alat Vljayadltya nade a grant^® at the request of his son Vlkratiadltya* Yet another 17 • charter records that king Vljayadltya Issued a command to his subjects regarding his s«m Vlkramadltya's conmand to them about a grant* Grants were also sometimes made jointly both by father and son* For Instance# an 18 Inscription fr«n Pattadakal says that a grant was made by vljayadltya and Vlkramadiitya* Mahakuta pillar 19 • inscription of Maftgalefia also states that his father and elder brother made a grant to the god Mahikute^ara- natha* LcOcshtnesvar pillar Inscription 20 records tho constitution granted to the Kahajanas and burgesses of Lakshmesvar* This was drawn ^ip by the heir apparent Vikramaditya IX* This would mean that not only did he help his father in the administration of the kingdom but he sometimes also made independent decisions* 354 Besides they als« gave a.tuuid on the battlefield* Vijayaditya is often said te have assisted his father on the war - front 21 • This was when his . grandfather was equally active in pursuing his campaign in the soath* From this inscription we can presume that even the grandson took part in the state affairs if he was capable enough* Fioreover as inenti<»)ed earlier a grant^^ was made by Vinayaditya at the request of prince Vijayaditya while another inscription^^ records a grant made by Vijayaditya at the instance of his son Vikramaditya* Both were made from UKsir victorious camps which suggests that the cro%m prince most of the time accomp>anied his father on the battlefield* "According to Tolkappiyam« which contains the earliest reference to the institution of kingship in ^iouth India* among the duties of a ruler were learning* sacrificing* giving patronage to poets and scholars* offering protection te the people and punishing evil doers* Probably ha performed sacrifices to propitiate oods and Goddesses with a view to secure their blessings for himself and his subjects"^^* Kautilya^^ says that "the king who is well educated and disciplined in sciences* devoted to good government of his subjects* and bent on doing good to all people* will enjoy the O OOr-ir •arth unopposed** **Zn happiness of the subjects Ilea the happiness of the king and In what is beneficial te the subjects his own benefit****** Therefore* being ever active* the king should carry out the atanagement of material well-^lng**^^* Zn order to achieve the above objective# It was necessary for the king ^ possess exceptional qualities like the three kingly powers • *the majesty or pre • ofolnence of the king himself* (prabhu6aktl)# *the power of good counsel* (mantralaktl) and the force of ener9y* (utsaha^ktl) * The Chalukyas were very much aware of these regal £>o%«ers* Alhole Inscription^*^ of PulakesZ 21 states that he "being 0 23 almost equal to sakra by the three constituents of kingly power that %«ere properly acquired by him* and by his own virtues which were his high lineage and others# he attained the sovereignty of the three • « 29 (countries called) Maharashtraka"* Qiolachagudda plates of Vljayadltya also refers te him as "the Lord (who) t#as the support of the whole world by reason of his having possessed the unimpeded three powers# by reaaon of his being noble and by reason of his blameless conduct* ** The king was more or less a father figure* He was an embodiment of all virtues* Klrtlvaxman ZZ was successful In overcoming the six kinds of passions In o 56 k««ping with the laws of lostras^^* MahaJcuta pillar «% A inscription describes Pulalcefii Z as Besides the king was coiiq;>ared to Gods and Mythological heroes for their various notable fjualities* The king having suprwne powers could have become a despot* But a perusal of the records would reveal that they were very much concerned about their subjects* 357 MaAgalefta is compared with Yudhlsthlra for keeping • • his promises# MandhStri and Vainya for their fame and Brihaspati and U&anas for intelligena«^^» Pulake&i ZZ %ias equalled to Nriga# Nahusha# Yayati« Dhundhumara^^# Ambarlsha# oafiaratha and Hs« for being firm, is compared to the meuntains M e m # 37 38 Malaya and Mandara • Ganjan copper plates compare Vikramaditya Z with Arjuna for his victory on the battlefields* Vinayaditya is compared to Yudhisthira• • for having an affectionate nature and Bharata for being an asylum of kings^*. Zn another record^® he is said to be akin to YUdhisthira fer his loving disposition# Vasudeva# lrt»rSma (the lord of fortune)# para&urama# Nrit^liAkufta (a goad te the kings) and Bharata Rajalraya* He is citso compared to rarakarati (Kirttikeya) for carrying out the command of his father whe in turn is compared to Balendusekhara (siva)^^< Vijayaditya was like Zndra the Lord of the world* On the other hand we can surmise that since the smritis gave a divine status te the king and in order to acquire this status# the kings took recmirse to such tactics like comparing themselves to various divinities and personalities se as to bear influence on their subjects* The king was considered as the guardian of the social structure and moral upliftment of the people* 358 He was responsible for maintaining peace and ordery provldlnf security to the people aa %iell as for the general well<4>einf of the peoplei protecting the subjects from foreign invasion and internal insurgent* To (nalntaln this image and to carry out this onerous task he was aided by the laws prescribed in the various lastras* Vikrarr^aditya ZZ was well Instructed in the use of arms^^. Pulake&l Z was conversant with the code of laws of Manu and the Puranas and tlie epics of Ramayana and the 3harata^^« He was also equally familiar with political and religious phllosop}^ for he is compared to Brihaspati* Chiplun copper plate^^ grant of Pulake&i ZZ records that he was so intelllyent that he could examine and understand even the finer points of the various lastras* He is described as an abode of the power of statesnanship and humility and other good qualities and having dignity IDce Hahusha^^* A Chalukya grant^^f Vija/araja says that he was devoted to governing his subjects in the proper manner* He had % a lot of compassion for the poor* the blind# the unfortunate ones and those who came to him for shelter and protection* Vikramadltya ZZ % Most of the sources on the Hindu Polity maintain that the duty of the king was to pro-cect tne social 359 order lMs*d on the vamaSrama syatara^®* The Chalukyan kings alao ae«n to have considared this as the best way of lceepin9 their subjects l«e» upholding and maintaining this institution of vamas (four->£old classss) and airamas (four-fold orders of. llfe)^®* For the preservation of this system# the king followed the •trlvarga* doctrine®^ or the three pursuits of life l«e« dharma (maintenance of the religious systfaas)* kona (enJoyr.ent of family life) and artha (enjoyment of property)* 'iHie king was also the custodian of law and justice. He was supposed to be the Chief Justice / of his kingdom* we notice that Kaftjalela was firm when It ca:ne to dlspenslnf Justice in his state^^* A study of the inscriptions would reveal that the Chalukya kings were very much conscious of their duties* The kin>;^s have Issued several grants while encamping at different places like Rasenapura^^# MaAchoha vlllage^^# Kuhundi^ clty« village Marrura^^* • • • • Talayakhada->gratni^and• Bhandaragavittage®^* • • • • These camps %rare not always at the battlefield because in that case the records would have mentioned them as victorious camps* These encampments would suggest that the king preferred to give personal attention to the %ralfare of the people in the different parts of his state* These 3G0 visits also enabled hin to get first-hand information on the affairs of the state while at the s«ne time he could keep a check on his officials and personally instruct them* This is evident from some records where the charters have been specifically addressed to various officials and at other times to the people in general* The king was the supreme conmander of his azmy and he normally lad his army on the battle*field« Occasionally this duty was entrusted to the yuvaraja or even to the grand-son# the would be yuvaraja* as we have seen above* Grants wer« often made while the kings were encamped in some place or other after a victorious military expedition* For example we have grants made from camps at ?^ityavad«^^» Marivasati^^ in Karahataka# village Gavittaqe®®# Chitrasedu®^ * • • village# Kisuvolal®^# Uragapura®^# Raktaxjura^# on the bank of the river sinna « Slumpundale village# Karahatanajara^^* on the bank of Pampa river# Karanjapatra®® village# Rasenanagara®®. Kamool plates 70 of Vikratnaditya • Z says that he conquered in many battles by means of the horse callod Chitrakantha and his sword. He is eulogised as such in almost all the grants where he is mentimed* Zt further describes 3G1 ■ him as he who "acquired £or himself the (regal) fortune of his father* which had been interrupted by a confederacy of three kin9s« and then made the burden of the whole kingdOR to be presided over b y one (sole monarch)i who confirmed the grants to Gods and Brahmans# which had been confiscated under (those same) three kings# and who con have an Instance fcon the Kendur74 plates where Vljayaditya is said to have been captured by the enenv ^ t he sorae^K>w managed to escape from their clutches* Sven when he was probably a yuvaraja he was described as the *uprooter of the clisnps of thorns (springing up) arocmg the kings of the south * whom his grandfather was the conqtxeror# exceeding In valour In the business of war# his father who desired to conquer the north# he surrounded his enemies# and with his arrows destroyed their elephant forcos# In the same manner as his father# captured from the hostile kings he had put to flight# the Oanga# Yaimina# and Pall flags# the even otherwise# without any achievement to their name# inscriptions sometimes eulo^sised their prowess on the battlefield* But of course# not all of them were exaggerations for kings like i^lakc&i ZZ deserved all the credit# for it was no mean task to acquire all that was lost during the strife with his uncle Maftgalefia* There^ter Vikrair.aditya 1 also had to retrieve his kinqdom from the hands of the Pallavas* 3G4 The Chalukyan )clngs had adopted imx>erlal titles like Maharajadhiraja* Parank3&vara« Kajadhiraja# Sainastabhtivaneftraya# Parama-bhattaraka pxt^bly to • • connote their paraittount sovereign status* The use of these epithets was not a mere attempt to give them* selves undue importance but was Justified considering their trail of conquests and the extent of their empire* Moreover the records are vary specific when they attribute the title paramefivara to Pulako&i IX by saying that he acquired it after defeating Harsha* 77 vardhana« the Lord of all the region of the north • This imperial status is aqain Justified by the number of sacrifices performed by thcsro indicating their unquestioned suprome position* Great importance se«ns to have been given to V sacrificial ceremonies for most of the inscriptions mention the sacrifices performed by the kings of this 78 dynasty* Pulake&i Z par formed the lliranyavjarbha 79 sacrifice* A&vamedha sacrifice and other sacrifices like Avjnishtoma# vSjapeya and Pa\andarika according to the ^rauta rites^^* In fact Pulakefii I has come to be identified as the one whose body was purified by ablutions (avabritha snana) performed after celebrating the a&vamedha sacrifice* The Chalukyas as was the 365 practice In general were purl£led with sacred ablutlmis after the performance of the Agnlshtoma# Agnichayaxia# Vajape/a# Paundarlka# Bahusuvama# Q« A&vatnedha and Rajasu/a rites • Benevolencc and promoter of religion were also among the other qualities of a Icing* Most of the charters record grants made to learned brahmins and non-brahtnins and tttnples* Besides this# they constructed teraples and installed images in thera®^. Nerur®^'Vlates of Vijayaditya records the grant of the village HDculantbo to eight brahmans who were well • versed in the Vedas and VedaAyas. V/»kkaleri®^ plates of id^rtti* varman Z granted villages to Madhava&ar^ian# a brahmin* Badand inscription reveals that King MaAjale^a made provisions for the revenue of the Nipinmallnjaftvara to be used for daily offerings to Lord Narayana nnd for giving charitable relief to sixteen brahmans and distributing such food as r«nain3 to be eaten by mendicants* Those grants were also made to increase 85 the religious merit of his parents and of himself * The king KaAgale^ took pleasure in worshipping the Oods and twice»bom «id spiritual preceptors86 • Besides most of these records end with imprecatory verses* In order to preserve and protect these grants* 3G6 th« kings had to take recourse to such Imploratlons 07 and threats derived from the texts of Manu and 88 vyasa • This shows that the gifts were held In high esteem and any harm Inflicted on them would have Invited the wrath of the Oods* Moreover It also says that **thls (grant) should be preserved by future klngs« whether they belong to our lineage or to other families# as long as the moon and the sun and the earth and the ocean last# just as If It were a grant bestowed by themselves# bearing In mind that the charms of life and riches St c.are as evanescent 89 as the lightning*” This shows that the kings were aware that their posltlmi as rulers of the land permanently was doubtful and any time they could be dethroned by the next conquering king and their lineage would be curtailed. He might be paying same respect to the grants maie by previous kings as he expects others to do so to the grants made by him* Hence to protect their subjects and to prevent the revoking of their land given as gifts# they had to adopt such means taking advantage of the «feakness and the superstitious beliefs of the masses* As for his personal life# the king could have 90 more than one wife • Besides he seems to have had SG7 concubines too» In one of the inscriptions^^ of the time of vlJaySditya# Vlnapotl# a harlot and also the donor# Is described as the heart's darling (prana«vallabha) of Vljayadltya* The fact that It is recorded in che inscription would also suggest that It was quite normal and customary to have such araorous associations* Generally the rulers were males* But we have reason to believe that ViJayabhattarika« wife of • • Chandradltya# ruled after his d«nise for sometime* We have charters issued by her probably during her 92 reign • Besides this* the female m«nbers o£ the royal fardly enjoyed certain privileges* Tt»y sonetimes figured in the affairs of the state* They constructed temples# made donations vid caused endowments of grants# etc* LokamahadevI# wife of Vitcramaditya ZZ# renewed the contract which had been •• 93 granted to the singers earlier by vijayaditya * LokamahadevI^# TrailokyamahadevI and Kumkumadevl®® constructed temples* VinayavatX# mother of Vijayaditya# installed the images of gods Urahma# Visnu• • and MaheSvara and also probably conferred grants for its maintenanoa^^* Grants were also made on their requests* A grant^*^ was made by Vijaylditya at the request of 3G8 Kunilcuniadevi* Pulake&i 22 has also conferred a gremt to carry out the 'saflOcalpa slddi* or the vow to please the gxiru of his first queen Kadaniba Mal^devI^^* This was also•probably done at her instance* so also« Vinayaditya made a grant at the request of his queen 99 as recorded in his Poona plates* Mith these observations# we will now discuss the officials and administrative system followed by the Chalukyas* Officials I Though the king was the supreme head of the state his power was prevented from becoming absolute due to various clicks ii^sed by the ministers and the laws of the f^stras and customs of the country* 100 Manu says t ”Bven an undertaking easy (in itself) is (sometimes) hard to be accomplished by a single mcni how much (harder it is for a king)# especially (if he has) no assistant# (to govern) a kingdom which yields great revenues*" According to Kautilya^®^ • "sovereignly (rSjatva) is possible only with assistance* A single wheel can never move* Ilsnce he shall «npley ministers and hear their opinion*** 3Gn w« do not 9«t any direct reference to the council of rainlaters or inantri<4aandaXa but references • • to ministers like MahSsandhlvlgrahlka* etc# suggests or Inqplles that there were definitely some personnels • who were In charge of carrying out the onerous administrative functions of the state* Moreover we also get royal orders directly addressed to officials nice vlsayapatlf etc«« which confirms that the a^lnlstratlve duties were entrusted to these functionaries* That there was a coterie of ministers Is no doubt certain* This Is because In the absence of the klng» when he was on his campaigns# the administration of the state had to be placed In the hands of some responsible persons* The term mantrl-mandala Is referred to In the Pallava Inscription 102 On the basis of this information we can safely assume the existence of a same or similar body in the chalulcyan administration* The exact nature of their status# power# duties and in what capacity they functioned cannot be determined from the inscriptlms because the purpose of the charters was to record the endowments* Hence we do not have any clear account of the Infrastructure of the administrative machinery and the position of the functionaries in this set-up* Only an attempt can be made to reconstruct the pattern of administration on the basis of the references O'370 to officials in inscriptions and the context la which thsy are mentioned* with this little information at our disposal we will now move on to discuss and analyse the officials together with their position# I>ower and status they held# to the extent possible* As we will proceed further# we will observe that the Chaluk/as had evolved quite an elaborate administrative system • Firstly# the king heading the central administration# the yuvarajas or notable personalities heading the provincial acbninistrati Prime Minister We do not get direct reference to the Prime Minister but from the description of vyaghrasvSnin of the Oodachi^^^ plates it would seem that he was I probably holding this office* He is referred to as Kahabrahmana and Brihaspati* Further he is described as rajya-sarvasva-dhurandhara %rhich means *he \AiO held the foremost resp Syuktakat viniygktaxa# Niyukta (Hiyuktaka) i Xyukta means* appointed^ charged withf a minister* an agent or deputy The term viniyuktaka a\eans "attached to» appoint^* ccnnissioned tot applied to, employed in; mjoined# cocmnandetf”^^'^* Both terms more or less mean the same* sircar^^^ thinks that Viniyuktaka was an official who was a subordinate serving under a higher officer# an official probably under the ?(yuktaka« 119 Similarly# according to him Niyuktaka was a sub* ordinate officer isnder the Xyuktaka* The official desicinations Viniyuktaka and Ayuktaka occur in the grants of dynasties like the <^ptas« tha Vallabhis# etc«^^^ in the (^lukyan records# the bexm Viniyuktaka occurs in the Navsari^^^ plates of Pulake&iraja* It is preceded by tha 374 Official Syukta* In the grant of vinayadltya-^^ satyaftraya we aee the Miyukta annoiincing to the king, the excellent tributes (ratna) received in the palace* The texm ayukta also figures in the list of functionaries addressed in the Jendraka ** record of Alla^akti and 124 • the Goa grant of Dhruvaraja Indravarman* In the 125 Gupta inscription of 5th Century a «d * the ^yuktaka had to submit all particulars adeeming some land transactions and present the case before a District Board (Adhisthana or Adhikarana) for its final decision^ • • # B ^ a in his Harshacharita also refers to the official Xyxikta^^*^. considering all these evidences we can ' conclude that Xyukta was concerned# in some capacity# with the revenue department* In that case Viniyuktaka and Niyukta# if they were subordinates of ?(yuktaka« were also probably attached to the same department* Baladhikrta/Mahabaladhikrta i ...... it t„.„ 128 The tezm Baladhikrta occtirs in the :^rat plates of Sryaferaya Siladitya* Reference is made of two persons holding this title* One of them has written the charter while the other was the dutaka of the charter* This official is referred to in the Karshacharita 1 2 9 and i^asabari^^^ of Sana and in the Rashtrakuta• • grant^^^* He was the commander of an azny* His superior was probably O375 Mahabaladhlkrta who la referred to In the Navsari^^^ plates of i^lakefelraja* He was the 00nmander«>in->Chlef of the arny* This term flares in the records of the Guptas* Haltra)cas and Kalachurls^^^* According to Baladhlkziui might be the military secretary of the king# who conveyed the royal orders* Considering the context In which the term has occurred we could assume that Baladhlkrta was an officer In the army but In times of peace# he vras also assigned the Job of writing and conveying grants* t ahoqlkas or ahoqe^^atl • This officer probably represented the administrative division of bhoga* He flgxares in the list of officials mentlcmed In the chalxtkyan grants* We come across the term bhoglka in the Lohner plates^of Pulakefil 11# 137 • Manor platesof Vlnayadltya MaAgalarasa# Haslk 138 •• 139 plates of Ohara&rayaJayaslAha# Anjanerl plates of Bhogasaktl and the Sanjan plates^^^ of Buddhavarasa* sometimes we get t)^ term gr&nabhoglkas^^^ Instead of bhoglka* Grama«4>hoglka was probably lower In status than the bhoglka in the official hierarchy* He probably functioned on the village level and assisted the bhoglka In the general adnnlnistratlon of the unit bhoga* o376 ChSra I vas meaning socrat messengers* in other words spies* «rere vital figures in the retinue of officials attached to the king* in deference to the suggestions made b/ the smritikaras^^^# the king seecos to have api^ointed his spies* The Kahakuta^^^ pillar inscription specifically mentions that MaAgalela was skillful in selecting spies (charas) and messengers (dutas)* The inscription also implies that these spies helped to alia/ the fears of danger from enemies* They kept the kinf informed about the happenings around him* This helx>ed the king in detecting corruption amongst his ministers# averting crimes and protecting himself from any conspiracy being plotted against him* etc* Chata and ahata i --- 1______The term chata«bhata was a cocranon occurrence in « • practically all inscriptions recording land grants from different parts of the countryof the period* several • 145 Chalukyan grants declare that the gifted land was exempted from the entry of chatas and bhatas* According to Vogel^^^ was the same as cKar or head of a pargana who was responsible for the administration of a district# collecticm of revenue and the apprehension of criminals while bhata was his subordinate* Bhagwanlal 377 147 • • Xndraji translates the term as chatan • pratlbhatah • • and explains It as 'soldiers against robbers* and to be a name of the royal police* Both Buhler^^® and 149 Fleet are of the opinion that the tezm stands for regular and irregular soldiers* The term also occurs in the Abhona plates of '.‘Sankaragana^^^* Pathak; interprets it as rogues and servants who tell lies on the basis of a passage in saflkaracharya's Bhasya and the explanation of XnandaJnSna^^^* Mirashi states that they were royal servants whose duty was to maintain peace and order in the kingdom i«e* they were modem policwnen and soldiers^®^* Devahuti^®^ says that the ordinary members of the police force were called cha^ and bhata* In the Harsha «• charita the term c)»ra-bhata • • was used for soldiers in the vanguard of the infantry* 154 • Surat plates of Maitraka Vyaghrasena records that the hamlet granted should not be entered by irregular or regular soldiers* unless (in order to arrest) rotibera or persons guilty of treasmi* According to Beni prasad^^^ they also investigated crimes* They probably belonged to the royal force* Their duty was both military and police* They maintained peace and order and apprehended criminals* They were not stationed at one place but moved from place to place canping on the way* The local people were expected to provide for o 78 their atay which was an additional burden on then* . -Besides they %fere probably feared by the people because o£ their rouyh behaviour and harassment* These were probably the reasons why they wore ordered not to enter the territory o£ the dcmee* SYen today there is a coanunity known as cha^ in some parts of coastal Orissa* They qo from village to village singing eulogies of the families and songs from the epics and in return receive alios from ttw villagers* • Chauroddharanikas t - ...... ■ t. . The term means ' thief<^atcher or one who exterminates thieves*This official is mentioned •t in the records of AllaiaTcti^^"^* According to sircar^^®# Chauroddharani)ca is an official designation indicating an officer in charge of the recovery of stolen property# 159 a police officer* He is also menticmed in tha Oupta # Maitrakas^^^ and Rashtral^ta^^^ grants* He vras probably • • the one who was in charge of investigation# apprehending criminals and putcing them behind bars* Dandapaftika i This official is mentioned in the Kasare^^^ plates and Bagumra^^^ plates of Alla&akti of the ^i^ndraka family* o 7.9 Oand«pa&Uca• • was \mll-lmovn In those times* For 164 instance* the term occurs in the Gupta inscriptions and in the Vallabhi grants^®*. The dandls (rod- • • wielders) mentioned in the Harsha-charita^^^ ara projected as police officers maintaining law and order amvmg the crowd watching the Xing in the military procession* Oandapasika means a person 'holding the • • fetters or noose of punishroenti a head police-officer# polic«nan. Hence this official was probably a police officer who was in charge of maintaining law and order# apprehending criminals and criminal justice* Oe&adhipati t This official is referred to in the Lakshmesvar inacriptim of YUvaraja Vikramaditya 11^^®* It records the periodical taxes that viere to be paid to the deladhipati* ^niis order was addressed to the Mahajanas and burgesses of the town of Lakshmesvar* This %rauld mean that deladhipati was a revenue collector in the administrative organization of the territorial unit of dela* He was responsible for collecting revenue from the towns and villages that came under his jurisdictimi* This official was probably t)M same as Uefiadhikrita 169 mentioned in the early Pallava record* 380 pS&illaJca I This •fficial is mentioned almg with sSnantss# Vissyapstia# Bhegikas# Rashtrakutas« Gramakutas# • • • • Mahattara and Adhikarika in tha Kanar plates o£ Vinayaditya KaAgalarasa^^^* Aocardinf ta Krishna ueva^ Uelillaka «ras associated with tha administration of a defia which was one of the administrative units of tha tima^^^* In tha prasont state of our knowledge it is difficult to speculate his nature of duty even though Oikshit^'^^ thinks that this term may be synonymous with oe&^hipati* But the occurrence of De&illakas after Gr£i)akutas and before Mahattandhikari in the list of officers woxild indicate their status to some extent* Divira&atl t This post was held by Bhatte Rudranaga who was also holding ttte high offices of mahasandhivigrahika and akshapataladhikaranadhilurta* Ha is further styled • • • as Niravadya • parame&vara* He had drafted the grant of tha Manar plates of Vinayaditya MaAgalarasa^^^* This designation (divlrapati) was introducod by the Kaitrakas of Vallabhi in their administratio«^^^« There too he sometimes had the combined offic» of divlrapati* mahasafldhivigrahakshapataladhipati and pramatri^'^^* It 381 tMuld 8«aa that this p*mt of divlrap«tl was rst«ln«d in the tints mf ths chialukyss* , since this office was combined with the high offices of minister of « peace and war and revenue minister# it can be presuned that dlivirapati was alse an equally high post* Oivirapati was probably the head of diviras (clerXs)^^^* >fm cannot take the meaning of / clerk from the present day context. Hs was most pr^Mbly the chief of the :>ecretariat or the Oiief ^iecretary* Durqapati i - 177 - A Chalukya grant of Uhruvaraja Indravarman refers to vijayaraja# the maker of the &asana» as a durgai>ati« He was the cemaander of the fortress* He was in charge of the administration of the fort* He was not probably a high dignitary* Hs was probably i one among the many dignitaries posted at the various forts built toy the chalukyas because %» know froa their inscriptims that they were quite adept at 178 constructing fortresses for defence purposes * Duta/i3utaHa i - 179 Duta means a messenger* envoy or ao^ssador Duta was probably a secret messenger as distinguished from a chara ( a spy) in the Mahakuta pillar inscriptim 180 382 whara MaAgale&a is credited with being highly skilled In selecting spies (chara) and messengers (duta)* A dutaka on the ether hand ceuld be any high official 181 holding other high poets as well* In the Surat plates of sryasraya slladltya* the baladhlkxtia Is also • 182 a dutaka* The dutaketra of the Banskhera plato and 1 ft ^ Madhuban plate of Karsha was i-ahaprarnatarrnahasamanta ^rl okandagupta* The Mahabaladhlkrta of the Vadner^^ plates of Buddharaja of tho Kalachurl dynasty# was also the dutaka of the grant. A Rashtrakuta grant records that the messenger (dutaka) of tho grant was one Adltyavarmmaraja* These Instances would suggest that the office of a dutaka was an important one held by a 18S responsible officer* As suggested by Fleet his duty was to convey the charter from the court# where It waa Issued* to tho local authorities concerned (or carry Important messages to the court of neighbouring countries}* Qamaqainlka t This term flg\ires In the Kasare IBfi plates of Alla&aktl of tho sendraka family* According to 187 Mlrashi Oamagamlka# literally meaning one who superintends the ogress and Ingress of travellars# was evidently an Inspector of passports and similar to 383 an o££ic«r called Mudzadhyalcsha raentlonsd In tha Artha&astra of Kautilya* iCana^®® thinks that ha was some Hind e€ a messenger* titpala coinmenting mi the Brhatsamhlta«• identifies Outa with Gamag^ikam 18Q • This is imlikely because in the Kasara plates mentioned mm M above as %«ell as in the Pala inscriptions both duta and garoaganilca are mentioned as separate officials* c^amundas i Gamunda was probably synonynnous to a Qramaku^* He was the village Headman who was in charge of the overall administration of the village* He is referred to in several inscriptions of the Chalukyas^^^* He was probably essisted by the FCarana or village accountant* 192 • Adur inscription records that the Gamundas and • • Karanas had to request Madhavatti-arasa to permit t h m for donating seme land* >jSnundas• • had considerable power where the village administration was concerned* Prom 193 the Annigeri inscription of Kirttivarman ZZ we know that the Oamunda• • of Jebulageri • was responsible for the construction of a chediya (chaitya or Jaina teinple}* Similarly an inscriptiwi^®^ of the time of kirttivaman Z informs us that a Jinalaya or Jaina temple was built by a ciSnnunda* Prom this it can be inferred that theso • • people were not only influential but also wealthy* 384 Oramakuta i ------L- This •fflclal was the head «f a grwia or a 195 vlllaga • He was one of the addressees of the grant* Grama being the vnallest administrative unit* the gr^aicu^ came low in the official hierarchy unless he was in charge of a few hamlets* 3ut at the same time he was in closer contact with the villagers* He was involved in the local administration of the village* He acted as the mediator between the people and the Govomment, All comminicationa# from the higher authorities wero addressed to him and probably vice versa* Karana t ___ 1— Karanas are mentioned along with the Gamundas 196 • in the Adur inscription as requesting Madhavatti-arasa to give th«R permission to grant some land* A stono inscription from Halgeri mentions a certain Garoja who is described as the three-fold governor of Kopana and Lord of Gutti and was also holding the office of a • • Karana^®"^* Karana literally means a writer or a scribe* • • 198 Karana also means a clerk or an accoiintant * This word was probably derived from the reed pen *karanl'* IQQ In the Manor plates one of the titles held by Bhatta • • Rudranaga was akshapataladhi-lcaranadhikrta* Here the • • • association of karana with akshapataladhikrta suggests 385 that he als« lacked after the acc«unta department* Karanaa were probably In charge of keeping accounts* They helped the the admlnistratian of tha gSnuncla• • In village* i^en now, Karanas are an important clasa in certain parts of the country# like Orissa* They are mostly found holding jobs in the administrative field* Mahaianas^ Mahattaraa and Mahallakas i Among the administrative officials we also notice two terms i*e* Mahajanas^^^# Mahattaras or Mahattaradhikaria* Mahattara literally means the head or oldest man of the village or elder of a town or village^®^* According to Beni Prasad^®^# Mahattaras were the elders of the village^^^* Oas takes tho Mahattara to bo a village headman on the basis of tho Santigrama grant of oandimalwdevl of the 3hauma*kara • • dynasty of Orissa^®^* sircar^®* opines* that tho Mahajanas were brahmana residents of the entire villagei # all the members of the village aas«rblyt general body of the liabhi or village assembly* Altekar20fi maintains that Mahajanas included all tho heads of the villago families* and perhaps all the adult populatim as well* Ho equates the term Mahajana with Mahattara as one and the same which is highly likely^®^* Wo also find that 386 Mahijttnas «nd MahSttaras nevar occurred tegather* Henca# prabably thay ware ana and tha same* vvatavar may be tha case %ra can clearly deduce frani the records that thay %#ere very much respansible far tha administration •f the tawns ar villages* Didgur Inscriptlaii 208 records that the Mahajanas are tha reclpienta af sane tax 209 assigned ta them under the ajnders af tha king* A record of Vijayaditya states that aanniyur was administered by tha Mahajanas* Another inscriptia^^^roro tha Durga templa at Aihale clearly says that tha city was headed by tha Mahajanas* Their sanctimi was necessary when it cama ta transferring of land^^^« Moreover the Lakshmeswar pillar inscriptiaa 212 of yuvaraja • Vikramaditya « Z2 declares a charter af rights and duties given to tha mahajanas# nagaras and eighteen prakritis of the town of i^rigera*• Tha Mahajanas are enjoined by the royal authority to collect taxes periodically fram every household as per their capacity for meeting festival expenses/ fines for offences* similarly tha Mahattaras or Mahattaradhikarins performed the same duties as the Mahajanas* Mahattaras are conmonly referred to along with the administrative heads of various divisions and officials* Far example Anjaneri platea^^^ of Bhoga&akti# Sanjan plates^^^ of Buddhavarasa« Kaira grant^^® of Vijayaraja* satara^^® 217 copper plates of Vishnuvardhana Z« Abhona plates of 387 218 •219 Sankftra^Ana* Vadner platas •£ Buddharaja , iCasar« plates of Allala)ctl« Naslk p l a t e s ^ •£ Dhara&raya* Jayasiiftha rafer to Mahattaras* From these evidences we can deduce that the Mahajanas and the Mahattaras were associated with tha royal officers in the management of the rural and urban affairs* They assisted the administrative head of the village or town in the discharge of the duties pertaining to its administration* since theywere landholders in it« they also had propriotozy interest too^^^. The reference in the Anjaneri 222 plates of Bhogafiakti to eight or sixteen Mahallakas as talcing decision on the right standard of punishment# clearly indicates that they formed some sort of a present day village panchayat* Prom the above observations it can be said that it was a body of important# noble personalities# responsible# elderly and wealthy citizens* i^en now in some parts of the country# especially Orissa# a mahajana means a wealtl^ landlord/trader who virtually controls the local econony* Mahasandhivigrahika i AS %#e have mentioned earlier# this official is mentioned in almost all the Chalukyan records* Ha S88 w«8 credited with draftin9 and writing the charters* Sandhi stands for peace and vigraha means war* This indicates that a Mahasiuidhiviyrahika was heading the departnient of peace and war or foreign affairs* He was probably assisted by sandhivigrahikas* He not only maintained diplomatic relations with the foreign and neighbouring countries but %ias also probably in charge of the genealogical records of the Icings, and their conquests and achievements* He must have also had access to information on the land holdings and its revenue yield* This can bo borne out by the fact that sometimes this office was ccxobined with the office of 223 revenue and the secretariat* The Manor grant was drafted Qhatta Rudranaga who was a divirapati • * (chief of the secretariat}* foreign minister (Kahasandhivigrahi) and revenue minister (akshapataladhi • karanad^U.k^a) • He had the title of Hiravadyaparame&vara* Since he was a minister for peace and war he generally accompanied the king on his official tours of the country 224 and his military campaigns* 'the Oadval plates of Vikramaditya Z was written by Mahasandhivigrahika Jayasena* The grant was issued when their victorious camp was encamped in Uragapura* Ra.-napunyavallabha a mahasandhl* vigrahika wrote the Jamalagama edict which was issued • — 225 when the king was camping at Rasenapura * Hence a 380 ftehasSndhlvigrahllca was th« inost competent person to write out the charters ef the dynasty* Zt also infers that he was an influential minister and was « probably ene of the concil ministers who advised the king in the matters of the state* This minister during Harsha's reign was knowi as (Maha-saAdhi* 226 vigraha->adhi)crita • writers of thm inscripticms of Buddharaja were designated as Mahas^dhivigraha* adhikarana-adhiYcrta^^^*• • Navsari plates^^® of iAilake&iraja of the Chalukyas of Oujarat also refer to an official called Mahasandhivigrahika who was also a samanta* The grant of Vijayaraja was written by mahasandhivi9raha«-adhikrit The post of Mahasandhivigrahika was often hereditary in nature* Jayasena was the Mahasandhivigrahika 229 during the time of vikramaditya Z * His son*in-law (Jamatr) Ramapunyavallabha^^^ was a Mahasandhivigrahika • • _ . 231 in the reign of vinayaditya and Vijayaditya * This appointment came about probably because Jayasena did not have a son and h«»nce was succecKled by his son*in-law* But later on# this post became hereditary because the successive Mahasandhivigrahikas belcmged to the Punyavallabha family* During the rule of king Vijayaditya# RSntapxinyavallabha was succeeded by Niravadyapunyavallabha 390 ae minister of peace and war232 . Anlvarlta Punyavallabha served In the sante capacity In the reign of vlkramadltya IX • In the reign of Klrttivarman II# Dhananjaya i\inyavallabha inherited this post 234 • Thus we see that this pest was hereditary and also probably socnetimes nepetistic too« Pradhana t sagula Svainl oTkshita was the Chief minister (Pradhana) according to the sanjan plates of Buddhavarasaraja• 235 • His duty was probably equivalent to the Prime minister except that here he was the overall head of the administration of a province* Pratihara i This official is mentioned in the sanjan plates 236 of Buddhavaraaa • He was probably the gate-keeper of the village i«e« the village watchman* Pratihara# probably# was a royal household officer* He sometimes acted as an escort to the visitors of the king and in coamunlcatlng the royal decrees to the official concerned 237 * 391 RashtraJcuta t . T T Rashtrakuta# an the analagy of gramakuta was the head of a rastra# a territorial xinlt under the • • Chalukyas* This term generally precedes the gramakuta In the list of officials mentioned in the chalukyan 238 «• records • Moreover rastra# • was a analler unit than a vlMya under the Chalukyas* This suggests that the Rashtrakuta was probably lower in status than the • • » visayapati in the administrative hierarcl^ and probably was entrusted with the overall administration* Vasavaka t This officer is mentioned in the list of the 239 O f f i c i a l s addressed in the Navsari plates of mm M 240 • Pulake&iraja. In the Kaira plates of Vijayaraja# the dutaka was one Nannavasai^aka as edited by Fleet. Here he has taken vasapaka as a suffix* But according 241 • •• to Mirashl vasapaka is an official designation of the person Nanna who was also the dutaka of the grant* 242 «• •• • • According to alrcar vasavaka is the same as vasapaka. This official was probably in charge of making arrangements for the accomodation of touring royal officers and strangers as stated by Mirashl 243 • S32 Vlsa/ap«tl • Vlsayapati or the head of a visaya was a • • well-knownofficer In the ancient time. Visaya was a well-known administrative unit of the period* He was one of the functionaries during the time of the Guptas 244 • similarly he figures in the records of the i>alaAkayana^^^ and later in the time of Harsha^^^* This official is also mentioned in several inscriptions Of the Chalukyas— 247 • The grants were generally addressed to a gxroup of officials like samantas« bhogikas# visayapati/ rashtrakuta# gr^akuta# grwnabhogika# kula» mahattara* • • • and adhikaris and ayuktakas. During the Gupta period# he was said to have had his office# called adhikarana# at the adhishthana• which was the headquarter of a visaya • . , Most probably the same practice continued in the time of the Chalukyas* He was probably responsible for the \ maintenance of law and order# Judicial function and revenue collection in the area under his Jurisdiction* As he is addressed directly in the inscription it would appear that he was responsible directly to the central authority for the administration of the visaya* He was more or less like the present day District collector* Other than these above - mentioned officials# 249 there were scribes (lekhaka)# engravers# etc * O Om Besides* there tnust have been other officials too but since most of the inscriptions were in the nature of a grant there was no occasion for mentioning all of them* But there must have been a treasury department under the charge of a treasurer along with his assistants# similar to the Ko^adhya^csa under 250 contemporary rulers lilce the Pallavas • similarly there must have been an archives department where the •fficial records %iere kept and maintained* This department also must have had an officer-in-charge* There was probably a jjurohita# as prescribed by Kautilya 251 • who performed all the religious ceremonies. Being brahmins# they may have also helped the king in understanding the Sastras thereby influencing the king in formulating laws for safeguarding the social# religious and moral structure of the society* Udayadeva* pandita was said to have been the priest of vijayaditya*s father Vinayaditya^^^* ^rJtrwghacharya was the preceptor «• 253 (guru) of Vikramaditya X • Likewise there mi w« have discussed the administrative officials and their functions to some extent. The qualifications required by the ministers and officials can be conjectured from some of the descriptions recorded in the inscriptions* The ministers who held key positions in the administrative hierarchy were highly educated, vyaghrasvaminm 254 , tha Prime Minister# was a learned Brahman* He was proficient in the Vedas and VedaAgas; well - versed in the science of polity! had mastered subjects lllce grammar# logic# poetry# drama# historical literature# music and Puranas* He was styled Ma^^rahmana and Brlhaspati of that age* Similarly sagula ivimi oTkshlta^^^, the Chief Minister# had studied many lastras* rhese attributes of the ministers seem to come close to the standards prescribed by law«makars • We often see that the charters were drafted by high officials like the Mahasandhivigrahika* The style of writing scwnetlmes in poetic form sug jests that a high standard of education were the requirements for holding a position in the office* We do not get any evidence about the appointment of ministers but we can assume that most of th««n were api^inted by the king* This is because the king directly issued commands to than through charters* enforcement of justice was also carried out by the king through officials^ 395 Tho king laid do%Ri the laws which was to be enforced by the officials* Out we sometimes observe that considerable power was also entrusted to the officials* 257 For example Balagamve inscription infoztns that the official remitted certain fees which would normally have been accrued to the king* Besides sometimes appointment was hereditary as %re have seen in the case of the Mahasandhivigrahikas* From the above informations we can conclud« that the chalukyas had a reliably good administrative system with the guidance of the iastras* Local administration t The village (grama) was the snialleat administrativa unit* It was headed by the gamunda or grainakuta* He was • • • assisted by the Kahajanas (heads of families) and Karanas (accountants)* As discussed earlier# the gamundas are known from inscriptims to have constructed Jaina ^CQ ^ temples * The gamundas along with karanas are said to have requested Madhavattl - arasa for (Permission to donate land* riwy received orders directly fron the royal authority* Besides# they probably had to work in collaboration with Mahijanas who had the interest ef the village at heart* we notice that the socio • eocmomic • S9G matters were dealt by the Mahajanas. rhey governed villages# received tax# gave sanction for alienating land as donaticm 259 • As far as to%m administration was concerned the Lakshmesvar inscription of yuvaraja Vikramaditya IX con be taken as a piece of representative testimonial* It lays dovnn certain constitutional duties which implies that there were no set rules to be applied to the state as a whole* Rules were constituted separately for different areas* The yuvaraja issues a charter of rights and duties (achara-vyavasthe) to the Mahajanas# nagaras (burgesses) and the eighteen prakritis of Perigere* Zt enjoins the royal officials (rajapurushar) to protect certain royal and civil rights* Besides# the inscription gives instruction as to the ameunt of tax to be paid to the various guilds (seni) like those of braziers (kaiichagara) • • and oil- Provincial Administration i The king was the head of the administrative organization* Ha was probably assisted by a council of ministers* But generally# provinces were governed by the yuvarajas#• relatives and samantas or feudatories*261 They were assisted by the divisional officers like the 387 vlsayapatis#• rashtrakutas# • • gramakutas# • etc* Royal orders were generally addressed to these officials# to be carried out by th«n* We have already discussed the officials and their probable duties* The feudatories were those who recognised the Chalukyan sovereignty# owed allegiance to them# paid periodical tributes to th«n and rendered military help when re^juired* They are addressed to along with the officials when informing them about the grants * Kubja Vishnuvardhana was appointed his brother # Pulake&i 21 as the viceroy of Vengi after it was conquered 263 * During the reign of Vikramaditya • 1# his younger brother DharaStraya JayasiAha xruled over the Lata region and aroxind Nasilc^^^* Later we find Dhara§raya Jayasimha's son Hilakeliraja governing the Lata territory during the time of Vikrainaditya IX • We Tcnow fr«n the 266 Sanjan plates that Buddhavarasaraja# uncle of ViJcramaditya I, was administering the area around K»laba district* This arrangement was made probably to keep the administrative responsibility within the family thereby ensuring the safety of the state from external threats* Other than these viceroys we have other parts of the state governed by samantas who were loyal to the ruling dynasty* The Ct^lukya records refer to feudatorie* S38 who were governing the provinces where the donated villages were located* They are sometimes referred to as raja or Maharaja. This was probably a feudal title* For example# during the rule of Vinayaditya# Pogrilli-oendraka<-maharaja was ruling the l^yarkhanda and the Jedugur region • Xhe Goa grant records that satyalraya Dhruvaraja Indravarman of the Bappura family was the governor (adhipati) of the four visaya mandalas* King sinda was governing the city of 0^0 p^dlpura during the time of n^rttivarraan I • Ravi&akti of the ^endraka fat'Tiily was ruling in the Belgaum region during Maftgale&a's reign * Tippaluru 271 •• inscription states that Pormukharama was governing the area around river Penna on behalf of the Bana king under Vikramaditya IZ* A certain UJenipi&acha was ruling over the Eruva visaya during the reign of Vikramaditya I^^^* Anjaneri plates^*^^ of Qhoga§akti records that his gr.indfather svamichandra was sjoveming the Purl • Konkana area when Vikrai^iaditya I was the ruling king* sv^ichandra was succeeded by his son siAhavannan who was later succeeded his son Bhogalakti under vijayaditya* From the above examples we can see that these feudatories ruled their resi>ective areas on behalf of their Chalukyan overlords and owed their allegiance to them* o39f} judicial Administration i we do not gat any direct evidence of the Judicial system fran the records of the dynasty. But certain references to crimes and the punishments or fines awarded for th«n would indicate that they had son;e sort of a Judiciary infrastructure. The king headed the institution of Justice* He was the highest court of appeal* The court of Justice during 274 275 the Pallavas $ Ouptas and Harsha was teemed as Adhikarana* Most probably this term was also used by the chal\i)cya8* In the provinces and territorial iinits* the highest Judicial authority was probably the governor or the respective heads of the units* In order to dispense Justice# the kiJig had to rely on the rules of the Dharma&astras^^^* According to the aoritis the king could not decide by himself but he had to consult the Judge (known as Adhya. and where there are no texts the king should decide in accordance with the recognised custom of the country** 281 • But according to Brihaspati*s opinion# *a decision should not be given by inarely relying on the text of the &astra; when consideration of a matter is divorced from reason and convnon sense# loss of dhantia results* • The Chalukyas probably complied with these rules* MaAgalefio is known to be firm when it canie to the administration of Justice • In villages# matters of a Judicial nature were probably decided by the village assenibly presided over • 284 by the Jarnunda* The Lakshmeawar Inscription prescribes fines for theft and ten minor offences. This amount was to be collected by the Mahajanas and paid to the guild (not specific as to which guild)* In order to do this it was necessary for them to assemble together and try out 285 the cases to coma to a decision* similarly the Anjaneri plates record fines to be inflicted for some of the offences committed by the residents and merchants* The punishnoent for a violent offence against unmarried girls was 108 rupakas# for adultery 32 rupakas# for an assault which involved boxing of the ears# a fine of sixteen rupakas# and for an assault which resulted in an injury to the head • four rupakas* If a merchant's son had committed a sexual offence with a labour %«oman the fine incurred would be 401 108 rupe3c«s« The punishment for the offenders was decided by the 8 or 16 Mahallakas (respectable men) and this was final* So also we have instances of local Jury system • m fi& of the city of Vatapi* A Bada-ni inscription 2 records that the two thousand members of the Mahachaturvidya • Samudaya of the city remitted the spoils of the cobblers of the place in favour of Nidiyamara who probably represented the cobblers* A breach of this order would incur a penalty* This again shows that the respected monbers of the society had the authority to decide on matters of importance and pass juda^ent* A Hittadakal inscription of iiO)canahadevI« queen of vikramaditya I2« issues a decree that s)cillful persons were ex^npted from being exccxnminicated from their caste for correnitting offences like violating the rules of conduct and inwunity to those who were accessaries of the guilty person* This indicates that there was a law whereby persons could be excommunicated from their caste for certain offences* so also the soldiers of the country were pardoned if they hapi^ened to kill a man* This was the law of the country according to the observations of Hiusn rsiang''288 * witnesses were probably an important factor in deteriRinin'j the truth in a Judicial trial* For this 402 purposa precautions were taken during any form of transaction* Records of vijayaditya• 289 and idrttivannan mention witnesses while making 291 grants* Tippalurti inscription o£ vikrainaditya IX# besides witnesses also records the names of perscms who measured the gift land* The other functionaries who wore concerned with tho administration of Justice was the dandapafelJca# • • chauroddhakaranikas* chata and bhata and pratihara* • • • The army was an essential part of the State* Duo to constant conflict with their neighbours it was imperative that they have a large standing army* Besides they must have had a very efficient army for within a short period the Chalukyan kings had brou-^ht a considerable area \inder their suzerainty by subjugating the minor dynasties and annexing their territory* As we have mentioned earlier the king was the head of the military organiaation and normally led his azmy on the battlefield* He was sometimes also assisted by the yuvaraja who acted as his commander-in-chief* As regards the actual organization of the army like recruiting of troops# etc*# they were probably managed the Mahasandhivigrahika or minister of peace and war* The king 403 must have discussed with him the war tactics to be assumed# the stratag 293 According to Hluan Psiang there were four divisions of the army# viz* the Infantry# the cavalry# the chariots an«3 the elephants* Similarly the Chalukyan Inscriptions also mention four components of their army 294 i*e*# elephants# chariots# horses and footsoldiers * 295 But the Aihole inscription speaks about six divisions# the hereditary troops and the rest* This is explained by Mahallnjam as six kinds of armies and not divisions* They are the hereditary# (maula)# mercenary (bh^aka)# belonging to the guilds (Sreni)# those of an ally (raitra)# those of an enomy (amitra) and those of forest tribes* This seems highly plausible since the Aihole Inscription also mentions the hereditary troops and the rest* elephantry seems to have been a prestigious feature of the army during their period because the 297 elephants are referred to with pride in their inscriptions * Hiuen Tsiang^^® observed that hundreds of elephants were 404 Intoxicated and then led on the battlefield so that they charged forward and lay waste everything that came their way* As a result* the king# possessing his men and elephants* treated his neighbours with contempt* As to how far the elephants could be effective on the battlefield can be visualized from the words of Qashami” 299 They were trained with great care and attention* and* marching In the van of the army* acted rather like tanks In modem warfare* breaking up the enemy's ranks and smashing palisades* gates* and other defencesi a line of elephants ml^ht also act as a living bridge for crossing shallow rivers and streams* Elephants were often protected by leather anooars* and their tusks tipped with metal spikes****.*** As well as the mahout, the elephant usually carried two or throe sollders* armed with botfs* Javelins and long spears* and advanced with a small detachment of infantry to defend It from attack." As far as cavalry was concerned It was equally an Important unit of the army* The records of the dynasty make several references to this force along with the others^*^* The Alhole record mentions the army of horses (a&vasena) of HaAgalefea* Vlkramadltya X was noted for 405 his horse Chltrakantha means of which he is supposed to have won many a battle* Though the Navy is not mentioned among the £o\jx divisions by the Chalukyas# it can be said with certainty that it was one of the constituent forces* Hevatidvipa and Purl were ccmquered by them, without the naval force it would have bef^n impossible to invade these territories* 302 m According to Aihole inscription Pulalce&i II besieged Purl with hundred ships* Kendur platerecord that Vinayaditya subjugated Ceylon (siAhala)* In his Kallasambi 104 •• 9 plates # Vikratiiaditya VZ registers that Maftgalefia conquered Hevati Dvlpa by means of the Nausetu Bandha (the boats)* From these references we can conclude that they had an efficient naval force* The Chalukyan army also comprised of chariots^®®* 30fi Hiuen Tsiang also refers to chariots as one of the four divisions of the army* Zt must have been a very small numbersince the use of chariots was waning out during this period* A chariot is seen on the exterior walls of the papanatha tomple at Pattada(cal* Yetothers are depicted on panels in the Virupaksha temple, Pattadakal^®^* Besides this« they are also represented on the panels of the two«storey temple on the Meguti temple* Mallikarjuna terr.ple at Pattadakal# etc* some of 406 these types are shown in pi* XXI • 8«9 and pi* XZIZ 1«2* The Pallavas do not mention chariots in their ei^igraphical records nor do they depict them in their sculptures though they refer to them in their literary 308 works • Even during Harsha's titne^ no reference was 309 made to chariots • The infantry or the footsoldiers (padati-bal) as they were called included the chatas and bhatas similar to charabhata of the army of Harsha^^^* These chatas cmd bhatas who during peace time acted as police • * officials took on the role of soldiers at the time of war* Besides# the army was reinforced by a military contingent supplied by the feudatories* On the soldiers# Hiuen Tsiang^^^ maintainsi "The military guard the frontiers# or go out to punish the refractory* They also mount guard at night round the palace* The soldiers are levied according to the requir«nents of the service; they are promised certain payments and are publicly enrolled*” During Harsha's^^^ period the officers in the elephant corps were known as mahapXlupati and pllu-pati* In the cavalry they were designated as maha&va-pati and alva-pati* If not the same terms# but similar posts probably existed also in the Chalukyan regime besides a nuunber of officials and servants connected with the 407 elaphantry and cavalry like the trainers* riders# servants who tended to the animals for their basic reqiiirwt^nts# etc* Forts were used for defence purposes to guard the country from the insurge of the enemies* Badami inscription^^^ records tliat Vallabhe6vara converted the hill of Vatapi into a fortress* Xing MaAgalefia'a army had to scale the ramparts to conquer the island of Revati^^®. Vijayaraja was the governor of the fort on Vijayarevatl Dvlpa^^®* Mahakuta inscription^^^ saya that Maftgale&a was skillful in the construction of fortresses* This suggests that building of forts liras 318 a comnon practice in those days* An inscription refers to the impregnable city walls of kanchi which was unsurmountable and surrounded by a moat which was unfathomable and hard to be crossed* 319 The Mahukuta inscription # whilcj describing MaAgalela*s prowess on the battlefield# mentions his skill in selecting spies and messengers* They probably helped to allay the fears by trying to get information about tho strength of the enemy* Zn these battles# large booty was captured like the tokens of the river Ganga and Yantuna# the 408 Palldhvaja-pata# tha dhaXka drurn^ the Maha&abda# rubles# elephants# gold# etc*^^^ Vikramaditya IX# after defeating the i-allava king Nandlpotavannan# took hold of the musical Instrxirnents called kata* • inukhavadltra and samudraghosha# the khatvaftga-dhvaj a# elephants# rubles and heaps of gold^^^. It goes to his credit that after entering KafichI# Instead of plundering It (as was the normal practice)# he restored the wealth to the RaJaslAhe&vara temple • This Incident la also recorded by the Kai^chl Inscription 323 • Reference Is made to the booty from the Kalachurls# utilised for the Idol-processlon of the God Makute&varanatha# in the Mahakuta Inscription of Maftgale&a^^^* Prom the records and sculptural representations of weapons and war processions we can gather that they used weapons like swords# bow and arrows# mace# sclmetars# 325 shields# spears# etc* and worii armoxxrs ( ) « Hluen Tslang# however# Informs that the %raapons used were spears# shields# bow# arixtws# swords# sabres# battle«>axes# lances# halberds# long javelins and various kinds of sllnjs^^®. The CiMlukyan army had a high reputation for Its bravery and warlike spirit* Dantldurga# In one of his 403 Inscriptions 327 « records proudly that h« overcaine the Karnataka army (Kamnatakaffi bala) which had been successful in defeating the Lord of Kanchi# the king of KSrala^ the cholas# the i^andyas# &rI*Harsha • • • and Vajrata* The Chinese pilgrim^ Hiuen Tsiang describes the high sense of honour upheld by the soldiers and their fearless nature i **If a general loses a battle# they do not inflict punishment# but present him with a woman's clothes# and so he is driven to seek death for himself. The country provides for a band of champions to the number of several hundred* Each time they are about to engaga in conflict they intoxicate themselves with wine# and then one man with lance in hand will meet ten thousand and challenge them in fight," These sentiments are 329 echoed by the memorial inscription of Kappe-Arabhatta• • which records - "Better is a glorious death than the destruction of reputationi death is a pain that lasts only for an instant; but the destruction of reputation abides from day to-Kiay." To prove that bravery was appreciated and lauded by the kings and the conmon people# the viragals (Hero-stone) erected everywhere prove that the hero was given due recognition^^®. 410 Ownership of Land i The society was basically an agrarian one* Hence their economy was based around land and Its products and to a lesser degree on Industry# trade and cotnmerce* we have no direct evidence as such to know whether the ownership of land belonged to the king or the cultivator* According to the ^astrakaras land was not the property of the king* He was only Its protector^^^* According to Manu^^^# the land belcmyed to one who cleared away the tLiiber which means the cultivator* But from the Inscriptions It would seem that the king was the ultimate o%nier of the land* This can be observed frocn the large number of records of the dynasty stating that a village or a part of a village or a certain amount of land was alienated and donated as gifts* But how far the king had authority over the land 1s a matter of speculation* whether this alienation meant the transfer of Income therefrom or the ownership of land Is a matter of debate* tiowever land was the main source of royal Income* The land was probably enjoyed by the cultivator through the generations but as far as the revenue part Is concerned It was under the discretion of the king* This Is bGcause we get references to land purchases and 411 donation of land along with their ciiltlvators* Henc« the cultivator was not alienated £ r ^ his land* But in case of escheat# the land could have directly gone under the control of the Icing* Hence in this case the land could have been given to a new tenant suggesting thereof the absolute authority of the king* Crown land i The king had in his possession some land which was directly cultivated by the king's agents* This included various kinds of fields such as paddy field# orchards# gardens# etc* The expenditure on the land and income therefrom was accounted from the state exchequer* when a land was donated it was sometimes made by the rule of the blmmi-chchhidra^^^ (blwtni-chchhidra- nyaya)* This seems to be some kind of land tenure* It is based on the principle of 'allowing a person# who first brings a plot of fallow or jungle land under cultivation for the first time# to enjoy it without paying rent*^^^* Theoretically the uncultivated or fallow land belonged to the king* Kautilya advises that a king should try to colonizc these waste lands* Hence we can surmise that this was the idea which persuaded the king to donate such land to a conmunity of brahmans* It served various purposes* This rent-free holding acted 412 as an incentive for the cultivator* Moreover the Xing not only performed a cotnnendabla act by donating land to Brahmans but also created the means for bringing waste land under cultivation which would later on yield revenue for the state treasury* l«and Transactions i Reference to land transactions in the form of 335 sale was rare* Pattadakal inscripticm of KZrttivarmon ZZ records a purchase of land measuring thirty nivartanas for thirty gadyanakas of yold* This land was given as donation* toother inscripti Land Tax i We have already stated that land-tax was the prims source of revenue for the state exchequer* Taxes were regarded by feastras as the wages of the king* But we have no reference as to know the percentage of tax 418 levied upon the cultivators. Accoxrding to Karada the king received.one • sixth of the produce of the soil. This formed the royal revenue or the reward of a king for the protection of his subjecta^^^. similar 338 339 thoughts are also voiced by Kautilya • Manu suggests eighth# sixth or twelfth part of the crops while Gautama holds that the king’s share should be tenth, eighth or sixth of the produce* Cther law-makers give varied numbers of shares of the produce as the income of the king^^®* Iliuen Tsiang^*^ states that the cultivators of the royal land pay one-sixth of the produce as tax* The exact amount was probably left to the discretion of the king* He could decide depending upc»i the quality of the soil# rainfall# nature of the crop# yield# irrigation facilities# etc* Other sources of revenue t Besides the cultivator# the tax payers probably constituted the cowherds# hunters# fishermen# oil-crushers# goldsmiths# blacksmiths# weavers# i>otters# cobblers# carpenters# barbers# traders# etc* But to sstimate the rate of tax imposed on th State policies £rom time to time and region to ragl Collection of revenue t For levying land tax# the yovemment had to adopt various means £or assessment of land and Its produce* raking Into consideratlcm the kind of produce# It can be observed that In certain cases the tax could have been collctcted in the form of the part of the produce itself* Out in case of perishable coRinodlties like fruits# vegetables# etc.# how this was collected and accounted for by the tax collectors is difficult to estimate* They had to maintain records of tax-free land made to donees and the proprietory rights of the landholders* According to the prevailing tax principles# the tax was levied on the villagers* This ariK>unt was collected from the village by the headman* we have a few grants where the revenue of a village is transferred to the donee in which case the donets collected the revenue. sometimes the local corx>orate body was conroissioned to collect taxes and fines to be paid to the government 343 * 344 There arc instances where an officer is seen remitting certain taxes which was probably at the instance of the central government or at his own discretim* 415 Land Heagurament i In order to asse ss land to fix the revenue* it was necessary to know Its raeasurwnant# the type o£ land# Its yield* the crop grown# irrljation facilities# teniJtre# etc* For the prevention of disputes over land and assessment of revenue# the boundaries of the villages and lands were marked by objects as suggested by Manu^^^* Thus the boundary of the village Kohpur mentioned in the Shiggaon plates^^® of Vijayaditya# is given as followst in the west# the suvama tree on the eastern bank of Pagaravirayai in the north-west the limit of SuAkuvirayai in the north# the lake called Mahishivasai in the north east# upto the fine tamarind treesi in the south-east# the tuli lakei and in the south# upto i^agaraviraya* From the records we get mention of certain terms of land measure* It would seem that different measurements were adopted for the assessment of different types of land and for different crops* 'Hie most corxnon term of land measure occvirring in the records was the nivartana 347 * Nivartana i The area of nivartana la difficult to fix because it kept changing from area to area and time to time# 348 The meaning of the term ‘nivartana* was a ‘turning back' < 349 According to Meenakshi it was an area covered by a person starting from a particular point and coming back 410 to It within a fixed time« But this must h e w varied according to the swiftness of the person* Hence the nivartana must have been given a fixed area to make it an unit of measurement* Das^^® says that nivartana originally stood for an area ploughed by eight or six oxen in a day* According to Jyotsna Kamat^^^ nivartana was equal to five acres* According 352 to Meenakshi it measured 20 rods or 200 cubits or 40*000 **hastas** - square of land* The Arthafeastra^^^ describes nivartana as equal to three rajjus* According to ^ircar^^^f a nivartana had an area of 210 x 210 sq* cubits (about 2 1/4 acres)* Again even during our period# the area of a nivartana might have varied because we 8ometi.T.es get land measured in nivartana and sanetinies nivartana by rajamana•• •• (royal standard) 355 * This meansthat there was a nivartana having a royal standard (rajamana) and another of a local standard* But the royal standard may have not bean followed everywhere* Pannasa t whether this term stood for a land measure or 356 something else is doubtful* Ra^nesan is of the 357 opinion that it is a measure of land* sircar thinks that it is a Xannada word derived from Sanskrit panchafiat 417 which meana a tenure in which the donee enjoyed fifty per cent of the revenue of the donated land* It seems that pannasa could also have been a Telugu word because the term occurs in 358 inscriptions issued from the Andhra region and two of the inscriptions are written in the Telugu language* Pannamu in Telugu n^ons wages* wealth or property* Pana in Kannada means wage# hire or a svna* Hence pannasa could have stood for a gift or wages and net a measurttoent* Pattika or pattiHa t This teem occurs in the Kaira plates of Vljayaraja^^^* While Fleet^®° thinks that it means a strip of land# ix>ws<»i^^^ on the other hand translates it as a * share* of land* But Meenakshi^^^ e^lains 'Pattika* as a unit of land measure derived from the # • word *pattl* roewiing a piec» of land sufficient for a sheep«fold* Patti as a measure is found in Tamil * * inscriptions of the Pallavas* she goes further to equate pattika with nivartana as synonyms* Mattal or roattar t An inscription^®^ of Kirttlvarman I records a gift of riceland measuring eight mattals* This term mattal in later inscriptions came to be kno%«n 418 as roattar^®^. According to one mattar was aqulvalent to one hundred Haimaa or kanbas* But the maasuremant of kanma is not certain as yet* How far the measurement of mattar remained constant and was used is difficult to ascertain. Sizcar^^® thinks that mattar is the same as the term maruturu/ mattaru or nivartana* Maruttu I An Inscription of Klrttivarman IX records a gift of land measured in maruttu. sircar opines that maruttu (Telugu) is the same as Kannada mattar or Sanskrit nivartana* ■esides land maasure# length or distance was measured in terms of gavyutis^®^# krofias^^® and sha.^*^^ Gavyuti or gavyuta according to Pleet^*^^ was equal to 2000 dandas or one krofia* or 4000 dandas or • • • • 373 m 2 krofia. Zn Khare's opinion a gavyuti was equal to 8 miles. Sircal^jives the distance of a gavyuti 375 as 4 miles. Krofia is taken by sircar as equal to 2 miles and a quarter. Sha is probably an al^reviation of some tezm standing for a measure of distance. Due to lack of enough information we are at pjcesent unable to determine its full form and hence its length by the modem standard of measurement. 410 — n ~f Mil' if'i'ii III' • While recording the land grants# the Inscriptions sometimes give the details o£ the land# their boundaries and the water sources bordering it* In the process we 376 come across various types of land like khajjana land (salt-marsh land)# VaJoilakachchha-kshetra^^*^ (marshy land where vakula trees grow)# garden land (satottam)#378 black soil^*^^# rice-fiolds^®®# level ground^®^# flower garden (pu-donta)# cultivated and uncultivated field • • (krit-akrita-kshetraft)# mango orchard^®^# cultivable^®^ land# domestic sites # house sites (nivela)# landed 387 estate # fallow land# vegetable garden and mars^ 388 ground # etc. The water sources menticaied in the records are tank (kere)# pond (palvala)^®^# tank (tataka)^^®# • • la)ce 391 # rivers# etc* Land Products i Rice was cotnmonly grown and was a staple diet* we get references in inscriptions to paddy 392 (vadlu)# 393 rice (akshata) and rice-fields (galde) • Besides rice# there is a reference to oil-mills which were to 394 donate oil to a temple • Hence oil seeds must have been planted in abundance to run oilwnills* Various other land produces are mentioned which ^robably constituted the flora of the region* we get references 420 to vakula trees# betel-leaves^^ (ele)« feami tree^^^# alvattha tree^^®# kadamba trees^^®# tala tree^^®# reed^®^# bamboo (vanu)# plantain tree (kadali)# flower bearing llrlsha-tree (kusumlta- llrlsha • kustvna • Botanical name for flower Is Acacia Slrlssa)# Hl&ora plant^®^# tamarind tree^®^ (tlAtrlnllca- vrllcshaA)« mlllet^®^ (jola)# com^®® (peni)# nSnya- fleld^®®# sall-rlce^®*^# vrThl-rlce# sugar-cane field# chick-peas# prlyaAgu plants# varaka beans# tidaraka- grain# sySnnaka-graln# wheat# etc* 408 409 Mention of garden and garden land (totta) • • vrould Indicate that vegetables and flowers were grown on separate pieces of land* Moreover we also get a reference to vegetable land^^® in one of the records* We cotne across flower gardens and garland-^nakers which means that a variety of flowers were grown* Besides references to flowers given as donation to the temple for rituals^^^# the flowers mentioned in the Inscriptions are lotus# blue-«ater Illy# &lrlsha flower and kadamba* Besides this# the sculptures of the period from Badaml# Alhole# PattadAkal# etc* are seen profusely decorated with flowers* The hairdo of the female figurines are most of the time decorated with flower bands* 421 w« get raferenass to fruits like plantain# mangoes^^^# jack-frult^^^# tala and tamarind# Milk# curds# buttar and ghee formed the pastoral products* Where faxana is concerned# we get references to some of them in epigraphs and some are depicted on 414 monuments* They are deer (an inscription refers to musk)# elephant# horse# cow^^^ (kaveli)# buffaloe# haAsa^^^# bees# crocodile# tiger# lion# fish# bull# boar# serpent# peacock# geese# parrot# monkey# etc* Weights and Measures i There seems to have been different weights and measures for different kinds of products* come across units of measures like sontige417 # salage 418 # • • khanduga^^® or khanduka^^®# visas^^^# kulas^^^# mana*^^# • • • AOA _ bhandaperu # peru * • • • sontige t - Tf , Oil was measured in sontige* sontige means a • • • • apoon or ladle* This measure is found with reference to a land grant made with a salage of paddy* Hence it seems to be a measure of paddy* 422 ---XhanduguSL2------or khandukaA^andukaU______i This tezm426 also occurs as a measure of paddy* Zt Is a Telugu-Kannada word* It Is equalled to about 800 to 1000 seers^^*^. Visa t Visa was used as a measure both for flowers and 428 com* According to Jyotsna Kamat « visa was eqiial to 31 kllogranvnes and odd* But however visa has also been taken to be 1/16 of a hana and also five seers or the weight of 120 zupoes (3 lbs* 1 02* 5.94 drs*)^^^. Visa as a measure Is still current In the rural parts of Orissa* Zt Is a weighing balance* Generally one visa of measure Is about 2 1/2 kilogrammes* Kulas t . , t— , Millet was measured In kulas* According to Fleet^^®* kula Is the sair.e as kolaga which was equal • • to sixteen pallls or sixty-four seers* Mana 1 w« get a reference to a gift which was one mana on each peru* Fleet^^^ regards mana as equal to the 432 present measure of a maund* According to ^rcar It was l/16th part of the measure called tumu; that which can hold rice of the weight of 4 taAkalamulu (varying 423 in different localities}* In Orissa at present# grains are measured in a reed basket which can hold about little above one kilogranme* Thia weight is known as one inana* Peru I _ 1— This term has been deciphered by Fleet434 as *a sack of com** According to hijn# it was equal to sixty«four seers* But# this teem occurs in one of the Aihole inscriptions^^® where it states that the levy should be in accordance with one mana on each peru and five visas on each bhanda-peru and fifty • *• on each peru of betel leaves* Hare the term peru # • cannot be taken as a sack of c o m almo because the betel leaves are not measured in sacks* so the texm peru might have signified some different concept of measurement by which c o m as well as betel leaves could be measured* Bhanda-peru i ...... — jyotsna Kamat^^® derives the meaning of this term from the word bandipSru which means a cart-load* • • If bandi meant a cart (in Tamil)# the total weight or volxime carried lay a bandi could be termed as bcindi peru< • • • • 424 lax isyatam i Besides land revenue* there were other sources of income £or the royal treasury* 0ns of th^ was taxation* There were various kinds of taxes like property tax« profession tax# convnercial tax# social tax# etc* Besides this# there were other sources like fines# tributes# war booty# treasure<»troves and de£X>sits# mines# etc* An idea of the types of taxes levied could be had from the tax exemptions given to the donees or the taxes to be collected them* some of the taxes mentioned in inscriptions will be discussed subsequently* As for the percentage of tax levied# we can presume that they probably followed the principles 437 Of taxation as laid down by Manu# as they were aware of the code of Manu*s law* According to Manu "After (due) consideration the king shall always fix in his realm the duties and taxes in such a manner that both he himself and the man who does the work receive (their due) reward** Seme of the taxes are as follows t Bho ja and bhSsja i The term bhoga is met with in several inscriptions • 438 of the Chalukyas % It normally occurs when a village was granted with the bhoga (sablwga) free from all opposing claims (3arwa-badha-parihar)* Bhoga means * 425 •right of enjoyment** It also means income# revenue 439 or wealth • Zt Is also taken as periodical avLppltea of fruits# firewood# flowers and the like# 440 which the villagers had to contribute to the king • w« also come across the term bhaga which is interpreted 441 by Fleet as a tax. Bhaga literally means a share or 442 a division* An Inscription o£ the Gupta period mentions bhaga"4>hocja* Pleet^^^ translates it as 'enjoyment of taxes'* Altekar'^^^# on the basis of the anarltl literature# thinks that bhaga was a land tax* Ghoshal^^^ and slrcar^^® take bhaga as the king's share •f the produce and sa-bhoga as the privilege of the donee of rent-free land* In strict terms bhoga cannot be said to be a tax but it was a kind of privilege enjoyed by the donee or the overlord by which be was entitled to some kind of obligatory presentations* Bhaga was a share of the produce of the land* Kara i Kara literally means a royal revenue# toll# tax# import# tribute# etc447 • Sorab copper plate 448 records the donation of a village given free from taxes (a«karam)* From this evidence kara %iould seem 449 to be a tax in general* According to Ohoshal # kara may be a periodical tax levied upon agricultural 426 land ovar and above the king*8 normal grain share* 450 Kana thinks that Kara waa a tax in general* Kara was probably some specific tax from the way Kautilya 451 has used the term • However ^Jhamasastry has taken kara as a tax paid in rooney^^^ and elsewhere^^^ also as taxes or subsidies paid by vassal kings and others* But ca^alukyan records^^^ use the term 'karadlkrita* as a tribute paid by the feudatories* Monier williams also gives the meaning of the word karadi«>kri as •to give tribute*^®^* It was probably a tax levied in the form of cash especially from the professional class or where tax could not be collected in kinds* Kliuta I Klipta is mentioned along with nidhi* upanidhi and uparikara^^®* This term klipta is interpreted by 457 458 sastri as settl«»nent of land revenue eind by Ghoshal 459 as fixed tax* sircar thinks that Klpta may be a tax on permanent tenants or the fixed revenue* Mowever Mirashi^®° holds that the terms Klipta and upaklipta • • correspond to bhaga and bhoga of the records of the kings of carabhapura and udraAga and uparikara in those of later kings* Klipta# according to him# was a land tax and upaklipta some petty taxes in kind* This is difficult to accept because normally klipta occurs with 427 upaklipta and udranga with uparikara whereas In our Inscriptions we find iClipta along with uparilcara* Kautilya^^^ states that Klipta# fixed taxes# was one • of the several forms of revenue (ayamukha)* on the other hand# is of the opinion that fClpta is not a tax but s<»ne royal right over the land* lliis may be incorrect if we go by the words of Kautilya. In the Motupalli inscription^^^ we got the terms Klipta«»kara and Klipta-&ulka* In that case it would mean *fixcMS tax* and 'fixed tolls' respectively* Widhi and upanid^ii t 4 Land was aoroetiines granted alcmg with its •nidhi' and 'upanidhi'*^^ scholars^®^ have given the meaning of these terms as 'treasxires and deposits** Nidhi was a treasure*trove or some hidden treasure under the ground^®®* Upanidhi was the same as niksepa 467 meaning deposits and finds the soil • Treasure* trove is one of the other sources of income for the royal treasiuy# according to Kautilya • The smritis generally maintain that anybody who finds a treasure# receives 1/6 of it as his share and the rest goes to the king* 9ut if he is a Qrahmana he may keep the whole of it^®®* 428 This teem Is mat with in the Goa grant of* satya&raya uhruvaraja Indravarnjan^^®. It records the gi£t of a village free from paftgu. Telang^*^^ has translated it as *lame people** This is not likely because it occurs in other records in forms such as paftga^^^ and pS^ga^*^^# Oesal^*^^ equates paftga to Kannada paAgu meaning 'obligation* or 'indebtedness** Zt is supi^orted by the context which shows that the ground for the'collection of paAga or fee was obligation* Sircar equates it to Telugu paflgamu which means a tax of ona*£ourth of the produce of land in the possession of gods and brahmanas« levied by the government* He also connects it to Tamil paAgu and Malayalam paAka which mean *a share*' Parikara i Parikara# a fiscal tejnn« is met with in the Havsari# Nasik and Manor plates^*^^* sastrl^'^'^ gives the meaning of the terms udraAga and perikara as market 478 dues m d tolls* sircar takes it to be the same as uparikara« an occasional or minor tax* Zt can be observed that uparikcura and parikara do not appear in one and the same record of our period* Hence they were one and the same tax* 42.9 sulke or sirfOckaA • The term StuDca occtirs as a tax in the Anjanerl plates of Bhoga&akti* It records the ex«nption of the merchants of samaglrl from paying octroi duty (6ulka) in the whole kingdom* similarly a term juftkXaA is mentioned as customs*oiuty in an inscription from Aihole « The term fiulka is explained by Buhler and Kane as tolls and customs duties to be paid by merchants and traders* This is supported by the 483 observations of Hiuen Tsiang that 'the merchants who engage in commerce come and go in carrying out their transactions (For them). The river • passages and the road»barriers are open on payment of a small toll** Kautilya also mentions the collector of customs and tolls (^Ika-adhyaksha) in the same context^^. The amount of duty levied i Udrafl^a t This word as we have mentioned# is found generally 48S along with the term uparikara in the epigraphs * It 4,30 occurs In other contemporary records as well . Buhler aiu3 Hultzsch # cm the basis o£ the explanation of the words uddhara and udgrantha tay Zachariae# derive the meaning of udraAga as *the share of the produce collected usually for king'* 488 Fleet is also of the same opinion* According to 4B9 Altekar udraAga is synon^nous with bhaga or bhagaHara which is a normal land tax of t h m government* 490 Mirashl also thinks it may have been a land-tax* 491 Ghoshal interprets the term udraAga as a tax imposed upon the permanent tenants* This explanation is refuted 492 by Das * In our records udraAga appears while a village grant is made* It says that it is granted with the benefit of udraAga and uparikara and free from all imposts* Zn this context it can be observed that probably it meant the share of the produce which noxmally would have gone to the king is retained by the donee* Hence it was probably a tax similar to bhaga which means •a share of the produce*• Uparikara t we come across this term in several of the « 493 Chalukya records • It occurs mostly together with the term udraAga* But in one of the inscriptions it 494 occurs with the terms nidhi« upanidhi and klipta * 431 scholars have given various explanations for this 495 term* Altekar equates uparlkara with bhogakara. According to him It was an additional tax In kind 496 or cash* Otoshal thinks that uparlkara was a tax levied upon the temi^orary tenants* flirashl Interprets the term as an additional Impost Including taxes in kind which traders and artisans had to pay* 49S w Fleet derives the word uparlkara from th® Prakrit t word upari or uprl of Marathi* He says that the term denotes 'a tax levied on cultivators who have no 499 proprietary rights in the soil** Barnett opines that It Is a synonym of the Tamil mel-varam« i*e* the Crown's share of the produce (i^l « uparl}* Bat« Das^^® rejects this theory since uparlkara occurs along with blwga which also denotes the king's grain share* Other than the above taxes# the people had to pay taxes on houses occupied by them* This could be considered as a property tax* The Lakshmeswar inscription^®^ of yuvaraja Vlkramaditya ZZ records that taxes were to b« levied upon households# the richest one paying ten panas# the intermediate paying seven panas# the lower five and the lowest three* This was to be paid once every year in the month of val&akha# to the Mahajanas* This amoiuit was to be used for festival oxpenses* This tax 432 vas probably imposed on tha households on the basis of their financial status or on the sise o£ their property or house«sita* The saine inscription records another siroileu: tax to be paid to the guild of braziers again for festival expenses* The amount here was twenty palas« fifteen# ten and five for the aforesaid categories* Incocne from treasure «• troves was a permanent source of income for the Icing* This was also seconded by the ssuriti^lcaras• 502 • Besides treasure^troves# deposits, mines and probably the right to malce salt belonged to the H4ng* JjQcal taxes i We come across ;references to several other taxes like# for instance# thii adityuAchhainax^anna# the (naruiichhamarumanna# unchhamanna# m^inarddha# etc* An • • inscription of Vinayaditya^*^^ records the gift which was the mannarddha of the villages Endanaduvula and Uruvige and fifty nivartanas of land each in both these villages* similarly# the adityi^chhanaruinanna was given at the village of rogachchedu and Maruiichhainaruroanna at the • • • villages Oullavelendaru# Vax«yu and Batteyu* The Kumool • • • • plates^^^ of Xdityavamnan also mention a grant of ui^chhamann pannasa of the villages Mundakallu• and Palgire* All thase • • terms must have meant some form of local tax* The term 433 uilchha as « tax is also met with in the Kalsi^^^ and Davanger*^®® plates of the Kadaxnbas* slrcar^®*^ interprets uiichha as tolls or as the collection of small quantities of crops* Sastri^®® thinks that 509 they were names of local dues* The Oodachl plates of Katti « arasa also mention marumanna. From the above examples it would s e ^ to be scxne kind of a tax* A The term sa-pantyam was also included in the grant recorded in the oodachi plates^^®* Tliis condition means that the donee was given the privilege of using water for irrigati Marwan platea^^^ of Vikramaditya II made a grant so that half of the dues known as aruhana that were paid to government officers from the village Ambada were to be paid fran the Naravana village* sircar^^^ equates aruhana with the tax aruvana and the Tamil aruvana v^ch * * * * * is the tax of six panas levied on manya lands* similarly Khare^^^ also thinks that aruhana may be the same as aruvana of the Gilahara grant of !^ka 1037* It would probably mean a tax of six panas* Inscriptions^^^ also refer to the term *hiranya** According to Ohoshal^^^ hiranya was a tax in cash levied up<»n certain special kinds 434 O f crops fts distinguished from the tax in Hind which was charged upon the ordinary crops* Daa also agrees that it could not mean in the sanse of gold* Zt was probably a payment in cash in lieu of payment in kind^^^* 517 Kic« has translated this tezm hiranya as a coin* But it was more likely that it was some fozm of tax paid in cash because it occurs in connection with kara« a tax* in the sSorab grant C I O • Tha ;^Janeri plates ^ 1 0 of Bhogalakti mention another form of tax* It states that besides octroi duty (§ulka)« the merchants wer* also exempted from providing for the lodging and boarding of royal officers*- It may not be a tax in the real sense but it must have been taxing for the subjects* There were other taxes like the ditya# vishti# pratibhSdika« apavihlna and the atyantarasiddhi mentioned in the records 520 * The ir«aning of these terms are not 521 clear* According to sircar ditya was probably derived from Prakrit dijja ■ Sanskrit *deya*» *to be given*# in which case it would mean *custc»aary presents** Vishti 522 is supposed to be forced labour or unpaid labour * The villagers %#ere probably expected to provide labour to the king or landlord whenever required* Manu^^^ had also suggested that mechanics and artisans# as vrell as sudras who subsist by manual labour should work one day in a month for the king* 435 Besides the above taxes# we also get references to soma social taxes* These taxes were levied during certain festivals or celebrations of certain occasions* The Dalajanive^^* Inscription of vlnayadltya refers to a number of remissions of fees made by an officer named Kuidarba* rhese fees were to be levied on the festival 525 at attaining puberty# at the alavana and when a man died without a son* Aputradhanam# l*e* escheat of the property of a person dying without a son# Is also referred to in the Lakshmeswar inscription of vikramaditya IX and S27 the Anjaneri plates of Bhogafiakti* similarly we have 528 an inscrlptloa from the Lad Khan temple at Alhole which also speaks about certain similar taxes which were granted to the Plve hundred# the great body of Chaturvedls of Xryapura* The taxes were one dharana at the ceremozq^ of feeding a child with boiled rice# at the festival held when the first signs of life azre perceived in the foetus# at the cer^nony of tonsure; one gadyana at the ceremony of investiture with the sacred thread# at the rites performed when the religious student returns home after conflating his studies; tvo gadyanas at marriage# at ttm ceremony performed on the first sign of conception and at the celebration of an animal sacrifice; three gadyanas at I • the celebration of the chaturmasya sacrifices; five gadyanas at the celebration of the agnishtoma sacrifice* 436 Fines t Fines wera another source of Income for the ro^al treasury* Fines were Imposed for various offences. Hluen 529 Tslang records that for certain faults# a small payment of raoney would redeem the punishment* The Lakshmeswar InscrlptlMi^^^ refers to fines for offences like theft and minor delinquencies and the ten offences (dafiaparadha)* The ten offences according to Narada^^^ were i disobedience of the king's ordert murder of a wanan# confusion of vamas# • adultery# theft« pregnancy from one hot the husband# abuse and defamation# obscenity# assault and abortion* They were known as aparSdhas because they could be atoned for with S32 fine* The Anjamsrl plates also mentlm offences like violent offence against umnarrled girls# adultery# boxing of the ears and Injury to the head* The penalty for these offences were 108 rupokas# 32 rupakas# 16 rupakas zmd 4 zupakas respectively* An offence cocnnltted by a merchant's son against a labour <• woman would be fined 10€ rupakas or whatever punishment decided by eight or sixteen Hahallakas (respectable men) of the town* Money which was collected from such fines also contributed Its mite to the state exchequer* Tributes i Tributes were an additional source of income for the sovereign state* Feudatories were expected to pay 437 tributa to the king as acHnowledgement of his overlordship* These tributes may have been in the fonn of cash or Hind. A reference to terepon in one of the inscriptions suggests 533 a tribute in gold % This vfas imposed on every village of the Bana«raja-visaya soon after its conquest by Ereya (Pulakeli ZZ)« Besides this, they were supposed to pay other taxes in )cind to meet the expenses on specified occasions# or to institutions* we get several references where Vinayaditya is said to have levied tributes (karadlkrita) from the kings of Kavera (Kamera)* Parasika# siAhala and other islands^^^* A certain inscription^ records that he received tributes (ratna) from the i^shaka king# Lata# queen of strirajya# K^na king# kings of the Trairajya country and from the Pallava king* An inscription^^^ frooi ulchala in the Kumool district • • registers that yuvaraja Vikramaditya 11 vhile returning after conquering kanchi# levied tribute from the Pallava king Paramelvara* i Lastly the war booty# as mentioned earlier# also contributed its share in filling up the royal coffers* Mature of Tax cx>llectlon t wa also get taxes which were to be paid in kind* S37 For example# the Godachi plates record the gift of a land which also included all the produce (sarva-jatakam) 438 and garden cultivation (sa-tottam). This suggests that the )cing kattiarasa has conferred on the donee the right to enjoy the produce of the a^ft land* This right was otherwise the prerogative of the Icing* S38 « similarly the Lohner plates of Pulake&i IZ# also gifts a village together with *sarvarajakuladeya* which suggests that the grant Included all the taxes in cash and kind that were payable to the king* Villages were granted to tsmples with the sole purpose of supplying articles for daily offerings to 539 the deity* Inscriptions record grants of villages made to defray the cost for the maintenance of ball# % charu and vaifevadeva rites* Manor^^^ plates state that a number of villages were granted to the t«nple of the sun-god at Manapura* 'Riis was to supply to the temple with perfxintes# flowers# incense# lamps# music and other offerings and to make provision for repairing the temple* 541 An Alhole inscription records a gift of one sontlge • • of oil per oll-iBlll to the deity* Another inscription^*^ from the Ourga t«nple at Alhole states that one mana on each f>eru• and five visas on each bhanda-peru • • and fifty • on each peru of betel leaves was given to the god Xdltya* Again an inscription^*^ from Pattadakal registers an agreement whereby the people were to give two kulas of ■130 millet on every matter of land* It further speaks about there being no demand for payment/ no obligation for presenting cattlei no right to claim perquisites to the king's servants* This statement would indicate that sometimes the people vrere xrequired to pay in cash or present cattle and the King's servants could also claim perquisites from them* similarly the Anjaneri S44 plates of Bhogaftakti registers a grant of eight villages and rights to the god Narayana* This donation was made for the purpose of providing perfume* flowers# incense* light* bathing and anointing of the god# for symphonic entertainment combined with dancing# singing and music# for maintaining a charitable feeding house# and for repairs* The rights were stalls in market place# a rupaka to be paid for each cart (vahitra) of the caravan on ingress and egress at the time of the yatra festival of the god and a basket of c o m and an offering of ghee* Similarly cash payments of 100# 200# 100# 50 Krishnaxupakas were to be made by four other visayas* An inscription of vijayaditya records the installation of the images of Brahma# Visnu and Mahe&vara • • at the city of Vatapi by tte king's mother Vinayavati* Further she makes a gift of several taxes (suAka) and 440 incomes in kind like oil# molasses# etc* to the terapl«^^®* A Badatni inscription^^® also recoils that «t a festival held for the installation of the image of Lord Visnu# Maftgelefia made provisions for • • its daily offerings and for giving charitable relief to Brahmans and food for mendicants* This was to be provided by the village named Nipinmalingefivara* Tha Lohner plates of Pulakefii XI gifts a village together with *sarvarajakuladeye* which suggests that the grant included all the taxes in cash and kind payable to the king* Som« of the above taxes or gifts seem to have been made by the authorities with the consent of the people* Currency i There are very few references in epigraphs to tha currencies of the period and fewer still are the numismatic evidences found to support it* Those found were ^ I d coins whose use in daily and ordinary transactions was 547 probably limited* But from fiiuen Tsiang's observations it can be duly established that besides barter system# gold and silver coins# cowries and small pearls wera used for commercial transactions* The epigraphical records of c>mlukyas refer to seme types of coins liks suvar^a# gadyana# dharana# 441 pana and pala* suvamna as mentioned in tha inscriptionsS48 • •• could either have meant only gold or it was the name of a gold coin* Gold coins attributed to the chalukyas have been £oxind« so it is not xmliXely that suvamna %ias • • 549 also a gold coin. The Pattadaical inscription o£ Klrttivarman ZZ states that thirty nivartanas of land was purchased with thixty gadyanakas* Zt was a gold 350 coin* Gadyana is also mentioned in another inscrlptim which is from Aihole* sircar^^^ says that gadyana was a gold coin equal to 48 ratis or 88 grains in weight* 552 « « According to slliot * gadyana or gadhyanam in Kannada • is a later name for suvama* In northern India* yadyanaka • • which denoted a gold coin* is found only in the records of Jahadavalas• 553 • Mirashi attributes the larger gold coins of the Gahadavalas weighing between 59 and 68 grains • 554 to be gadyanakas • In that case# the gold coins weighing 55 to 58 grains and thought to belong to the Chalukyas* could be also gadyanaka•• coins 555 * Dharana as a currency • • is mentioned in an inscription from Aihole « According 557 to Pleet it was equal to one quarter of a honnu or 558 pagoda* sircar states that it is a silver coin of 32 ratis or 58 grains* Both pala and pana appear in the 559 • Lakshnteswar inscription of vikra.*naditya IZ* Pala# according to sircar^®®# is equal to four karshas or 442 sixty-four mSshas. Pana Is a copper slrcar"^®^ takes pana to be equal to 80 cowries* The Anjanerl plates^®^ of Bhoga&aktl refers to the Krishnarajarupakas* f^pakas'were silver coins weighing between 30 and 34 grains and struck by the Xalachuri king Kr^araja (A.D. 550-575) This me€«e that the Chalukyas also allowed coins of earlier dynasties to be circulated in their territory* Some inscribed gold coins with the boar symbol 565 have been discovered by Rainayya • The Chalukyas of Badami had the boar as their royal erobl^ on the seals of their copper plates* Hence the coins with the boar on their obverse were said to belong to the Chalukya dynasty* rhey were probably the initiators of the bear type of coins which later on cacne to be known as Varaha* This Varaha term indicating a type of coinage continued to be used in the ViJayana^jar period e*vcn though tha boar was not used as a symbol^^®* The three coins discovered by lUunayya were electruin coins* They weigh 153 grains or 9*800 gratnnes* The metal content is 30% gold and 70^ silver* The obverse of the coin contains a big boar facing right* In front of the boar is a lan^* Above the boar is a 443 symbol of th« To the left of the boar is the sun symbol* There are tvfo Inscriptions on this side* One reads *sri Vikratna* and the other reads 'Sri Vikrarna Raja«* The reverse of the coin has a big standing figure* TO its right there is something which looks like a peacock feather* In addition there is a serpent with its spread hood and a short winding body* There are inscriptions also on this side* The first reads 'Vikrama* and the second reads 'Maharaja** Ramayya identifies the standing figure as God JCarttikeya# the patron deity of the dynasty* He attributes these coins to Vikramaditya Z on the basis of the boar symbol and palaeography of the period* 568 Ramayya has also reported a gold coin which is also assigned by him to the Chalukyas of Badami* The gold content is between 75 and 80^ and copper 20 to 25^ Zt weighs 117*0 grains or 7*5 grannies* It is a double die struck coin on a thick plate* on the obverse there is a big boar facing right# protuberant and soiriewhat crude* In front of the boar on thw edge of the coin is a lanp* Above the boar# on the fringe of the coin are the sun and moon symbol* Between the sun and t)w moon is a 444 faint floral design* Below the tail of the boar is in inscription t^ch reads *sri Vikraina** The second inscripticm above the boar is indistinct* t • * The reverse ccmtains a bold standing figure* His left a m is hanging loose and the right arm is flexed and is on the right hip* In the front is a serpent with a raised hood* the edge of the coin is a Sinall boar facing left* On the left edge of the coin there is an inscription which reads *Vikrama** Above the serpent# at the edge of the coin is another legend *nri Vikrama.* There is a third faint inscription which can be read as *Vikrama*• Like the earlier mentioned coins here also the standing figure has been identified as god i^rttikeya because of faint traces of a peacock and its feathers between the legs of the standing figure* IRiis coin has also been ascribed Ramayya to vikramaditya Z* He argues that vikramaditya 2 had a longer reign and was a greater conqueror than Vikramaditya IZ* The palaeograply of the inscription points out to this dynasty* Ramayya traces the origin of this coin to the iCushanaearly Uapta standard of 120 grains ultimately traceable to the Roman dinara origin* They remained in 445 the north right upto the 7th century A*D* if not a little later* some of the later CKipta coins weighed upto ISO grains or 00 rattla of the suvarna standard of Manu* some unlnscribed gold coins have been discovered in the southern Maharashtra and the district of Bellary* Elliot has ascribed them to * the Chalukyas of Badaml S 6 9 • They weigh 55 to 58 grains* On the obverao^^® is a boar surrounded by punched symbols such as lunkha (conch)# a chakra (wheel)# a bow and two Hie reverse has some Indented lines* This type seems to have been an imitation of the *padraatanka* type of coin of tho Kadambas of Banavasi#• their predecessors 572 • The figure 573 of the boar was substituted for that of the lotus • This type later on came to be known as Varaha or pa<^oda* Two coins found in the sarae area# have a boar with trappings on the obverse and a chakra or a floral design 574 on the reverse • Another coin has a boar on the obverse 575 and floral design on the reverse* Yet another coin contains an eight-rayed figure# chakra or sun on the obverse and the reverse is plain576• However the legend is absent* 446 With this background it can be observed that the actual discovery of the coins are very meagre# They are mostly found in gold which could not have been used by the coninon people* Again the important Icings of the dynasty like Pulakeli ZZ and others are not represented in the coinage or probably the coins are not yet discovered* The reference to Kristmarajarupaka in a record of a feudatory sug jests that the par^iwunt ruler might have not had a coinage of their own during that period or it * was not in circulation where that particular feudatory was ruling* with this we can assiime that the Chalukyas probably had very few coins to their credit and had limited circulation* -^xpenditurs t A sizeable amount of the state income was utilised for the maintenance of the a m y and its paraphernalia# building of fortresses and palaces# expenses of the king# the royal household expenses and salaries of the officials* A good amoxint of the revenue was lost when land donations were made along with tax exemptions* Another means of expenditure which must have been a drain on the Imperial exchequer was the construction of temples# provisions for its annual repairs and maintaining the daily worship of the deity# fairs and festivals# charity to the needy# etc* 447 Oonsidarabla money must have been spent when the king performed any religious cerwnony like perfozmance of sacrifices* etc* These ceremonies were probably organized on a grand scale* Other than these# the gcyemment must have spent for the civic amenities and pxiblic utility like gardens# tanks# ponds# dams or embankments# canals# wells# roads# highways# bridges# rest->houses# charitable institutions# etc* Industries* Professions* crafts and Trade'i Besides agriculture# there were several crafts and Industries pursued by the professionals from the local population* Textile Industry t Manufacture of cloth must have been one of the major industries since it was an essential cOTimodlty* ftie success of this industry can be conjectured from the .depiction of beautifully designed cloth on the sculptures of the Chalukyan te.T.ples* The materials used by th«n# according to liiuen 577 rslang # was silk# cotton# wool# etc* ro run these textile industries# it must have required skilled labour like spinners# weavers# dye-makers# etc* Jewelry i Jewelry making was another flourishing craft during the period* The sculptures with their variety of ■ 448 ' * ornaments are a mute testimony to it* They were used both by men and women* Besides bronze and copper a great variety of ornaments must have been made of gold and silver studded with gems and pearls* Metal industry t The reference in inscriptions and depicticm on sculptures also provide us with the evidence of the I existence of a metal industry* Varieties of weapons were used like swords# daggers# spears# lances# etc* This again necessitated the employment of blacksmiths* we get a reference to the guild of braziers in the 578 Lakshmeswar inscription which suggests a well • \ established metal industry* This industry must have also manufactured agricultural implements# utensils and other household articles* Vessels made of gold# silver# copper and iron have also been referred to by Hiuen rsiang 579 * Other than these# the temples and sculptures themselves indicate the manufacture of various metal tools and implements required to produce such beautiful pieces of art* sculptors and artisans might have used such tools for this highly professional Job* Besides# most of the records were inscribed on copper plates* This must have required skilled engravers and smelters* 449 Breweries i Brewery was one of the industries which must have done very well for themselves* we have already referred to Hiuen Tsiang's statement on the soldiers intoxicating themselves and their elephants before a fight* Moreover drinlcing vessels are depicted on the sculptural panels of a temple from Pattadakal with couples and women in various states of intoxication 580 • Hence liquor drinking must have been a favourite pastime of soitie people* Minina t Mining was probably an iinportant industry because it must have been a good source of revenue for the state* Mention of treasures and deposits in the Hyderabad 581 • plates of PulaHe&i IX reveal that mining was actively pursued* 'Wood Industry t The industry of wood-work or carpentry was equally important* As we know« wood is used for various purposes like fumituresc construction of houses* bridges# vehicles# toys# looms for weaving# oil crushers# ploughs# etc* Besides the c^lukyas had a fleet of boats for military purposes* Trade was also carried out by river and sea* 450 All these Jobs must have required skilled carpenters for carrying them out. stone Industry i Another Industry which did quite well was the stone Industry* Stone was used for various pvirposes like construction of religious monumsnts# palaces# houses# making roads# bridges# «nbanktnents and of dally utility like grinders# etc* This needed employment of men of different vocations like quarrymen# transporters# stone- dressers# masons# artisans# sculptors# etc* Brick and tile Industry t Brick * making and tile Industry can be inferred S82 from the accounts of liiuen Tslang • Probably this industry was there in our period* Other Industries t Other industries which did equally well were pottery • making and oil • manufacturing* Pots were generally used for all sorts of purposes like cooking# storing# etc* In fact pottery is one of the earliest Industries which has been in existence from the Prehistoric Neolithic times* Pottery- is even now preferred to metal pots in villages* Besides being used as a cooking medium# oil was also used extenaively for lighting lamps in the 451 tamples* w« have evidence of a fixed qiaantlty of oil per oil mill being given as a gift for thm deity 583 • Inscriptions refer to grants of villages CQ^ for the supply of lamps to t^nples • Perfumeries t Perfumes were used both by men and women* We get 585 references to perfumes or incense being used in temples* This must have required the necessary knowledge in the manufacturing of the perfumeries. Probably the moat common perfume used was sandal paste* Reference is made to sandalwood oil in the Chiplun plates of Pulake&i IZ * Musk (Kasturi) was also used for the same purpose* An inscription of Vikramaditya IZ refers to the scent 587 t of musk * Tanning Industry • The tanning industry must have existed for we 588 have a reference to cobblers in one of the inscriptions of the dynasty* Leather might have been used for producing musical instruments like the drum which are depicted on temples as vrall as other leather products* Other than the above mentioned industries there , wera professionals like basket«makers« garland-makers# butchers* fishermen* cowherds# etc* 452 According to availability of the material# certain goods may have been produced only in certain parts of the country* Hence there irruot have been an active internal trade for distribution of the products to other parts of the country* This must have been carried on 589 both land and water* fUuen Tsiang also refers to this internal trade as "Trademen go to and fro bartering their merchandise after paying light duties at ferries and barrier stations* Besides# reference to stalls in market places and carts and caravans in the contemporary 590 records also speak about the trading activities of 591 the period* Reference to merchants in the records are an indication that trade was carried on extensively* Taxes like octroi# ferry tolls# etc* were paid to tho state for carrying out their trade activity* The chalu]^as had inherited one of the best harbours along the west coast* This fact must have encouraged merchants to have trade relations with other countries* Our records however do not give any clear account of the marine trade in our period* The satavahanas had an extensive sea-trade* Broach# sopara and Kalyan were sor.'ie of the important ports during tha • • 592 satavahana period • Hence it can be inferred that this may have continued to be so even during the Chalukyas* 453 Moreover the Kadenibas are also icnown to have had coranercial transactions with the foreign countries 593 • One of their Inscriptions relates that Bra^vnan merchants Imported horses# elephants and pearls In 594 ships by sea . Oostnos# an Egyptian Christian merchant of the sixth centtiry# throws some light on the cocnmerce of the period* According to him, sindou (Sind)# Orrhot^ (3urat)# K a l u g a (Kalyan) and Sibor were Important ports* Mal& (Malabar) had five ports which Included i-'&rtl (Shatlcal)# Mangarrftth (Mangalore)# salop6tana# Nalop&tana and Pudapatana* These ports received slllc from China# aloes and sandalwood fron the Malayan archipelago and ivory and emeralds from Africa. The articles exported were musH (icasturi) from sindou# bronze# a e m m (Jt>lack»wood logs) and cloth from Kalli^a# pepper from Mala and shells from Marallo (corcxnandel) • India traded with the western countries of the Hellenic world and Persia* The foxmer paid in terms of gold nomisma while the latter with silver drachmas* Ceylon# due to its central position in the South-Aslan seas# was used as an important trading centre through which India 595 received its goods from the far east * There were other minor ports like Naosarl# sopara# rhana# sali^r# 454 596 •» Oabhol* Jayagad# Oevagad and Malwan • iCuvalayainala also provides us some Infoirnation about the convnerclal trade in the eighth century* According to it« there was a regular trade contact between China and Sopara and between 597 Taxlla and Sumatra • south India had trade relation with south-«ast Asia# Ceylon# Africa, Persia* /u:abia» China and the Roman empira S9S • Foreign accounts note that tha Chalukyas • sent embassies to China 599 « Hiuen Tsiang had also visited India during the time of i^lake&i IZ« Contact between south India and Persia is established by the accotmts of the I'mrsimn historian* Pabari* on the correspondence between iAilakefci II and the Sassanian King Khusru II^®®» The articles exported were prob«ibly cotton y a m and cloth (rough and fine muslins), silk thread# mats# hides# indigo# incense# perfumes# betel nuts# coconuts# sandal and teak wood# sesame oil# ivory# musk# bronze# sesum (black^wood)# cardamom# cinnamotn# turmeric# ginger# pepper# shells# elephants# rice# etc^^^« / In return they probably imported pearls# dates# gold# silver# Italian wine# copper# tin# lead# topaz# sweet clover# honey# flint glass# antimony# gold and 602 silver coins# horses# etc • 455 Trade was carried out by moans of boata# caravans of bullock carts# donkeys# horses of inferior breed# etc* The condition of the roads could not have bean very favourable if we take into account the description of the jouxney by Hiuen Tslang* He had to pass through a forest infested with wild animals and desert to reach the kingdom of Maharashtra^®^. In the Maratur plates^^ of tulake&i ZZ# it is said that the Sluka Maharaja who travelled from Mangalapura to Kallura had to undergo a lot of hardships# encounter danger# travel witlK>ut proper food (Advana Pravasa)# etc* Hence# travelling in those days could not have been very easy* Quilds t Trade and industries were managed by the guilds* 605 Manu has referred to the existence of these corporate 606 organizations* Kautilya also mentions the guild of » «rorker8* The merchants and craftsmen formed their own guilds depending on the commodity they traded with* Hence we have epigraphic references to guilds of braziers^®^# oil-mongers^®®# cobblers®®^# artisens^^®# guild of Dasas®^^(?)# etc* we get a reference to the sarva-siddhl- acharyas which was probably a guild of architects^^^* These guilds were affiliated to the Central Mercantile body which regulated the economic life of the state^ 45G keeping In vlaw the Interests of the members* The traders may have been one of the most important sources of state Income* An organlaed trade may have demanded better facilities for the traders on the one hand and on the other hand it may have contributed to the prosperity and wealth of the state* An Inscrlptlcm^^^ from AitxDle mentions about a corporate body Itnown as the five-hundred the great body of Chaturvedls of Xryapura* According to Pleet®^^ this is the earliest reference to a guild colled *the five-hundred Ayyavole* of later inscriptions®^®* This five-hundred Ayyavole which had its headquarters at Aiholo-is referred to in later inscriptions and se^s to have branchcki out to other parts of the Deccan®^®* This sliows that the merchant convminity had becwm very strong and powerful and had organized th^selves to protect and serve their own interests and keeping a check on state abuse* rhe guilds had their own rules and regulations (&renldharma) for the guidance of their m«nbers* These organizations moreover had the sanction of the state* The guilds served various functions* They settled disputes between members and between on<> guild and another* They maintained high standards in production* Merchants had to taXe a lot of risk when they travelled 457 with thair goods from one plec« to another* Hiuen Tslany618 infoxms us about the perils o£ travel in those days* They had to pass through forests infested with wild animals and desert. They also had to risk their lives because robbers were known to prowl on these roads waiting to kill travellers • Protection at such times was provided by the guilds. The merchants may have travelled in groups forming a caravan and the guild may have provided them with troops. These troops again# may have come in use in case of atate emergency. These guilds probably also acted as bonks or treasury. The liakshmoswar InscrlptloB of yuvaraja Vikramaditya IZ had directed the Mahajanas to collect taxes from households according to their status# for festival expenses and fines for offences. This was to be paid once every year in the month of f^rttika to the guild. The s^e record also authorizes the guild of braziers to collect taxes for festival es^enses from households according to their status. There are also instructions for the guild of oil-«aen but the writing here is illegible. From this record we can observe that besides economic# the guilds also performed administrative# social and religious duties. 458 Ouilds organlzod festivals and provided for the entertainment of the people* rhey are also knovm to have taken the responsibility of constructing assembly houses# shelters provided with drinking trater for 621 travellers* temples# tanks and gardens# etc • It is also possible that grants made to templss for their . maintenance was also deposited with them* rhe Anjaneri plates 622 had entzrusted the celebration of the yatra • • festival of the god Vi^u to the merchants of Jayapura town* Zt had also handed over the charge of the temple to the merchants of the town# which also included its property* In return for tl^ir service they were . ex«npted from paying octroi duty and providing for the boarding of royal officers* In addition the postscript of this inscription records the deposition of a hundred rupakas with the guild of merchants in the town of Jayapura# the interest of which was to be spent for providing bdellixam (guggula) for the v;orship of the god Bhoge&vara* It shows that not only did the guild take deposits but also invested them* The interest therefrom may have been spent in organising social fxinctions* w« have a large number of temples constructed during our period# which we have discussed earlier* A few of the temples are known to have been constructed 459 by the klngs« queens or their £e\idatories« In these circumstances It can be presumed that quite a few t<»nples may have been constructed by the wealthy people from the rich merchant comnunltles* Guilds being an organization of rich traders and having the financial resources* religious Inclinations and above all organising ability for social activity* may have contributed In furthering the religion* On the other hand this might have resulted In the construction of a sizeable number of Chalulcyan tuples* Moreover their contact with the outsiders might have broadened their outlook not only in trade but also in religion# art# music and soclo • cultural life* In the p :ess It might have helped In Introducing new trenus and traits In various fields* we have observed some of the Important functions of the guild and their position in the society* However we should not overlook some of the drawbacks of the guild which may have existed* The most Important of these may have been the centralizing of the economy and trying to become richer at the cost of others* As they ware organized# they may have prevented new entrants to the field and also to their organization* Being rich and status-conscious# their social relations may have 4G0 rsvolvttd around people of equal status and class In the community. In other vords# the wealth was confined within the comnunlty* Xt never reached the people from where It came* Lastly* it may have kept all the trade secrets to themselves which %ras not fair to the society in general* feudalism - It^ impact, on the socio-Cultoral and economic life of the People » The Chalulcyas of Badami# like other contemporary dynasties (Pallavas# Harsha# 8hauma»karas# etc«)# had a well organized administrative systwi with the feudal system being a part of it. Fetidalism was already an established system when we come to the period of Chalukyas of Badami. This system had an humble beginning* By the time we come to our period it became complicated which we will be discussing subsequently* In course of our study# along with the kinds of feudalism# we will try to unravel the cause of feudalism# its impact on the society# on the socio-economic# religious and administrative system* Further we will observe how far it achieved in administering the area either in a better 461 way or otherwise* This system has played a great role .In shaping the history and culture of early as well as later mediaeval period* Zt Is a delicate subject which needs thorough understanding with vezy little available source material at our disposal* Primarily# feudalism is the systan of polity* determining the relations* relative rights* and duties of lord and vassal arising out of the holdings of land (and to a lesser degree other sources of incone)* This is again governed by social# religious# economic and political conditions as land was tlMt focal point around which the economic syston of the society revolved* Here the fetidal lord might have held land 623 which he may have inherited or acquired as a gift ♦ for some meritorious work or religious purpose or in the service of the king* like some administrative officials®^^* Ha holds this land for a fee which he directly pays to the State exchequer or spends the revenue for the purpose for which he was granted* m this case the service he renders may be of an admini* strative nature or military help or in prcxnoting religion or social functions* For doing so the feudal* had acquired all kinds of administrative powers including mainteneuice of law and order which had a trwnendous 4G2 effect In shaping the socio-cultuz^l life of the area* It can be observed that throughout the rule of the dynasty# numerous feudal lords in various capacities and status existed* For better under standing we will broadly classify than into the following categories and look for the extent of power delegation and impact of it in the society in varying degrees* 1) The chieftains or petty rulers as were existing earlier* holding small principalities and overpowered by the powerfxil and supreme overlord# lose their administrative sovereignty and are forced to acknowledge the overlordship of the conqueror* Further# the subordinate rulers or feudatories under these chieftains or petty rulers also automatically became the sub feudatories of the paramount ruler* 2) The administrative officials who received their pay through revenue from the area they are governing or in the form of land grants made to them» 3) Those who acquired this status through land donated to t h ^ along with some administrative and economic freedom. These administrative benefits were r, 46LI responsible for their acquiring the feudal status* under this category came the temple organizations# brahmin donees# guilds# etc* 4* Besides these we have another category of feudals who can be termed as sub-feudatories* These s^d3*> feudatories acquired land through vassals or feudals (with or without the knowledge of the paramount ruler) and governed the region with all the privileges of a feudal lord* The practice of making religious grants to brahmanas and temples and religious organisations was prevalent from an early period as will be seen later* But the secular land grants appear to have played a more important role in the process of feudalization* in an age when there was considerable political unstability# with constant warfare with the neighbouring dynasties# it was natural for the political heads to get a feeling of insecurity* This aspect led them to create fiefs loyal to th«n (and also to enstire loyalty) to rule the rwnote parts of their kingdom which gradually led to the establishment of the feudal system* For the ambitious Kings conquering a vast land and administering it properly# having a capital far away# might have been a difficult proposition* This might have necessitated 4G4 eBtabllshlng Intermediary administrative syst^ns with the established or created land lords for smooth running of the State and getting necessary help in times of crisis as vrall as timely trilmtes and fees* Moreover hereditary divisional rulers might have acquired enough power and' tendflKl to be feudal lords* The Dharmalastrasf the Mahabharata# Puranas and the smritikaras advocated the practice of grant of land to brahmanas by stating that the gift of land was the most meritorious of all gifts^^^* The early Pali texts of the pre«4teuryan period and the early epigraphic records refer to village grants made to 626 brahmanas without giving up the administjrative rights « But around the 1st Century B*C* some kind of feudal states probably came up* An inscription frora Guntapalli in the west Godavari district of Andhra Pradesh tells us that one Maharaja Kalingadhipati Mah^eghavahana was the overlord of Mahisakas* This Kalingadhipati was no other than Kharavela who is known 628 ' from the Hatigumpha inscripticm to have conquered countries lying north and south of Kalinga* From this it can be observed that the Mahisakas remained as feudatories satisfying all the conditions after they were subjugated. Hence the beginning of feudalism can be pushed back still further* ■1G5 But the real process for the onset of feudalian started probably around the 2nd century A«D« when administrative rights were given up in the form of grants made to Buddhist monks by the sStavahana ruler Oautami putra satakami* The land so granted to them could not be entered by royal troops* touched by government officials# dug for salt or interfered by the district police • These kinds of grants became widespread in the Gupta period* Prom the 5th Century A«D« onwards* they not only transferred all sources of revenue* but had also given tha power of maintaining law and order besides other administrative functions* This paved the way for feudalization of the State apparatus* when we come down to the period of Chaltikyas of Badami* this institution was well established* The l^derabad plates^^^ of Pulake&i ZI records the grant of the village Makarappi# with its treasures and deposits and assignments and major taxes like klipta and uparikara# to one jyeshtha&arman for the purpose of celebrating the five great sacrifices* The revenue or the ownership of t)% mines and taxes were the primary sources of finance and was a sign of sovereignty of the king* Hence the transfer of these rights meant the 466 transfer of some of the royal prerogative to the donee* This was the turning point in the development of fexidaliam where the donor not only granted the revenues but also the administrative power of the State* The term vassals or sSmantas as is conntonly known were those rulers who were conquered or subdued by the overlord and their territories annexed. These feudatories functioned as autonomous bodies* They administered their territories as before* In return for this administrative freedom# they had to acknowledge the overlordship of the wnperor and had to pay periodical tributes* In times of war# they had to render support to their overlordship militarily* This can be discerned from the incident during the interregnum between Pulakefti II and ViXramaditya I when Oaflga King DurvinXta supposedly Vikramaditya I*s maternal grandfather assisted him in suppressing the feudatories who had tried to assert their independence and oust the en«nies from the • 631 kingdom and acquire the throne for him (Vikramaditya I) * The relations between the ruler and ruled was cordial* Besides* sometimes in order to maintain this cordial relation matrimonial alliances %#ere made* This is also evident from the above incident for after t)M 4G7 defeat of the Oaftgae at the hands of Pulake&l 11, the GaAga king oiirvlnTta appears to have given his daughter In marriage to the Chalukyan overlord* Some of the feudatories who fall in thia category* fulfilling the necessary conditions were the l^lupas# Sendrakasf Banas# Telugu Cholas# Gaftgas# Sindas# Nalas# • • • Hauryas# Kadarobas# Kalachuris# etc* The Kadainbas ruled over the area which comprised U m present districts of North Kanara# Belgatxm* Dharwar 632 and the adjoining regions of Karnataka • Th« inscriptions®^^ of the dynasty record the uprooting of Kadambas by xXrttivazman I and annexing the Kadainba territory including the city of Banavasi to the Chalukyan domains* The Mahakuta pillar inscription®^^ refers to the victory of Pulake&i Z over the sendrakas (Madrakas?) among other dynasties* Pzx>bably the sendreOcas were allowed to continue governing their territory for the Sendrakas gave their princess# i*e* the sister of Sendraka Raja Srivallabha senananda# in marriage to Klrttivarman I*^®* The sendrakas were ruling# in the Magarakhanda divisicm of the Banavasi province# as feudatories earlier under the Kadambas and then they came under the influence of the Chalukyas®^®* The Kumool plates of vikramaditya Z records the grant by 468 the king at tha request of King Deva^aktl of the • • 037 fi38 Sandraka family • The inscription at Balagarave of Vinayaditya shows Pogilli# tha Sendraka Maharaja# as a feudatory* He was governing over Jedugur and the Nayarkhanda region identified with Jedda in the sorab taluka# shimoga district# Karnataka and Magarakhanda division of the Banavasi region respectively.63 The Aihole inscription®^^ of Pulakefii IX records the subjugation of the Nalas# Matiryas and the Kadambas by Kirttivarman Z* The Halas probably ruled in the Nalavadi* visaya around Bellary and FOimool* Znscriptims • • • of Vikramaditya and his son Vinayaditya®^^ mention tha Nalavadi visaya. The Mauryas were ruling in the Konkan having their capital at Purl* in the Merur plates of MaAgalela# he donates the village Kundivataka situated in the Koftkana visaya®^^ showing his overlordship in the dominion of tha Mauryas* The Slupas and the Gaftgas were feudatories under the Chalukyas of Badami* This can be surmised from the Mahakuta pillar inscripticm®^^ which mentions the GaAgas and Xlukas (if Xlukas are synonymous with Xlupas) among • • • others conquered by fdCrttivarman Z* They seon to have been subjugated again by Pulakesi IZ according to the Aihole inscription®^®* The Gaftgas and the Slupas* 469 mentioned hers as Xluvas# are again spoken of as hereditary servants of vinayaditya in his Harihar grant®^®. Moreover it also records the grant of a village by the King at the instance of the Xluva raja* The Sorab grant of the same king records the grant of a village in the Edevolal visaya* at the request • • of the Maharaja chitravaha# son of Xlupa ruler Ounasagara. Vinayaditya is said to have given his daughter KuAlcumadevi in marriage to the Slupa ruler Chitravahana* Besides this# the Maruturu grant also seems to suggest that the Xlupas were the feudatories • of the Chalukyas. It is also believed that the Slupas and the GaAgas were earlier the feudatories of the Kadambas • The GaAgas ruled in the Oaftgavadi ninety- six thousand# the present ^^80re with their capital m fiSQ at Talakad • During the unrest that prevailed in the interregnum between Pulake6i II and Vikramaditya 1, the period witnessed the assertion of independence by the feudatories* During this period# vikramaditya X was aided by his maternal grandfather# the GaAga King Durvinlta# a feudatory under the Chalukyas* According to the Aihola inscription®^^# Pulakefei II wrested the throne from Mangalela by force* The confusion that ensued during this troubled period# gave cause for 470 tha rise of the feudatories to declare their Independence. The Gaftgas of Talakad# the Kadambas of Banavasl* the Alupas and the Mauryas had to be once again suibdued* The next to have been meted out tl^ same fata were the IjStas# ^ 652 the Malavas and the Gurjaras . Lata, south of the river idDn, with Its capital of Navasarllca* was under Buddharaja of the KaXachurl line at the time of Maftgale&a'i Incursion. The Gurjaras ruled the territory between tlw Kim and the MahX rivers and the IiStas and Malavas to their south and east respectively. This must have also formed 6S3 part of the Kalachurl do«nlnlons . Thus the frontier of the Chalxikyan wnplre extended right upto the river Mahl. Pulake&l thus reigned over the three Maharashtrakas which Is said to Include nlnetynnlne thousand vlllages^^^. Then he brought under subjugation the Kbsala and Kallnga rulers followed by the capture of the fort of Plshtapura (modem Plthapuram) and also conquered tha Kaunala region. After crossing tha Kaverl# he made the Cholas# the i^ralas and the P^dya his allies. A . . .. significant achievement was the establishment of tha eastern branch of the Chalukyan empire at VeAgl after his conquest of Plshtapura. Pulakelil ZZ bestowed the kingdom to his yotingar brother Vlshnuvardhana Z who was later on considered as tha founder of the new dynasty. 471 Apparsntly# Pulaksll foimd it was not feasible to rule this remote part from Badami and may have appointed his brother to administer the Veftgi territory* similarly Vikramaditya 1, son of Pulake&i ZZ« was respcmsible for the establishment of the Gujarat branch with its capital at Nausari and installation of his younger brother Dharalraya JayasiAhavctnnan as its administrator* Vinayaditya's inscriptions refer to bringing the Pallavas, Kalabhras# Keralas* Haihayas (i*e* Kalachuris)# Vilas# Malavas« Cholas# Pandyas and others • • • • • into a similar state of sxibmission as the Xlupas and the Gaftgas^^^* The Kolhapur plates mention the ratnas (tributes) received frtwi the Pallavas# the Trairajya country (Cholas# Keralas# P^dyas)®^®# the king of * • • • Mushaka# the ruler of Lata and xSma# and the queen of Strlrajya (?)• Vinayaditya is also said to have levied tributes f roratiie rulers of Komera# Parasika and siAhala ' 657 and other dvipas • The Banas ruling over Vaftganur visaya also seem • • » 658 to have acknowledged the overlordship of Vinayaditya * During Vijayaditya•s time# feudatories like the Xlupa# Gaftga# Sendraka# Banas# Telugu •> c]x)la of Renandu * • • continued to help him in the administration of his vast 472 afl^irs* Vljayaditya maintained cordial relationshipa 6S9 with th«m, Tha shiggaon platea record Vijayadltya's viait to Banavasi to soe his brother-in-law Xlupa ruler Chitravahana. Besides this# at the instance of Chitra- vahana« he made a grant to the Jaina monastery built by his sister Kumkumadevi at Purigere* The Telugu • Cholas were feudatories frt»m the time of VikranSditya The Gadval inscription records a grant made by the ]cing when his victorious eunny was encamped at Uragapura after haring entered the Cholika province. Vikramaditya XZ had an ally in the Kalachuris for he was related to them by marriage to two Haihaya princesses namely LokainahadevX and TrailokyamahadevI* His sovereignty was recognized by minor dynasties* 662 This can be evidenced from the Tippaluru inscription which records that Pormukharama governed the territory upto the river Penna on behalf of the Sana king a m feudatory of the Chalukyas* Similar Instance can be inferred where a grant was made at the request of Rashtra- kuta Govindaraja# son of sivaraja and vijnapti in the • I Naravana inscription®®^# The Korrapadu ceiling slab inscription®®^ registers a gift by Per-Banadhiraju*mm «» The Chandana stone inscription665 records that during kirttivarman II *s reign the gift was 473 mado by Dharanappan# son of TrigaAga of Jagadur# whll« ha was ruling over Chanjona with his sxibordinata govaming the Suramara visaya* These records clearly • refer to Banas as feudatories of the Chalulcyas* The Sindas# Sendrakas and other feudatories like king Madhavatti of the Adur record # continued to be sxibordinates of the Chalukyas 667 . A record of the tin« of Vikramaditya I registers a grant made at the request of fCali-Sinda®®® of the Sinda family. State Administration related to feudals i The Chiplun copper-plate grant of Pulakeli II states that the king issued a comnand to the inhabitants of the Avaretika visaya that his maternal uncle# Srivallabha • Senwandaraja has donated a village and a plot of land in another village* free from the right of entry by irregular and regular troops, by messengers# and the king's servants# to one Mahe&vara who has performed sacrifices* This no doubt suggested non* intairference of royal officials in all matters whereby investing the religious beneficiary with fiscal and administrative po\^er« But it also suggests that though the vassals had administrative freedom# it was limited 'as in the case of Irivallabha - Senanandaraja, They had limited right to dispose off land and other (sale# mortgage) rights concerned with the land# as they pleased* 474 They required the sanction of the king In this Instance. Secondly# they had the power to collect taxes from the area govejmed by than* Thirdly# the request to the king was probably because to let the king know that since he Is losing so much revenue due to the donation# he should be given scxne concession while paying the tribute to the klng« Religious grants were also made by governors and vassals. Nozmally grants made by feudatories were done with royal consent or approval# with the usual benefits* Governors or feudatories scxnetlmes prevailed upon the king to grant villages* For Instance# the plates proclaim that at the behest of king MaAgalaraJa# Ravl%aktl# of sendraka family# made a grant of cultivable land to the twnple of Lord In village of Klruvattakere I^Sntlnatha the • • • • which was under his feudal authority* The SanJan 671 plates of Buddhavarasaraja# who was an uncle and apparently a feudatory of his nephew Vlkramadltya X# gifted a landed pro):>erty# consisting of a mango*orchard and two fields# with the lavanlvaunda and varaslglla# to sagula Dlkshlta* Besides these above benefits# from one of the fields It also sanctioned all the Income thereof especially In the form of taxes like the pratlbhedlka# the Apavlhlna and Atyantaraslddhl according to the Bhumlchldra* Zt also 475 restricts the entry of regular and irregular troops* Moreover the grant was made here without acknowledging the overlordship of the king which implies that he being a relative of the royal family held tremendous power* Vikramaditya was requested Isf Rashtrakuta # • Govindaraja to donate the villages Naravana# Chindramada • • and Arobada# etc. to brahmanas with instructions that half of the dues such as aruhana* that were paid to government officers from the village Ambada were to be paid from Naravana. The number of villages thus alienated by the king as well as their feudatories, in favour of learned brahnxanas was considerable* 673 The KUmool plates of Vikramaditya I records that the king# at the request of king oeva&akti of the sendraka family# gave a field and a piece of garden-land at the village of Rattagiri to Ka&asv^in* Another • • inscription£74 of vikramaditya « • X se^s to register a certain gift made at the request of Kali-Sinda# apparently 675 • a feudatory* The grant of Vinayaditya records a gift 676 of land by one of the Sendraka family* The sorab copper-plates of vinayaditya records the grant given at the request of the Maharaja, the illustrious Chitravaha# the son of the Xlupa ruler Qunasagara, to Divakaralazman* The gift was the village sallvoge# free^rom taxes# not 47G to bo entered by the regular soldiery# (and) with exemptions frcmi all drawbacks. The shlggaon 677 plates of Vljayadltya records the grants of the village Guddlgere#• • • stated to be the centre of Jalna religion specially for the teaching of ^rastra branch of Mula-saAgha, Further gifts of land and villages appeurently were made to the same Jaina monastery. Again a group of fields at Nerilika were gifted. Then the village Maragundi was granted with all privileges. Likewise was granted the Kahpur village, when the king Vijayaditya had gone to Banavasi in order to see the Alupa ruler Chitravahana# the grant was made at the # request of Chitravahana# to the Jaina monastery# which was caused to be constructed by iCumkumadevi at 678 Purigere . Heire all these records suggest the over- / lordship of the ruling dynasty. 679 A record of id!rttivarTnan I states that while king Sinda was governing at the city of Pandlpura# king Madhavatti •» arasa# probably a feudatory# is stated to have been requested by the Gamundas and Karanas who with his pennissim# granted a piece of riceland (galde) to the temple of Jinendra. This shows that in certain cases the feudatory not only could make grants without royal consent but also give consent to other individuals in making grants. Bat this did not mean that it has escaped 477 the notice of the icing for the Inscrlpticm clearly •uggests that the king was the sutpreme sovereign* £80 The Turimella inscription of chalukya• Vikramaditya Z mentions about a gift of land given by the mother of Ujenipilacha when he was ruling over the fruva visaya# to Govri->shama-Bhattara]ca. Ujenipi&acha • • •• is supposed to be the right-hand man of Goggi-Bhatara* Here even the relatives of the feudatories had the privilege of granting land like the relatives of the king especially his a»ther« the queen and brother etc* Zt goes to say that not (»)ly the feudal hord himself is taken into confidence but also the family* A Badami inscription 681 refers to two thousand members of the Mahachaturvidya «• Samudaya of vStapi who remitted the spoils of the cobblers of the place in favour of Nidiyamara* This spoil seems to be a penalty for a breach of contract* This shows that enough power was delegated to this organization or body to take action in matters of administration* This also implies that if this body had so much power then the feudatories must have had much more power in maintaining social order and justice* The king in order to keep his hold on his vassals and feudatories and probably officials* and to check 478 abuse of th«ir administrative powers# resorted to various strategies like maintaining spies# visiting their area (often) or sending royal officials from time to time# commanding them to make donations or himself making grants by alienating villages in their dominions* This way he made his authority felt* The Mahakuta pillar inscription®®^ of MaAgale&a maintains that MaAgalela was able to suppress the hostility of his enemies by means of his spies and he seems to have been an escpert in the selection of spies and messengers* The vassals were given a free hand in the administration of their territories* But they had to pay homage to their overlords by paying periodical tributes and by acknowledging the overlordship of the sovereign in their grants* Tlray helped the king in his numerous military campaigns* We have no evidence as such to prove their assistance in tha state administration but we can be sure that they enjoyed considerable power and status in the matter of influencing the king* For we get several inscriptions where grants have been made by the king on the request of his vassals* During the reign of vikramaditya ZZ# the Tippaluru inscription records a gift of land at Marraliiru by 479 Annarapuli vSnnbulu to Ifevara# a brahmana when PozTRukharama was governing the territory as far as the limits of the Penna on behalf of the B ^ a king* We get the names of the Individuals who measured the gift land and witnessed It* This shows that s\iblnfe\>datlon (an Intermediary between feudal lords and tenants) was also practised In the land held by vassals* The copper plate grant of srI satyalraya Dhruvaraja Indravarma* stationed at VlJayarevatX OvTpa« which meant that he was governor of that Island# gave to ^varya# the village of Karelllka# In the division of Khetahara# free from all lame people# and not to be entered hy soldiers* Here of course he does acknowledge his overlord even though falling to give his name and seems to have been dlxrected the king to make this grant* However It can be assumed that the feudals had comparatively enough Importance and Influence in the administrative set-up in the area ruled by th^* The king often could not neglect or ignore the feudatories by donating land directly without their knowledge but Instead he directs them to do so* Further it can be observed that a limited power of disposing the land or Its revenues by the feudals indirectly emphasises that the absolute power of revenue collection as well as ownership of land was in the hands of the king* These 480 feudatories were intennedlarie« between the king and the enibject for a limited governing power like revenue administration# law and order# etc* Tributes i The numerous epigraphical records of the period give enough informations therein regarding quite a few nxu^r of taxes which we will be discussing later on* These taxes were levied on the subjects b/ the feudal lords and were collected either in cash or kind* The revenue was spent for their own administrative p\irpose in the smooth-running of their territory# maintenance and extending quite a good amount of it as a foxTO of fixed tax or tribute to the king annually or seasonally* Secondly# to show their reverence and loyalty to their overlord they used to present themselves in the royal court with rich gifts# time and again* Zn case of any military help# the feudals having a well organized axmy were instrumental in extending necessary help during ^ergency arising out of external threat or internal disorder* As mentioned earlier# the Kolhapur AQS plates declare the tributes received fran the Pallavas# the Trairajya country# the M^shaka king# ruler of Lata and K^a# and queen of strlrajya* Vinayaditya levied tributes from the rulers of i^mera# Fttrasika# siAhala and other dvipaa * 481 yield of geimral administration liH» law and — dr. collection of taxes/ arrnv etc* The vassals having an administrative set-up for the collection of revenue and other administrative ftanction such as for maintenance of law and order must have had a small Axray of policemen* Besides this* the feudatories had their own military and administrative machinery and were in a position to assert their independence whenever the situation seemed ripe for revolt* This was evidently the case during the interregnum between the rule of Pulake&i IZ and Vikramaditya X# The vassals must have had their own tax policies and methods of tax collection* While paying taxes or tributes to their overlords# it necessarily became a burden on than* In these circumstances they may have passed on this burden later to their sxibjects by imposing extra taxes# cesses# fines# tolls or by some other means* Besides tributes# in order to supply army to his over-lord# ha had to maintain one and keep in ever-readiness which must have cost a big sum* This again was met through taxation* The taxes levied in the chalukyan dominions may have also been effective in the area governed by the vassals* As far as we can gather from the epigraphlcal evidences# the tax pattern and otlier sources of income 482 were as follows t octroi duty# taxes in Xind like oil# millet# cattle# etc*# perquisites to be given to the king's servants# Xdity^chhamarumanna and Marunchhamarumanna# household tax# taxes from each household according to its status for festival expenses# escheat of property of childless parsons* Mora over we also get mention of sane taxes and other sources of inc donations to sub*feudals« They were lavanivaunda#•» varasigila# pratibhedika# apavihina and atyantara-siddhi by the rule of Bl^ichidra# aruhana# octroi duty# providing boarding and lodging for royal officers# escheat of property if they died sonless* All these taxes were most probably current in those times* where religion was concerned# the rulers# even though being Vaisnavites had a vexy tolerant attitude • • towards other religion and even consented to or made grants on the request of feudatories to religious institutions other than their own* As for instance# the Shiggaon plates®®^of Vijayaditya confirms this by making grants of a village stated to be the centre of Jaina religion specially for the teaching of ^rastra branch of I^la-saAgha* Besides# several other gifts were granted to this Jaina monastery which was built by Kumkumadevi at Purigere* 483 Social relation too between the king and his £eudatories was equally cordial as can be seen in Evan though we do not get direct evidence of grants made to officers for their military and administrative services# we have one Narwan plates690 484 Of Vikramadltya II whore the condition of the grant was that half of the dues such as aruhana# that were to be paid to government officers from the village Ambada were to be paid frcnn the tiaravana# the gift village* Here we have clear evidence that government officers were paid in the fozm of taxes imposed on villciges* HcxifevQVt we cannot be certain to generalize it* whether it was an exception or the rule cannot be said eeAd as we do not get any further example where the officials are paid by land grants or revenues* ggi The Dldgur inscription records that Dosi who was governing the Banavasi twelve tlx}usand* laved the feet of the Mahajanas at Mugunda and assigned to them a quarter of the tax at SaAgavur# to continue as long as the sun end the moon may last* This assignment was made under the orders of the king* But for what purpose this grant was made is difficult to say* Either that it was for expendit\ire on conwiunal objects as 692 fleet opines or then it could have been as payment for services rendered or for their maintenance* Here the Mahajanas belong to that category of officials where they are given a particular area to govern and collect taxes* a part of which goes for their maintenance and a part of it goes to the king as a tax or a tribute* So 485 this Hind of land holding may not hav# created any problem as these officials# as long as they were In the area# were entitled to act as a landlord or a feudal lord* In very few cases the officials might have got a transfer* Hence moire often than not# It led to a permanent family establishment* They might have been loyal to the king through the generations and enjoyed the privileges otherwise enjoyed by a feudal lord* This heredltaxy nature of administrative office might have gone further in organising an administrative set-up which later on could have become a permanent institution or an establishment leading to a full-fledged feudal system* Here the difference is that they are appointed by the king for certain administrative purpose and by virtue of their administrative capacities pull on for generations* They can be r.iore aggressive in cc»nparlson to the established vassals due to their efficiency for which they are given this post* The sole motive here is that he is to be given an area to govern# to collect taxes# to part some of it and enjoy the rest and maintain law and order* To perfozia his assigned duties he# like vassals# might have needed to have his own arrangement of security forces* 486 \ Tbtt hervditary natiirtt of the jx>8t of administrative officers was also responsible for feudalizing the administration and undermining central aut)K}rity. This tended to make his position in the centre very strong whereby making him powerful* Here we have clear evidence of this practice in several records of the Chalukyas ^ere the post of mahasandhivigrahika (minister for peace and war) has been hereditary* Ramapunyavallabha who was Mahasandhi- vigraJiika wrote all of Vinayaditya's grants. He continued in the same position diiring Vij ayaditya' s time* He was succeeded by Niravadya Punyavallabha during Vi J ayaditya *s reign* He was probably the son of Ramapunyavallabha* He too wrote almost all his grants* Anivarita Punyavallabha (probably son of Niravadya Punyavallabha) took over in vikramaditya II*s reign* Dhananjaya-Pu^avallabha was the Mahasandhivigrahika and writer in idrttivarraan II *s reign* Thus we YtawB four generations of writers officers of the Punyavallabha family* The officers were equally becoming powerfiil* This can be inferred from the Balagamve stone inscription®^^ of Vinayaditya where Kandarba, on oecoming the officer-in-charge» remitted certain fees* This 487 charter was Issued while Pogilll« the Sendra}ca Maharaja was governing over the Nayarkhanda division and Jedugur* A similar case is the grant at Aihole®^^ which tells us about some forms o£ taxes assigned by Bemanna-soinayaji to the Five-hundred# vho constituted the great body of Chaturvedis of ^ryapura* # The inscription of LokamahadevZ^^^ of Vllcramaditya ZZ states that • Sarvasiddhi •> acharya# the Sutradharl of the southern country# \A)o had majqf architect\iral achiavotnents to his credit and the maker of the liOkelivara temple of LokamahadevT* averted the exc - 696 The inscription of Vijayadltya states that an individual built a temple of Arjunlfrvara and made a gift of land to the god Arjunllnrara. Banniyur where the temple was erected# was under the administration of the Mahajanas. This land being under the Jurisdiction of the Mahajanas meant that the land was acquired through 188 the Mahajanasc This lllustratea the growing power of the Mahajanas* Several Inscriptions like the Altem plates^^*^# 698 699 Kalra plates # the Sanjan plates the grant of Nagavardhana"^®® and the plates of Srl-Satyafcraya 701 702 Dhruvaraja Indravarma and Talamanchl plates rnaJce grants free from regular and Irregular troops (ctwta- ri bhate}# royal officials and lame people { ^ ^ • )' This Implies that generally and customarily the villages were probably obliged to supply provisions for the soldiers whenever they happened to visit their villages* This tended to make the royal troops and officials Intermediaries between the king and the peasants and thus made them subservient to the whims of these royal functionaries* Sublnf eudatlon As we have stated above* the Inscription of _ 703 » Vljayadltya states that an Individual from Uttarapatha built a temple for the god Arjunllvara« Installed In it an image of Nandllvara and made a gift of some land to the god Arjunl&vara* Banniyur where the tensile vras erected# was under the administration of the Mahajanas (of the place)* Hare obviouslyt the Individual must have bought the land and taken permission to build the 48f) temple from the Mahajanas* since he was an outsider* Again he has gifted this land to the ten^le which clearly means that the revenue does not go to the Hlng but for the administration and maintenance of the temple. The very fact that a person frcwi Uttanpatha has been given the land to build a temple shows that the Mahajanas had enough authority to dispose the land xmder their administration even for gift purpose* This also shows that in the later period# subinfeudation was setting In whereby the Central hold over Its dominions was slackening and Individuals could acquire and make donations In their own right* A record of idtrttlvarman states that while king Slnda was governing at the city of Pandlpura# • • king Madhavattl - arasa* probably a feudatory# Is stated to have been requested by the Gamundas and Karanas who * • • with his permission# granted a piece of rlceland State Administration in relation to Brahroanas# Temples# Quilds and Merchants# etc* The ChalvJcyan grants were mostly made to Brahmanas or deities in return for religious services or religious merit* For Instance# the Chipliui platee"^®^ of Pulakefcl IX records the grant made by his maternal uncle to Increase the religious merit of his parents and himself* under the C^^ukyas the grants were generally made by the kings thwnselves or by the feudals with the knowledge of the king* Brahmanas# ^vlte# Vaisnavite 491 and Jalna temples wnerged as landed intermediaries* They enjoyed not only economic privileges at the cost o£ the state and cultivators and inhabitants but also administrative power at the cost of the king* The Alt«n plates of PulaHeli Z serve as a good example where the king gave a field to the temple of Jinendra (built by samiyara) on the request of sSnniyara, the Oovemor of Kohundi visaya* Besides# he also gave four villages and fields totally measuring 630 nivartandas in various villages* These four villages were given* together with the udraAga and uparikara and not to be entered by irregular or regular troops* The Badami cave inscription^®^ refers to the construction of the Visnu temple lay MaAgale&vara* Hs • * makes a grand gift to the brahroanas* Purther at a festival held for the inauguraticm of the image of t)^ holy VimUf he arranged for the revenue of the village named Nipiivnalinge&vara to be used for daily offerings to l^rSyana and giving charitable relief to sixteen brahmans# distributing such food as remains to be 708 eaten mendicants* The fCanadalgaon plates of Pulake6i ZZ records the gift of the village of Pirigipa to a Oravida brahman named NarayanasvStnin* for the purpose of maintaining the bali# charu and vai6vadeva sacrifices* 492 Similarly in tha NelJcund*^®^ grant of Chalu3c7a AbhinavSditya the grant of the village Nelkund waa made# free of alljin^sts to the brahmcma Kuppa&axnia* Initially these grants were made for the maintenance of the brahmanas for the religious services rendered* But later on# the donees may have assumed a feudal status when their interest in administering the estate developed and overshadowed their responsibilities towards religious duties* The Chalukyas made grants of villages* plots of land and other miscellaneous items scxnetimes with or without mentioning the concessions# fiscal rights and administrative benefits* This can be inferred from the aforementioned i^derabad plates of Pulake&i The Oadval plates of ViXramaditya announces tha grant of fields and different measures of paddy to be given to three brahmanas* No mention is made of any concessions* However# in the Talamanchi plates of m 712 Vikramaditya Z # a village Elasatti is granted# with exemption from all molestation to his preceptor SrliTieghacharya* The spurious Kaira*^^^ plates of Vijayaraja# records the grant of the village Pariyaya# in the v i ^ y a of itelakula to 63 braivnanas with the udraftga and the uparikara and free from all the ditya# the liability to forced labour and tha pratibhedika* Moreove 493 It was to be enjoyad by the rule of b)n!bl<-chchhldra, and not to be entered for the purpose of billeting by the irregular or the regular troops* The 714 Kumool plates of Adityavarman records the allotment knovm as the uiichhainanna • pannasa of two villages to Revalarma and Agni&arma, This gives us an idea of the large prevalence of making grants to brahinanas in those days* Grants were also made by individuals but of course with the consent of the State. Land could be purchased for the purpose of maJcing gifts* This can be seen from the Pattadakal pillar inscription^^^ where thirty nivartanas of land was purchased for thirty gadyanalcas of gold* This also added to the number of grants being made to brahmanas and temples by individuals* 716 so also the Tippalaru inscription records a land gift at Marraluru by Annarapuli VaAbulu (Probably a connonar) ** *• * to Zlvara# a brahmana* The inscription of Vijayaditya at Mahakuta*^^*^ records that Vinapoti# one of the king's concubines* granted several gifts and a field to the deity* Similarly 718 an inscription of vikramaditya XI mentions a grant of land made by the king on the request of the merchant Bahubali in favour of the god Jina* Yet another 494 inscription of Vijayadltya^^^, as quoted earlier# mentions about an Individual from Uttarapatha# who made a gift of some land to the god ArjiuiXfevara* The hereditary character of the grants was also responsible for establishing the donees In the area and making t h ^ secure and powerftil* The 720 -p Mudhol plates of Pugaveucnian confer a gift of land to the deity varahadeva who was already enjoying an earlier land grant* This was to be enjoyed by different beneficiaries. This as much goes to show that this sort of practice was reason enough for t h m to make their supremacy felt over the inhabitants of the area* 721 • • The inscription of Vijayadltya satya&raya records the gift by Eltugolugasanl of one sontige of • • •• oil on (each) one oil-mill# wherever it might be# allotted on account of religion* He se«ns to have given this to some deity* This is another development in feudalism where royal Income from trade and comnerce was being transferred to temples for religious purposes* Of course we do not know whether the oil mills paid to the state exchequer any dues over and above what they gave to the temple* vie have no means to know who £ltugolugasanlA * was and under what authority or 495 rather under what condition was this grant of oil being made from each mill* Yet another inscription of VDcramaditya records that at the time of granting of IVaxreyaftgal fifty to the temple of Loke^ara# it was settled that the people of the area would give two Iculas of millet on (each) one mattar of land* The inscription further clarifies that there is no peremptory d^and* no obligation of presenting cattle and no right of perquisites to be given to the king's sezvants« Here it would seem that the people were being exett^ted from the above mentioned duties in return for their share of the grant probably for the daily needs of the temple* On the other hand it would seem that sometimes people may have been forced to make contributions (over and above the prescribed levy) for the daily requirements of the teniple# presenting cattle and providing perquisites to the kings servants* Here the temple# besides acquiring o%mership of land and consolidating its economic position is also being ensured a regular supply of millet for its daily needs* Again# an interesting example is the gift of one Revadibadda (probably a customs official) to a temple# which was one mana an each peru and five visas on each 49G bhanda• • • peru. • and fifty betel-lsavas on each pSru of betel*leaves# whenever the cuatoms-duty should cofne 723 in to him • This arrangement was made by the king# and^ the people of the city* headed by the Mahajanas* During this period the merchant class seems to have gained a lot of power and privileges. Zt cs«* also be discerned from the Lakshmeswar pill«or inscription724 of the heir-apparent vikramadityam ZZ» addressed to the Mahajanas# burgesses and the eighteen prakritis of Porigez«f (present Lakshcneshwar) • Zt records the municipal obligation of the royal officers and the Mahajanas* The king's officers ar« asked to protect the untenanted houses# the king's gift# proclamation# etc. On the other hand the Mahajanas are directed that they should see that every household pays tax once a year to the district governor* Zt further states that for festival expenses# the guild is authorised to levy taxes from each household according to its status# to realise fines for theft and minor delinquencies# for the ten offences and to escheat the property of childless persons* Reference is made to the organization of pandis and settis in the town and • * • • other guilds* Moreover every household is directed to pay taxes according to its status to t^ie guild of braziers* 497 This clearly Indicates that the giillds were beooniing powerful In the administrative field and performing the duties which were formerly carried out by the state officials of fiscal and Judicial department* This gave them economio power over the inhabitants of the town. Zt also provided the basis for undermining central power and giving rise to independent economic organisations* During this period we also have the two charters of Bhogalakti# the Chalulcyan feudatory of Purl-KOftkana* which amply provides evidence of the merchants attaining autonomous privileges* In the first inscriptioa^^^# eight villages* monetary and certain other privileges were granted to god Narayana called Bhoge&vara for its maintenance and for the yatra festival of the god* The supervision of the yatra festival was to be conducted by the local merchants consisting of five or ten in number* Besides they were entrusted with the responsibili^ of managing the t^ple along with its belongings* In return they were exempted from octroi duty and providing 726 boarding for royal officers* The other inscription maintains that a town Samagiri pattana was resettled and granted along with five other villages to the town of which two merchants are referred to as chief representatives, 498 Tha merchants of the town were exempted front octroi duty In the whole kingdom and the orown had no right to escheat their property if they died sonless* They were also free from providing lodging and boarding for royal officers* But* fines were to be imposed on merchants found guilty of sexual and physical offences* The punishment would be decided hy eight or sixteen respectable men of the town* These exan^les go to show that the administrativa duties were being thrust upon the merchants and they were enjoying similar privileges which were being enjoyed by the tcunple and individual beneficiaries* Besides# in order to carry out these duties it was necessary to remain in the same town* This on the other hand diverted their attention to administration of the villages and the town Instead of looking after their business* Thus such circumstances gave opportunities for these merchants to attain feudal status* 727 The grant recorded in the Altem plates also shows a tendency towards sub->infeudation* It is because of the fact that such a big donation was made to the Acharya obviously for the seat of which he was the head* With so much land under its control and with so many concessions enjoyed* it was natural for such 49,9 raathas to have become lemd intermediaries iaetween the overlord and cultivator* It might have given ample scope to the donees for sub->in£eudation by hiring secular or unpaid (visti) labourers for cultivating the land* But the inscriptiott*^^^ of Buddhavarasaraja clearly indicates the existance of sub«in£eudation whereby he not only grants lands but also gives administrative freedom to the donee* 729 • The Togarchedu grant of vinayaditya declares a gift by the king# with the right of enjoyment# to Bhlmalazma# with certain taxes like !Sdity^chha» marumanna and I^ruAchha-marumanna at three villages# in the Pedekul visaya* This instance clearly indicates that the donee in order to claiM his dues and to realise the revenue from these villages would have foxind it difficult to do so single*handedly along with his religious duties* so# obviously# he had to maintain some staff to carry out these administrative functions* This led to the vnergance of landed intermediaries between the king and the cultivators# esjpecially in the field of fiscal administration* Moreover# granting of land forever under their Jurisdiction# allowing than to collect all kinds of taxes# fines# mines and treasure 500 deposits# otc. and not allowing central officials to the area either for visiting or for administrative purpose and also disallowing the spies# rather cutting all kinds of administrative clutches# necessarily brought into existence some kind of feudal status to the brahmins# tesnples# guilds and merchant class* This give rise to a different )cind of administrative set-up for various groups* This involved control over t ^ land (including the peasants) enjoying its privileges# administering it and rendering the service in the form of loyalty carrying out religious functions and in some cases helping in the central administrative organization* The endovsnant of economic and administrative right on the beneficiaries rather tended to cut off the direct control of the king over the donated areas* The beneficiaries# for collection of revenue and for security purpose may have appointed some officials under them* These privileges# concessions and protection almost made them autonomous bodies powerful and capable enough to behave like petty feudal lords* Internal Administration of the leneficiaries Depending upon the area of the administration as is evident# they may not have found it difficult in organizing their own administrative system* All they 50i may hav« needed was a group o£ persons as tax collectors# a few for enforcing law and order (like a para-4nllltary of strong-man group) and a few officials for maintenance of records* The Chalukya grants generally state the boundaries of the village or land granted to the donees# in detail# so as to pravent the donee from extending the area In his possession* Thus in the Altem plates of Pulake&l we have in elaborate details the boundaries of the fields and villages given* Similarly we have clear donarcations of gift lands in the Aihole inscrii tion of Pulakeli 732 the Sanjan copper-plates of Buddhavarasa # grant of Vikramaditya Z^^^» Shiggaon plates of Vljayaditya*^^^# etc* The practice of donating whole villages was responsible for converting cotnounal rights to individual rights. The Godachl plates*^^® of Katti-arasa gave twentyfive nivartanas of land including all the products (sarva-jatakaA)# garden cultivation (sa«tottam)#• • jlraka# water# and homestead (nive&a) and right to tax like marumanna* The expression of homestead signifies that the dwelling along with the inhabitants on that land were also given over to the donees without any 502 consideration for the inhabitant's wishes* This further implies that the inhabitants were subjected to the whims of the donees* The Chiplun plates of Pulalceli ccninanda to the inhabitants of the Avaratika visaya of tlw donation of the village of Xmravatavaka and a land at the village of Avanchapall to a brahmana with a free hand at administering it* Further it states that it is free from the right of entry hy the irregular and regular troops# by messengers* and by the king's servants. In other words# all rights were reserved for the donee* This would mean that the agrarian rights of the village community was also to be transferred to the donee* This tended to feudalize the village administration for it was left to the discretion of the donee to wield his authority as he deemed fit* 737 The Oodachi plate is more specific when it mentions that the gift included all the produce# garden* cultivation# jlraka# water etc* from the donated land* 7?B The Sanjan plates of Buddhavarasa granted a landed estate including the mahinda garden with a mango orchard# fields and several taxes and income from the fields* Here the word landed estate implies that it was already occupied the previous inhabitants and this grcmt 503 termed to mak* them tenants of the grantee* Henceforth they would have to pay all dues and taxes to the donee or cultivate the land for the overlord* In other %rords they were reduced to the status of serfs. This left a lot of scope for feudallaation* 739 The Manor plates of Vlnayadltya Maftgalarasa makes a grant of some villages and domestic sites for the benefit of the temple of sun-god at Manapura* This was to ensure supply to the shrine# of perfumes# flowers# incense# lamps# music and offerings and to provide for the repairs to the temple* Zt is quite apparent that the inhabitants are being compelled here to provide for the necessary items to the temple whether it was possible or not* Thus here again the ccxnmunal landed property was converted to Individual property (in this case the temple) which might have tended to be feudal* • Again the Harihar grant of vinayaditya*^^® gives a pazrtly cultivated land with the rights of enjoymont* sometimes the Mahajanas# the local body conprising the heads of families or village# were also responsible for conversion of ccanmunal rights into individual right* w 741 ror example# Vijayaditya's inscription suggests that the Mahajanas were instrumental in edienating land in 504 favour o£ the ten^le and It tended to convert community property into private property* The texn vlstl which means forced laboxxr is mentioned in the spurious Kaira plates cf Vijayaraja 742 • svwi though in this record it is said that the grant is free from all forced labour# in the other sense it also implies that normally peasants were subjected to forced labour* In this case this privile^ seems to have been relinquished when the village was made over to the general body of officiating priests and religious students* This would have been an additional factor which reduced the peasants to a state of serfdom* But it is not clear whether the grantees were ^i:^wered to extract forced labour from the peasants* However# if at all the right to forced labour# a prerogative of the King# was transferred to the donee# it must have spelt doOTi to the individual rights of peasants* In these circumstances the donees might have not hesitated in making the utmost use of this benefit in freely cultivating all land luider his possession and esQsloiting the situation* Besides the above benefits# a donee was sOTietimes endowed with the taxes or some of the taxes along with the land* The taxes were of course to be recovered from 505 the cultivators* This was an additional burden on these peasants whereupon they had to continue to pay some of the taxes to the overlord as well as being under the direct rule of the feudal lords. Where land grants were made free of obligations like regular and Irregular troops# royal officials# spies# etc* the villagers came under the direct Jurisdiction of the beneficiary* This might have made the conditions of the villagers more oppressive In case of a tyrant overlord* Moreover several 743 Inscriptions like the Alt^ plates Togarchedu 744 grants are specific about the taxes exempted along 745 with the grants whereas records like the Sorab plates of Vlnayadltya just state that the grant was free from taxes* This was liable to be misused hy the donees* under these circumstances# the unscrupulous beneficiaries could have exploited the situation either by iniiposlng new taxes or increasing the proportion of the existing ones whereby subjecting the cultivators to a worse economic situation* Due to non-interference of royal officials# the estate may have become a small feudal state with the donee as supreme lord* Moreover the reins of administration and economic fiinctions in the hands of the beneficiary 5U6 led to • closed econony* The artisans and craftsmen living in the donated land may have been exploited by the landlord for getting things done free of charge* They may have been prevented from migrating from that region to places with better prospects* Since their migration would have affected the income (in the form of taxes) of their overlord* Thereby local craft might have suffered due to the greediness of the overlord* This practice of making over the revenue and the administrative power gave rise to feudatories not answerable to the royal officials* Gradually# the more ambitious of the lot gave up their original duties and gave more attention to the administration of their region (with so much land under their jurisdiction# the administrative duties became more demanding than other duties}# to become powerful feudatories* The very purpose of land grants especially to brahmans/ascetics for religious pursuits to impart knowledge to society must have been hankered* so tinwittingly# these grants helped to decentralise the central power and consequently moved towards a form of federal system* The practice of making land grants consisting of uncultivated land was probably an economic policy of the government in order to bring as much waate and 507 fallow land imdar cultivation as possible* But it also had its drawbacks for it created conditions for the fmidalisation of the area by putting more stress and strain on the existing labour force* The spurious Kaira plates"^^® of Vijayaraja records the village of Pariyaya divided into shares and granted to 63 brahinanas* This might have enabled to fozra a colony of brahmanas thus converting barren land into an habitation and cultivable area. However as shaxma avers# the taxes and other ex«mptions make it doubtful whether it was a waste land in the first place* 748 — The Harihar grant of Vinayaditya also grants a partly cultivated and partly uncultivated field to a brahmana (kritakrita kshetraih) with the right of enjoyment# and free from all opposing claims* Here the inscriptim is more specific about the description of the land* Moreover it also gives the boundary of the land only by mentioning its limits* This grant may have been deliberately matde to bring the waste land under cultivation and at the same time sane cultivated land was also given for the sustentation of the donee* When a whole village was granted to a brahmana# with the right of enjoyment of it# it was obvious that he could not have cultivated the land by himself but he might have hired the labourers for this 508 purpose. Oradually this practice became £eudal in nature and might have tempted the donees in replacing old tenants with new ones who could have provided more labour force or promised better retxims thus making the life of the common and weaker peasants very much insecure* Artha&astra says that the Icing may confiscate lands from those who do not cultivate them and give it to others* But considering the imprecatory passages at the and of the inscriptions where it specifically discourages euiyone frcra confiscating the donated lands# it would seem that this rule did not apply to donated land. This provision could have made# in some cases# the donee lax towards the proper cultivation and development of his land which was detrimental to the well*being of the state and its people. On the other hand# at least s In oasQ of vassals# this feudal system might have served as a check In an administrative hlararchy* The king being the overlord# parted with only a limited area and released limited power to the feudatories so that in case of any dispute or disapproval the king could make any changes he feels# like alienating land or territory or depriving them of their overlordship. Where officers were paid in the fozrn of revenue# It might have given them a chance to esqploit the people by imposing more taxes so that tha revenue would Increase and more the revenue more their dues. Formation of stringent personal laws by the feudatories leading to absolute dictatorship# forming their own administrative patterns in their territory# organizing their own array and having all rights to property and denying ovmsrship rights to the c\iltivators might have led to landless labour and non-tenancy of land* Hence in one way it restricted the principles of inheritance causing Indifference and ultimately giving rise to less productivity* It could have acted adversely in the religious# social and economic field# like imposition of religious faith to which they belonged* People belonging to the same religious faith as the landlord may have got better benefits# and leniency in 510 attitude but thoso belonging to other faiths may hava not got a fair deal* Thia may also have been taken into account while appointing officials in tl^ administrative field and in choosing tenants* This could have had an adverse effect on the social and economic status of the people* 749 The mention of Manu and the four-fold society*^®® in the Chalukyan records necessarily slKm that the society was very imich conservative in maintaining the social norms as laid dovm by tha scriptures or the law-^ivers* This may have been strictly adhered to by the feudals* They may have capitalised on these laws by enforcing them fron closequaters* By the time of Manu* the social set-\ip had become very complicated and any breach of law was heavily fined or penalized* Zn some cases# these landlords could have acted as protectors of the inhabitants* The local people could have approaclied their landlord directly with grievances and got it imnediately redressed instead of appealing to the royal emissaries which would have been a long procedure and had lesser chances of justice being done* 511 Zn ces« of natural calamities like floods# cyclones# drought as well as In the case of civic amenities# the landlords being in a limited area might have seen to It# from closequarters# to solve t h ^ « ay the process they might have dug ^libankments# wells# ponds# tanks# canals for Irrigation# and drinking water where it was needed and constructed roads# public buildings and temples according to the needs of the society* During droughts and famines and other natural calamities# they might have helped to overcome them by distributing reserve food and other basic items and exempted them frc»n taxes* But this was when the landlord was benevolent* This might have been with a view to see that people do not migrate to other regions# by which he was going to loose in long run* The other purpose for all these generosities might have been from a different outlook# like for solving their own problems like communication# drinking water facilities# spreading their religious faith and for Increasing revenue* In organizing social and religious fxinctions# they might have had a big hand in seeing to the smooth-running of these local affairs* Festivals like yatra# etc*# could have served both the purposes of social gathering and a good market place for the local traders and craftsmen to sell their products where the landlord could have levied taxes from them* CHAPTER V SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND CULTURAL LIFE PART II ; CULTURAL LIFE The age • old caste system consisting of four classes or varnas was a predominant factor fozmlng a major component of the social structiire of our period* This Is corroborated by Hluen Tslang*s accoxint^* "There are four orders of hereditary clan distinctions." The king was the guardian of this system* The Godachl plates^ maintain that f^rttlvcunman X pleased his subjects by protecting them according to the rule of the varnas and alrantas (vamnalrama* iyaya) • similarly the British • • 4 museum plates^ of Pulake6l I also records that t^M king was bent on preserving all the regulations of the four clashes and the four stages of life* (vamna6rama-> sarwa-dhaxmma) • Of the first caste* Hluen Tslang^ observesi "The first Is that of the Brahmins or "purely living**/ these keep their principles and live continently# strictly observing ceremonial purity." The Brahnianas held a high status in society. They were respected 513 both by the royalty and others* The Brahmins and spiritual preceptors are mentioned along with gods and parents as the recipients of devotion by kings and others^* KSrttivarman Z is described in an inscription^ from Badami as 'beloved of gods# twice- 7 bom# and gurus.* Besides# an inscription o£ Vijayaditya ends with an imprecatory verse which says that anyone who injxxres the grant will be guilty of a crime which is equivalent to killing of a thousand Brahmans or a thousand tawny-coloured cows# at Varana&i* A similar feeling is also echoed in the Lakshmeswar 9 inscription8 of yuvaraja Vlkramaditya ZZ« This indirectly means that Brahmins were held in high esteem and it was believed that any harm inflicted on than or killing of a Brahman amounted to a sacrilege in those days and would have invited the wrath of the Gods* Teaching was one of the duties of the Brahmins* As ve have mentioned earlier# they were well-educated and had studied the Vedas# VedaAgas# l^anishads# Puranas# • various Astras# etc* They became preceptors or gurus and imparted knowledge to their disciples and held discourses for the common man* With regards and respect for their knowledge# the kings bestowed wealth cm them 514 for their maintenanoe and to help t h ^ in the i>ursult of knowledge and to perform religious duties* Marutur 9 m plates• state that PulaHeli II made a grant to carry out the 'saiftkalpa slddhi* or the vow to please the guru of his first queen Kadamba MahadevZ* Talamanchi plates^^ of Vikramaditya X records that the king donated a village to his guru ^rZmeghacharya* The custom of showering wealth on the Brahmins was initiated and encouraged by our law-cnakers who urged the Royalty to make donations to them* Making grants to Brahmanas was also considered as a means of acquiring religious merits for the donor and his parents^^* social and religious cerwnonies were performed by Brahmanas* They maintained sacred fires# performed various sacrifices and officiat<»d as priests at i sacrificial ceremonies performed by others* In fact we could say that probably no religious activity was conducted without the presence of a brahmin* Amudalapadu plates^^ of vikramaditya I states that the king gave a village to his preceptor sudarfeanacharya as guru-dakshina on the occasion of the king's ^iva<«(nandala-dlksha* The «»'ift was probably meant for performing the initiation ceremony* sudar&anacl^arya distributed plots of land in this village among twenty>seven Brahmanas who probably 515 assisted him in the performance of the dXksha ceremony* Another inscription^^ records that king Vijayaditya granted a village to his father's priest Udayad^apandita* • • The above mentioned duties like studying* teaching# performing sacrifices* officiating in others* sacrificial ceremonies and giving and receiving donations ascribed to the Bratwiins were also mentioned by 6astrak?xas like Kautilya^*^ and Manu^®« Apart from their conventional duties# Brahmins were also involved in the administratimi of the State* They were appointed as ministers# officials# etc. Zn fact# the highest office was probably held by a Brahnin. Manu^® avers that the most important affairs of the state should be discussed with a learned brahmana* Vylghrasvamin of the Godachi plates 17 is described as holding the foremost responsibility of the entire kingdom* He is styled MahS Brahmana and Brihaspati (the preceptor of the gods) of the present age* He was said to be leamcid in the Vedas# Vedaflgas# well-versed in the science of polity Eund proficient in grammar# logic# poetry# drama# historical literature# music and Pur^as* Prom his description and qualification it appears that he was the Prime Minister and head of the administrative department of the Chalukyan Kingdom* 516 Another grant 18 from 3*njan states that the * donee sagula svSnrd oTJcshlta was the Chief minister* 19 The grant in the Manor plates of vinayaditya Mangalarasa was drafted by a Brahmin nomed Bhatta # • Rudranaga who held the posts of dlvirapatl (chief of the secretariat)# foreign minister (Mahasandhivigrahi) and revenue minister (AkdapataladhXkaranadhikrita) and • • • was styled as niravadya-parame&vara* similarly one KhuddasvamI, the high minister for peace and war (Mahasandhivigraha) wrote the charter of another grant^®» Godachi platea^^ of Vikramaditya I states that the conveyance of the edict was to be entrusted to Kundasvamin. This would show that their services were not always required only for performing rituols and chanting vedic lores but they also qualified th^nselves to hold responsible positions in the stats administration* sometimes they were called for perfoxming other duties as well like in •• construction projects. Al«npur inscription 22 of Vijayaditya records that the teacher Ilanacharya constructed the enclosure (prakara*bandha) at the coitvnand of the king* Brahmins may have also been appointed as astrologers by the King and consulted by the common people* Brahmanas were probably free to migrate from one 23 province to reside in another* Pattadakal inscription 517 reentlems one Xcharya who had c«ne frcxn the Mrigathanlkahara visaya on the north bank of the river Ganga was residing in Pattada'-cal* But how far the differentiation between Brahmins from different provinces existed is a matter of conjecture. AlteJcar says that "In no records of our period are the donees described as Gauda# Kanoji, Nagara or Oravida Qratsoanas* In later • • records however# such provincial denominations become th« order of the day." But in one of our records 25 a donee is mentioned as a Dravida Brahman. This indicates that provincial caste differentiation h&d already started taking a hold in otir perid^. The onset of divisicm among the Brahmins had already started according to the proficiency and the work they were carrying out# though we have seen Brahmanism in its totality. No more were tlMi BralnnRins restricted to worship and pursuit of knowledge. Front numerous land grants we can observe that they were gaining fixed assets and a steady income and extending their hand towards agriculture# etc. Often# as we have seen earlier that due to the acquisition of land# the Brahmins may have turned into feudal lords with villages and vast tracts of land \inder them. A few of the brahmins had already established themselves in the administrative field. Zt can b« presumed 518 that thtt nature of thoir work divided them socially and economically# building a separate identity of their own like land-owning class# adnidnistrative class# priests and educationists* Further it can be also observed frcxn the surnames or suffixes attached to the names occurring in our inscriptims such as acharya# bhatta# chaturveda# dhara# dXkshita# naga# shadangavith# &arman# sv^in# vipran* Again segregation and confining their pursuit to their progeny might have diverted them from the mainstream. Hence# during our period we get brahmins of various professions and also with various suffixes or surnames clearly showing that the original caste division did not hold good and many other trends had entered into the system* Looking at the present state of the Brahmanic cotmninity# the division among them can be very well visualised* The next caste in the social hierarchy was the Ksatriya* According to Hiuen rsiang the KMtriyas were "the race of kings; this order has held sovereignty for many generations# and its aim are benevolence and mercy* •• Studying# offering sacrifices# making donations# protection of life# Joining the army and to refrain trora sensual pleasures were the duties prescribed by the law-givers 27 for the Ksatriyas* The rulers generally 519 belonged to this class but there were exceptions to the nile* we see that rigidity In the caate system was still lax and hence we find kings o£ the period from other castes as well. Xt Is noted by Hluen Tslang that king Harshavardhana belonged to the Valfiya caste^® while the king of Matlpur was of the !>nidra class^^* The Chalukya family probably belonged to the ulass of the Xsatrlyas as attested by Hlusn Tslang^^* As we have observed about the lack of rigidity In the caste syst«n, the fact that the chalukyas weire ksatrlyas did not seem to have proved to be a hindrance In having matrdUncnlal relations with the Kadambas who were said to be Brahmlns^^* Pulake&l IX*s first queen was Kadamba Mahadevf who was probably a Kadamba princess 32 • The ksatrlyas were educated too* They also learned the Vedas and Sastras* As we know the Chalukyan kings were very well educated not only on the subject of warfaxre but also In the sciences^lastras# puranas# epics of R^nayana and Mahabharata# etc*^^ The ksatrlyas held ' • • Important positions in the a-ialnlstratlve field like governors# ministers# etc* and also probably enrolled themselves as soldiers In the army* In one of the Inscriptions^^ of the time of the Chalukyas w® come across a name Balvnma* -Thakkura* The grant was made at his 520 request* ‘Rils surname Thakkura probably had the same connotation as the present day l^aklcurs whJLch signified the landlord class and all that they stood for* Ihis BalSima - Thakkura probably belonged to the ksatrlya • • class* rhe charter of the Kheda grantof vijayaraja was engraved by ksatriya MatrisiAha* Hiis indicates that ksatriyas were also appointed as engravers which is generally thought to be a Vai^ya profession* :Riis means that ksatriyas may have also tried their hand at other professions like ccmnerce# agriculture# etc* The Vailyas who formed the third order were a •class of traders# who barter commodities and pursue 37 38 gain far and near* * The snriti writers permitted the Vailyas to study# to offer sacrifices# to give gifts# to breed cattle# cultivate land# to trade and lend money* This class probably included people of various professions like merchants or traders# gold»smiths# Jewellers# artisans# sculptors# architects# masons# painters# carpenters# scribes# engravers# garland^akers# singers (of temples)# agriculturists# cattle-breeders# etc* some of these professional classes enjoyed a high status in society for reasons like wealth and skill* For instance# merchants or traders were a privileged lot* Tl^y were rich and hence quite influential because of their econc»nic status* 521 These merxshants forniGd guilds to serve their own Interests* They made donations to religious establishments* 39 A merchant named Bahuball Is mentioned In an Inscription where on his request a grant was made by Vlkramadltya II to ^rl - Vljaya*devapandltacharya for the worahlp of Jiaa, for repairing brea? A Badami pillar inscription^^ records that 'one who opposes Pandemlrlyan of the paradas (merchants)* on tha battlefield* will lose his head and have the pyre made ready* that is to say* he will be defeated and killed*' This could mean that t h ^ sometimes took to the profession of the Ksatrlya class and assiimed military posts* The sutradharTs on the otlier hand were highly respected for their knowledge and skill* They ar« 522 mentioned in several inscriptions as builders of tenples whereby indicating their high social status* An inscription^^ at Galacjnatha temple* Aihole« states simply as *mede by VaAfeiga-Bittu•• Another inscription*^ • • from a temple at Aihole states that 'There has not been# and there shall not be# in Jambudvipa# any wise man# proficient in (the art of building) houses and temples# equal to Narasobba*' Narasobba was probably the architect of that temple* Sri - Ounda was said to be the .‘^tradharl • • of the Loke&vara temple of LokamahadevI# queen of Vikramaditya II*®* In another inscriptitai*® fron the same place i.e* Pattadakal# Srr*iiarwasiddhi->acharya is described as the ^tradharl of the southern country; Pitwnaha (Brahma or creator) of several cities and houses; having to his credit# the construction of Jewel • like houses# palaces# vehicles# seats and couches* He iias influential enough to have averted the excommunication from caste of the skilful people (probably artisans) of this district# after they had given the Riume*i:>erJ erepu to the f^tradharT of the same Lokefiivara t«nple mentioned eU)ove* Phis act of averting the excommunication by the acharya is also mentioned in the above inscription* Another profession which probably belonged to thia caste was of the Vaidyas (physicians)* Bana has referred f523 to the physicians in his Harsacharita47 • In coursa of time it probably developed into a separate class like the f^yasthas and entered into various professions* Talamanchi plates of Vikrarrtaditya Z records that tho edict was written by Vajravarman of the Vaidya family. Vaidyas as a separate class is mentioned in the Pendyan inscriptions of the eighth century A»0» One of them mentions the Vaidyaka family^®. The second inscription^® mentions the son of l^ra of the Vaidya family who was the • 51 minister of the Pandya• • king Parintaka* The third says that the Vaidya race (Hula) of Vangalandai was famous • • for (skill in playing) musical instruments* singing and music* The last order in the social hierarchy was tha Sudras* The duty prescribed by Manu^^ for a ludra was to serve meekly the other three castes. Kautilya^^ on the other hand# besides service to the twice-bom (dvijatDf allowed them to choose occupations like agriculture# cattle-breeding# mid trada (varta)# and the profession of artisans and courtsingers almost bringing them on par with the Vai&yas. Hiuen Tsiang^* also noticed that "The fourth class is that of the uidras or agriculturists! these toil at cultivating the soil and are industrious at sowing and reaping." do not get much infonnation about 524 this class from Inscriptlonal evidences of our period but we can presiime that probably servants# cobblers# brewers# labourers# etc. belonged to this caste* Besides these four vamas wa get a class known as Chandalas or untouchables* They lived outside the town * * or village away fron the other caste people* In the Shlggaon plates^® of Vljayadltya we come across a reference to a ch^dala street excluded frcxn the boundaries of the • • gift villages* Probably Hluen rslang^^ was referring to Ch^dalas when he said that "Butchers# fishermen# public performers# executioners# and scavengers have their habitations marked by a distinguishing sign* They are forced to live outside the city and they sneaJc along on the left when going about in the hamlets*" Bana refers to the king's horses in the stable guarded by Chwdalas* • • Education Education reflects the extent of progress and the thought process or views of a civilised society* The level of education achieved during the Chalukyas can be gauged from the literary «rrltings Ilka inscrlptional records and from art and architecture of the period* Unfortunately we do not get any other form of literature# 525 besld«3 epigraphs# which can definitely be attributed to our period. However some scholars have attributed the play Kaumudi-Mahotsava to the poetess vijjaka or wiieen ViJayabhattarika* wife of Chandradltya while others have 57 raised doubts about It • Spigraphical evidences can also tell us something on the subject of education* A good CQ example is the Aihole inscription , a treatise by Ravikirti whose poetic composition on the military exploits of his patron Pulake&l II# shows the high standard of education* He has compared himself to Kalidasa and Bharavi suggesting his acquaintance with the works of these literary figures. Moreover *he seems to have composed this inscription with the Raghu - digvijaya in Ragh«IV as his model 59 • Besides this# the composer of the Mahakuta pillar inscription has also borrowed an entire verse from the Raghuvai?iSa of Kalidasa®^. The skilful use of metres and figures of speech in the epigraphical compositions shows a thorough knowledge of grammar and thm concept of literary writing* The capital city of Vatapyadhisthana is stated# in an inscription®^ from Badami# to be adorned by many thousands of excellent twice«>bom (dvija) who were well-versed in the fourteen sciences (vidya) and it (Vatapi) was held in high esteem by the kings headed by 526 :iatya&ray&* In another®^ Inscription £rocn tho'same place.we get references to two-thousand mombers of the Mahachaturvidya - s«unuday of the city of Vatapi which means *the 2#000 of the acaden^ of the four great s c i e n c e s The fourteen sciences were generally taken to be the four Vedas* the six V^aftgas# the Puronas# the M^^sa# the Uyaya and Dharma or law^^hereas the four vidyas could be anvlkshiki (philosophy), trayi (Veda)# vartta (economics) and dandanTti• • (politics)®^* ckiucated persons were respected and acknowledged for their knowledge by means of donations in the form of land grants or its revenue# This was in keeping with the words of lastrak^as that a king should support learned men and bestow gifts on then®®* we get several references to land or village gifted to pz^ceptors and brahmanas who were well versed in the v^as# vedaAgas# etc* some were %mll versed in the four vedas®*^ while there were others who were versed in the v^as and ved^gaa^^ • A charter Of Vlnayaditya records a land g i f t made t o Brahmanas w ho were acquainted with the shadanga (Vedaftga)* Yet another grant^^ refers to a donee as sl-iadaftgavit which means one 71 w h o was proficient in the six vediAgas. Selkunda grant of Abhinavaditya states that the donee iOippa&aman was well versed in the vedas along with the v^aAgas and 527 engaged in performing the six-fold Karman (shat»kanna)• 72 similarly anothar grant describes a donee belonging to the Apasta^ba autra end his father as a bratoana of Indupur Ghatiica# well versed in the Veda# Vedaftga and Itihasa and performing the six duties (shatkamas)* Jarnalagaipa grant 73 describes one of the donees as grihlta-sahasra* According to Gai^^ the tenn grihlta«>saha6ra denotes a person learned in the .^ona* Veda because it is supposed to have a thousand branches* There were brahmanas who were specialized only 7S in certain vedas* For instance# in the savnur plates and sorab plates 76 the donees were supposed to be well versed only in the Rigv^a* similarly a brahmin done^ 77 in another grant is said to be proficient in the Rig and Yajurvedas* The donee aoma6an:ia was proficient cmly in the Bahvarca veda• 78 while the donee havasvami-Bhatta •• 8 • • in the Vaidika literatura*^^* Pattadakal inscription^^ records that Aryabhatta Gangadhara* the donee# was • • adorned by the veda that consisted of three thousand verses* A donee sivarya of the Goa grant was versed in the VfKSas and sciences* Marutur plates refer to grants made to donees who were variously described as Allti* TarHaka# Grihita Sahasra« Sahasra r^kaka and Vamathraya Mivritta while others were said to be well 528 • 83 versed In the four vedas* Another inscription also mentions a donee as learned in the sciance of reasoning or logic i»e« he was a Afiiti tarkaka* A bratvnana in one 84 of the records is said to have acquired the utmost knowledge of the whole of the Vedanta by means of his manifold penances comprising of the Krichchhra« Atikrichchhra# Chandrayana and other ascetic exercises* Donations were also given to brahmanas belonging to ocher schools of thought regarding the study of the Vedas* rhe|jbratmana donee frcKn the Lohaner plates^^ followed the Varahaka sutra and belonged to the Maitrayanika branch of the alack Yajurveda. Again in another grant86 the brahmana followed the )^astaniba « sutra while in yet 87 • • another grant the dcmee Jyeshtha&arma belonged to the school of the taittirlyas and was acquainted with the foxir Vedas*m t One of the inscriptions 88 records a donation made to the general body of officiating priests and religious students of the village of JaAbusara* who belonged to the Vajasaneya sect and the Kanvn school of the V^a* The kings themselves were well educated. Pulakefii X was conversant with the code of laws of I4anu and the Puranas and the epics of the Kamayana and the Bh^ata* 89 He is said to have been equal to Brihaspati in philosoptq^ • i>ulake&i II on the other hand was said to have had the 529 ability to understand and analyse the meaning of the • QO various lastraa • Besides this# they were taught on the subjects of sciences* the art of government# warfares 91 and the use of weapons • It was necessary to be sufficiently educated in order to hold a position in the ministry. We find mention of one vyaghrasv^Ain— • 92 who is described as holding *the foreinost responsibility of the entire kingdom'• This would maan that he was holding the post of no less than a Prime Minister* Ha was highly qualified having studied the Vedas and VedaAgaa and the science of polity* He had mastered grammar# logic# poetry# drama# historical literature# music and the Punnas* He was styled Mahi-Brahmana and Brihaspati (preceptor of the 93 gods)* The grant in the Manor plates was drafted by Bhatte Rudranaga who held the high offices of divirapati (chief of the secretariat}# Mahasandhivigral^a (foreign minister) and aicshapatalSdhikaranadhikr^ (revenue minister)* This suggests that the minister must have had a thorough knowledge of the language and grammar to write this official document* similarly the Chief Minister oagula svSni oTkshita of the sanjan plates®* is described as a hiranyake&i of the Taittirlya school# who has studied many 6astras* His father# Reva# was the 530 student o£ the fcmr Vedaa* Besides# most of the charters of our dynasty were written by the Mahasandhivigrahikas who again must have had a mastery over the language and the code of law and 96 • polity* The Goa grant was written by Durga Naga described as the reader of books* The executor 97 (ajnapti) of the Niduparu grant of JayasiAha I# son of Vishnuvardhana 1 was said to know the royal politicst the Vedaflga and all azts* rhe scribes who engraved these inscriptions on stone and copper plates must have been fairly literate persons* The inscriptions situated in public places like temples* fozrts# etc* were meant to be re&d by the public* It indicates literacy to sone extent among the general population* The system for imparting education was probably of the gurukula type t^ere the student resides in the teacher's house till the completion of his studies* A scene portraying the life in a hermitage is depicted on 98 the walls of a ccxitemporary temple at Pattadakal * The sage is shown surrovinded by two students holding something like manuscripts in their hands and listening intently to the discourses of their teacher* The atmosphere of a forest is conveyed by the presence of a hut# a pot# 531 tjToea# a parrot on a swing# a bird# monkeys# deer 99 and other wild animals* Turmeyanuru grant of I'ulakefii IX registers that the father of the donee was of the Induf^ Ohatika and was well versed in the Veda# VedaAga and Ztihasa and performed the six duties or shatkarmas as %iell« Wl-Vijayadevapanditacharya^®® • • • , was the house-pupil (antevasin) of hia teacher Jayadevapandita* An inscriptitm^®^ from Aihole refers* tQ fees levied on the occasion of the rites perfonned when the religious student returns hone after comploting his studies* 'Ihese instances would indicate that the tradition of the gurukula system was prevalent* \ Hiuen Tsiang 102 notes that the teacher was supposed to 'have a wide# thorough# and minute knowledge of these [^subjects^ # with an exhaustive comprehensi teachers were highly respected by all including members of the royal class* chiplun copper»plate grant 104 of Pulakesi ZZ records that he received with hospitality learned people and friends* Generous donations were made to them in appreciation 532 of their vast knowledge and carrying out the religious duties* Vlkraroadltya I hed made a donation to his preceptor Wineghacharya who belonged to the Vaslshtha gotra and was well versed In the Vedas along with the AAgas and Upaflgas^®®* Another record^®® of the same king states that he had gifted a village to judarlanachSryc as guru-dakshlna on th« occasion of the king's slva« inandala*dtksha probably for performing the Initiation ceremony* According to the Marutur plates 1 Pulake&l II made a grant to carry out the *saAkalpa slddhl* or •the vow to please the guru* of his first queen iCadandsa MahadevI* There were also ccnvnunltles of teachers with each community belonging to a different religious establishment or matha where generations of disciples in succession took over the task of perfoxmlng religious functions and promoting their religion* These mathas which were affiliated to some temples formed centres of learning and culture* Here the teachers would specialize In a certain branch of their religious sect and impart their knowledge to their disciples* These communities were headed by a chief preceptor having disciples xinder him and they in turn had their own disciples in course of time* Thus the Hull plates 108 record that the land grant 533 meant for the ternpla of Lord sSntinatha was entrusted to the custody of the preceptor Abhayanandl who was engaged in the performance of austerities and self* restraint. He was the disciple of the preceptor ^rXnandi who belonged to the conmunlty of teachers of the Paralur saAgha. similarly an inscription^®® of KXrttivarman I gives a succession of preceptors* It calls the chief of the sect of F^ralura by the name Vinayanondl* His pupil was the preceptor named Vssudeva. His disciple was PrabhS**.*.. (rest illegible) whose disciple was ^rlpala. This sangha se«ns to have existed even prior to our period. A mention of a Jaina monastery at Paralur is also to be found in a charter of an earlier period of the time of the KafJambas^^®. A I^ttadakal 1 i 1 inscription of H^rttivarman ZZ registers a donation as a provision for the discourses of the SchSrya and for those students who attended to the rites of the god (which means probably the Brahiians of tim temple) and for perfecting the vorship of the God. we know from the Shiggaon plates 112 of Vijayaditya^ that the village Guddigere was the centre of Jaina religion particularly • • • for teaching the surasta branch of the Mula»saAyha. The Kheda grant^^^ of Vijayaraja also records the donation given to the general body of officiating priests and religious students of the JaAlc^sara. They belonged .^34 » the VaJ asaneya sect and th« Kanva school of the Veda, Occasionally teachers were also entrusted with >ecific duties the king* For instance Alatnpur kscription 114 of Vijayaditya — states that at the behest f the king the teacher l&anacharya constructed the iclosiure (pralcara-bandha) • The languages current during the period were inskrit# Kannada and Telugu in the Chalukyan domain* inskrit seems to have been the official language since Ljority of the inscriptions have used it as the medium* te script was • in old canarese* From the above observations it can be assumed that le subjects taught were fairly varied* Apart from the tdast VedaAgas and religious discourses# they were taught rammar# logic# poetry# drama# music# philosophy# dharma- istra# Manuamriti# puranas# political science# military !ience# various other sciences# itihasa# etc* The .duparu gront^^® of JayasiAha Z# son of VishnuvarJhana I tgisters a donatim of a village to donaes with various lalifications* One of the donees was a member of a latika of Asanapura* Another donee is said to have :udisd two vSdas together with their *Pada# Krama and lukrama* and to have acquainted himsslf with many iw-books# together with Kalpa# Upanishad# i^urana and 535 Ztlhasa* Yet another donee had stiidied two Vedas and 'purified and trained his mind 1:^ sacrificial lore# Upanlshad« the meaning of mantras* Itlhasa# i'urana# and Dharmalastra*' Again from another t^aetem Chalukyan Inscription^^® of the time of Vlshnuvairdhana 12 we know that one Dhruvafeatrtia# again from the city of Asanapura# was proficient In two Vedas# knew the other two Vedas and the Ved^gas* the eplcs« the Puronas# Myaya and the numerous sacred wrltlnjs* His fellow student Nuvuchuttl was learned In the three Vedas# In • • the school of the Talttlrlyas* Besides# they must have also specialized In subjects like astrology and astronomy bscause lnscrlptl nakshatra# on Saturday* The same king In his Dayyamdlnne 119 plates has recorded that he made a grant on the full- moon day of Xshadha in Dakshinayana-kala falling in the • • twelfth year of his reign# when six<*hundred and fourteen Gaka years had expired* The Pattadakal pillar inscriptltm^^® of the time of i^rttlvarman II registers the date of donation as the month of oravana on the new<-(noon tit}il« at a total eclipse of the sun* These grants may have been made by the king after consultation with the astrologer for suggesting a suitable and auspicious time* so far we could only cite the nature of education received by the Royal and the Brahmana class* a s far as the coirrion man was concerned we have very little evidence to knov; the level of literacy among thcHn* we have seen above references made to various kinds of education imparted to persona belonging to different stratas of the society* But however# certain kinds of education or training which were given are not mentioned# but can be conjectured from other sources* The training given to architects# sculptors# artisans# carpenters# etc* can be very well visualised* Most of this education was traditional and confined to certain groups of people or communities and was perfected and mastered by them* 537 When wo mention a sutradhara or the chief architect we have to understand that not only was he given training in architecture but he was supposed to have a deep understanding of mathematics# geology# religion# philosophy# astrology and so many other branches of science. Praining in architecture had become a family tradition e*g* the Pattada^al pillcu: inscription^^^ says that f;ubhadeva# his father Siva and his grandfather sivavardhamana were all sculptors* Purbcr this science was not stagnant* Zt had always a scope for thinking new ideas in furthering knowledge which has been reflected in the numerous t^i^les and monuments of the period* Zn the process# new architectural trends have developed# patterns have evolved and assimilation of various traits available in the field elsewhere have been incorporated* This may have been in the field of architectxin or sculpttire or iconography* Zt is only possible when the architect has had proper education in relation to the need and requirement of the period and the prevailing social and religious conditions* similarly a sculptor does not merely carve but has a deep understanding of the theme# asthetic aspects and intracacies of the human anatomy* Art is a reflection of the mind in visual forms* Hence the artist's training# insight and knowledge are 538 moat Important. All these can be very well observed by seeing the beautiful architecture and sculptures of the Chalukyan period* Similarly the craftanen like gold^iths# blacksmiths* oil«cnishors# potters and carpenters must have had a fairly good training in their respective professions* we also get panels depicting dance and music on the temple walls* An inscription122 of the period refers to provision made for dance* music and singing in the temple* Singers are mentioned in 123 another grant * Training in dance and music was * fairly well-known and was appreciated* some people may have taken to this profession and this traditicm may have carried on for generations* schools may have existed for imparting such training* Probably the Kaxmatak music of today may have evolved during our period* position of women Cur information regarding women during our period of study is meagre and more so about the women from the lower strata of society* However we will try to assess the place and positicm of women in the society from the little available data* As mentioned earlier* %xxnan« especially the ilsyal ladies* took an active part in administration* Vijaya«» bhattari)ca« wi£e of Chandraditya# was rulincj over his ragion after his deiflise^^^» v;« have a charter issued by her in the fifth year of her reign^^^# This shows that among the royal class# wc«nen were considered as coroixstent enough to have been yivrni the reins of the state in their hands* This would have been possible only if the queen was reasonably educated and had some form of administrative and military training* Kano 126 has idontified ViJayabhattarlka with the poe^tass Vijjika who hos been highly praised by the 10th Century A*D* literary critic Rajalekhara* she claims herself to be • • •» • 127 Kamatarajapriya (beloved by the king of Keumata) . * • • • • Moreover the Martitur plates 128 mention the guru of the queon Kadamba MahadevX* we also find evidences of the royal ladies having I a free hand in dispensing the administrative duties* In this capacity they are found to be responsible* either directly or indirectly* for the construction of tenples* certain donations and grants* etc* ioka!nahadevI^^^* Trailokyamahadevi^^^ end KiuinkumadevI^^^ constructed the temples of lokc^ara and Trailokefevara at Pattadakal end the Jaina monastery at Purigere respectively* ^dval 540 plates^of Vlkramadltya I record a grant made at tha request of Ganga MahadevI* PulaJceSi II also made a grant probably at the re-^est o£ his first queen Kadatnba Mahadevl^^^» He issued this grant to carry out the *SaAkalpa siddhi* or the vow to please her guru* Hence this inscription reveals that queens also had their ovm preceptors which may or may not have been comoon with the king* m Poona plates^^ record that Vinayaditya made a grant at the instance of his queen* Vinayavatl# mother of Vijayaditya# installed the images of the gods Brahma# Visnu and MaheSvara at Badami and probably bestowed • • grants for its maintenance^^^* Vijayaditya made a grant at the request of KumkumadevI^^^* LokamahadevX confirmed the covenants to the singers which had formerly been granted to them by Vinayaditya• 1^7 • Turimella inscription 133 registers a donation of land made by the mother of Ulenlpilacha who was ruling over Sruva visaya at the * • time of Vikramaditya I* This means that besides royal personages other women from the ui:>per class were also allowed to give grants* This gives us an idea of their social status during the period* In the Mahakuta pillar 139 inscription we find MaAgale&a informing DurlabhadevX of certain donaticms made by him* 511 woroen also probably participated in performing 140 religious rites. Amudalapadu plates mention the gift of a village to Sudar&anacharya as guru • dakshina on the occasion of Vikrainaditya I*s liva • raandala • dlicsha. This gift was probably meant for performing the initiation ceremony* Judarlanacharya allotted shares of land in this village to his wife along with 27 Brahreanas for probably assisting him in performing the saiva«dlHshS ceremony of the k in g* This would mean that educated women of respectable families enjoyed a high status in society so as to be able to take part in the initiation ceremony of the king which was generally a privilege of a learned Brahmin* From this case it can be conjectured that the wife of ::udarfianacharya was a highly educated Brahmin lady* This further testifies that education was not restricted to men only and that the ladies of respectable and cultured f^ilies were also educated* Moreover another grant 141 of the time of Vinay^itya also mentions a Brahman woman as one of the recipients of the land donations made* It was for the performance of the prajapatya rites* Hence it clearly conveys that women did take part in the various religious activities* 542 Amongst the Royal class polygamy was very much prevalent but we have no means of knowing about the conxnon people. Mm can only sucniise that this practice may not have been accepted and followed# except in a few exceptional cases# by the masses as well* inilaksfti X had two wives* Mahakuta pillar inscripticm refers to £>urlabhadevl as MaAgalela's own father's wife meaning thereby that his father had more than one queen* similarly fCadamba KahadevI is referred to as the first queen (Agra MahadevI) of Pulakeli 12^^^* Pattadakal inscription^^^ records that LokamahadevI and Trailokya- mahadevl were the wives of Vikramaditya II* The wives were treated equally and due respect was given to th«n even by the step-children* Both liOkamahadevI and rrailokyamahadevl constructed temples^^^* Pulakeli II made a grant to carry out the *;SaAkalpa siddhi* or the vow to please the guru of his first queen Kadamba Mahadevi^^®* MoAgale&a in his Mahakuta in script ion^^*^ informs DurlabhadevI# his father's wife# about the endowment of grants made by him* This must have been done by him out of respect as befits a queen mother* we do not have any evidence to suggest that the practice of satl existed* On the other hand we have the case of Vijayabhattarika who ruled after her husband's • • 543 148 •• doath • Maftgale&a refers to his father's wife in one of his Inscriptions 149 • she must have been a widow because MaAgalc&a had already succeeded Kirttivannan# 150 his elder brother# to the throne* Again an inscriptim of Vijayaditya records the installation of the images of the gods Brahma# visnu and Mahe&vara by Vinayavati called as Raja-cnata and endowments made to them by her. rhis suggests that she was a widow of Vinayaditya and she performed this religious act during the rule of her son vijayaditya* However# the custom of sati existed in northern India during this period* uueen Yasoroati# mother of Harsha# is said to have ascended the funeral pyre on hearing that her husband was going to die* She did not even wait till his death^^^* The concept of overlordship of husband was prevalent in our times and a wife who was devoted to her husband was highly praised* We have the Kahakuta inscription152 comparing DurlabhadevI to the mythological figure uamayanti# wife of Nala# for being a most devoted wife* Besides# a woman was supposed to possess other exceptional qualities* 153 ^ According to the Maratur plates of Kilakeli ZZ# his queen Kadamba MahadevI possessed good conduct (saufiTlya)# political wisdom (naya)# humility (vinaya)# charity (dana)# good proclivities (sadvritta)# and sympathy (adara)* 544 Besides this she was likened to savitri# ;Juvarchala# AruAdhati* Jwaha and ^chi for her virtues* This sort of description implies that theae qualities were cherished and desired in a woman and what better example could there be than the queen herself for her female subjects to emulate* rhere was another class of wcxnen viho were the courtesans* This profession which was hereditary was passed on from mother to daughter* Iftilike nonnal cases the genealogy is given on f«nale lines* Hence th« genealogy of vinapoti^ a harlot described as the heart's darling of Vijayaditya# is given in one of the inscriptions 154 at Mahalcuta * she was probably his concubine* Her mother was kuchipoti and grandmother was Revamaiichal* Vinapoti is said to have donated the entire gift of a hiranyagarbha* a pedestal for the god with rubies# a silver 9 155 umbrella and a piece of land* A similar later inscription of the tiroe of Rashtrakuta• • king Dhruva* from the Virupaksha twnple at rattadakal# tells us about the donation of a horse - chariot and elephant - chariot by Badipoddi# the • • daughter of Ooyinda poddi# a harlot (sule) of the temple* • • • From these instances it would seem that courtesans had a high life-style* This would imply that their visitors were very wsalthy people who lavished riches on them* 515 Among these visitors imist have included lcings« high officials# rich merchants and probably even rich brahmanas and the landlord class* Moreover# probably# there was no restriction on having this kind of relation among the hi It is not unlikely that there were also dancing girls in the temples* Manor plates^^^ mention music 157 in the temples* Another inscription from Anjaneri registers a donation made for providing entertainment in the temple which included dancing# singing and music* Yet another grant mentions singers^^®* A painting from Badami^^^ (Cave No* IV) shows two dancing figures# one male and the other female* They are dancing to the music provided by fen.ale musicians* Thera arc two flute players# a drummer# an aflkya type mrldaflga player and a cymbal player* During this time probably the devadasi system was firmly established* An inscription^®^ of the time of vijayaditya declares some gifts given to th® Fhallelvara temple* Among the ylfts was a gift of a virgin* A pillar inscription^®^ from the vijayefivara temple at Pattadakal records that three pillars were 546 given as a votive offering of Chalabbe# the harlot of the temple of the god !>rI->ViJaye§vara« The above mentioned Rashtrekuta record also mentions a temple • • harlot* These examples aiitply provide us with evidence to the existence of the devadasi tradition* This system has continued till today in Karnataka. s kVOmen are knovm to have taken Intoxicating wines* An inscription refers to intoxicated girls singing festive sonys^®^* Sculptures from Pattadakal depict intoxicated ' couples and wanen^®^* From a general observation it would seem that wonen had a lot of freedom and liberties to do as they please within the framework of the social and cultural set-up of the society* But a closer look at some of the inscriptional records would reveal that this was not so* society was very much bound by the dictates of the anriti writers* fhe practice of donating a virgin definitely does not imply a high status of women in society* Besides a widow did not seem to have the right to property after the demise of her husband* This can be deduced from the Lakshmeswar pillar inscription^®^ and the Anjaneri plates^®^ which mention escheat of property of persons dying without a son (aputradhanam)* 547 Material culture The material ciilture of a period not only gives an idea of their cultural attainments and aesthetic sense but also their technical progress* For a glimpse into the material culture of our period we have to resort mostly to the sculptures and panels depicted on the temples and mo;iumsnts of our r>erlod. !2pigraphical records which are another authentic source hov/ever do ^ not help us much in this respect* The purpose of most of them was to register royal grants* This would have hardly provided an occasion to mention articles used by the people* except probably for a reference here and there indirectly in some other context* In the subsequent pages we will make an attempt to project the material achievements and trsnd current in the region* A study has been made here of the costumes# coiffure# ornaments# household objects etc* used by the people of the period* Dress The men mostly wore a dhoti (ardhoruica) in tha kachchha fashion which reached upto the knees or just above the knees* The front pleats of the dhoti wera 54 taken between the legs and tucked tightly at the back* The dhoti was held In place at the hips by (roekhala) a jewelled girdle (Pi* Z • 10) and sometimes also by a walst-band which was tied with a knot at the centre with one of Its ends hanging loose (Pl« ZZ - 2$ Pi* Z •» 12)* sanetlmes the dhoti reached upto the ankles (Pi* Z » 11« 12)* Zn addition they wore a long piece of cloth like a dupatta which was twisted and • • wound around the thighs* This was tied mostly on the left side and sometlines on both sides with a big looped knot and Its t% Male figures are also shown wearing an upper gam^ent (uttarlya) which was a long piece of cloth worn like an Yajhopavlta across the chest (Pi* ZZ » 11« 12)* This* In the later period# develops into an ornament which is highly decorated (Pi* ZZZ - 13)* A few of the male figures are also shown with a uttarlya which was worn like a shawl* Zt was sometimes held on the arms (Pi* ZIZ - I, Pi* ZZ - 12)* 549 The lower garment consisting of a long piece of cloth was also worn like the present janghia^^^* It was wound round the hips with its tufts hanging between the legs (tl* II «• 4}» This type of dress was vjenerally worn by the soldiers and conrooners* It was held by a girdle and a clasp at the centre* A dvarapala at Mahakuta is found wearing a coat which is held tightly at the waist by a belt^^^« similarly a pair of dvarai^alas which are in an extr^nely worn condition# on either side of the entrance to the Brahmanical cave at Aihole# are depicted wearing a coat which ends much above the knees« It is seeared tightly by a belt at the waist* rhe legs are either bare or have tight fitting trousers* The dvarapala on the left wears a pointed cap* The one on the right seems bare-headed* These figures have bc;en identified by Harle as !favana dvarapalas• 168 * This Jjnplies that though it may not have been a local dress# this fonn of costume was well known and the sculptor had used it for portraying one of his sculptural figures. In this case the dress might have been sewn* At Virupaksha temple# Pattada'cal# a man is shown wearing a long*sleeved dress reaching upto his knees (Pi* II - 10}* 550 The lower garment (antartya) of the female figures are shown wearing it in different ways* It was worn in the form of a lungi which reached just above the ankle or upto the feet* This was similar to the ghaghrX of 169 the gupta period • It was generally worn low at the hips and wrapped round the lower half of the body and tucked on the left side or tied with a looped knot on the left side (Pi* Z • 8)* At the hips it was generally held by a Jewelled girdle (mekhala)* The dhoti was also worn in the fozm of a kachchha (Pi* I - 1# 5)* It reached above the knees and looked like drawers or shorts* (Pi* I » 3}* when it was worn reaching the ankles (gulphavalambi)^^® they looked like tight-fitting slacks with one of the ends of thm dhoti hanging gracefully in front* This was probably due to tlie kachchha tucked at the back* The female figures like tlie male ones are also shown with a long strip of cloth passing acit>ss the thighs like a band and tied on the side (Pi* 1*7)* sometimes the female figures are shown draped in a saree with the i'alav covering the upper half of the body and going over the left shoulder leaving the right shiOulder bare (Pi. XI * 5} The upijer garment (uttarlya) is generally not visible on the body even though sometimes we see its presence by the cxirve of the material above the head and the two 551 ends o£ it flying behind the female figures (Pi* IX • 7)» This was either because the cloth used was of diaphanous quality or it was worn in the foim of a stole exposing the upper part of the body or the artist^ in order to portray their aesthetic conception of the fetnale foxm« deliberately left the body exposed* Zt is also possible that most of the female figures are actually without an uttarlya since women from the Dravida country were supposed to be bare-breasted according to the Manasollasa • The uttarlya sometimes was a short % strip of cloth probably tied at the b&ck (Pl« IZ • 8}« Zt Just covered the breasts* Zt was probably transparent 172 like the Ajanta variety and hence we see only a line crossing over the breasts of the figtire indicating the presence of an uttarlya. sometimes it was just a band of material (thanapatta)^^^ across the breast similar • • to the breast-band worn by a female fan-bearer of cave 174 XVZ at Ajanta • The gandharvas panel on the 6Varga- BrahmS temple# Alampur# shows tte female gandharva wearing an uttarlya arranged in even folds which covers the chest* The rest of the material is shown flying backwards (Pi* ZZ - 6}* The secular images# though few in number on the earlier temples# are liowever profusely represented in 552 cave III at Badaml« Durga temple at Alhole# Papanatha« Vlrupaksha# Hallikarjuiia at Pattadakal# etc* in the form of x>anels depicting scenes frcxn Ran^yana and Mah&harata and amorous couples or mithunas and various other scenes* In general we can say that the amorous couples depicted in these tt^ples do not deviate much in their attire from those of the religious sculptures except in certain cases where it is necessary to project the iconographic features of a particular deity* However the dwarfs (ganas) and the ccxtmon people and soldiers depicted in war scenes* are shown wearing short dhotis which look like jan^hias* They are also depicted with very little ornaments in comparison to others* Keeping all these in view# it can be visualized that the poorer section of the society vore simple dresses and less jewellery as compared to the rich* ifie dresses were made of muslin« calico# silk# linen and fine wool* According to l-tsing^*^® '•the officers and people of a higher class have a pair of white soft cloth for their garments# while the poor and lower classes of people have only one piece of linen* •• The sculptures present an array of different textile designs* These designs were in the form of 553 floral patterns between vertical stripes (Pi* Z • 9} and horizontal stripes (Pi. I • 4#6) chequered patterns (Pl« 1*2) etc* sane of the costumes were plain* The designs may have been printed or «nbroidered* some costumes even give the impression of having pearls and beads sewn into th«n with an embroidered border (Pl« Z •• 3}« Omaments The artists have profusely decorated their sculptures with omamonts in order to enhance their beauty. Hence a study of these ornaments will provide a general list of the types of jewellery liked and used by the people of the period* ^toreover it will also show the craftsmanship of the Jewellers of the period* who designcid thian* i:;ar-K?man-.ent There are very few types of ear-cmaments depicted on sculptures* They were worn both by men and women* The most common type of ear-rings were the disc«shaped# 176 large and thick ones (patra-kundalas) which reached • • uoto the shoulders (Pi* IIZ *2# 3)* These kundalas• • were either plain or adorned with gems on its rim (Pi* 111 • 9) or decorated with floral designs on the.broad surface (Pi. Ill * 5}* Mahif^suramardini from the IXirga temple 554 (Pl« III * 6) wears a similar kifcndala with £loral designs which has three small knobs on the lower side equidistant £rcm each other* some of them had a small round pendant attached to the disc (Pi* III -4)* sometimes these Hundalas looked like concave discs • • (Pi* III • 8). Another type of ear-ring which was quite common was a thick Jeitfelled ring suspended b/ an elongated ring (Pl* III « 7)« sometimes the ear-ring consisted only of a very thick ring which seems to be so heavy that they are shown resting on the shoulders (Pl* III •• 10)* Vi^u (Pl* XV - C) from the Durga temple wears an ear-rin Mahilasurai'.ardlnl frwn Durga temple# Aihole* (Pl* III - 6) is sho%m wearing an ear-ring which is long and has beaded knob-like pendant with floral design at its lower end* An unusual feature noticed from the observaticm of these sculptures# is the practice of wearing t%#o different types of ear-omaments in the two ears* 555 Neck Ornaments A veuriety of n«c)c ornaments are portrayed In the sculptures o£ the period* These were In the form of necklaces (hara) and necklets (kanthi)*• • They were worn both by men and women* one of the most cannon types of necklaces %ms a single chain of beads or pearls (ekavali)(Pi* IZZ • 14)* i sometimes the ekavali was a single chain of beads or pearls which had a central large bead with the others gradually diminishing in size* This type of necklace adorns the neck of Harihara in cave III at Badami* Dhavalikar thinks that this is the prakandaka type • • referred to in the Arthalastra^^^* csometimes this single chain of beads also had a s pendant (Pi* ZZI • IS). some of the necklaces were also plain with a small gem-set pendant* Parvati (Pi* ZZZ - 20) figiares from Ravana-Phadi wear necklaces consisting of multiple strings of pearls or beads* # Andhakasura (Pi* ZZZ • 17) wears a charming multi* stringed necklace probably made of pearls or beads and 556 sami«preciou8 stones and held together by £loral knobs at the shoulders* sometimes this multiple string of pearls or beads was loosely twisted into a rope* rhis type is seen on Laxmi (cave I •> Badacnl) and one of the saptaraatrikas (RavanaphadiWd.hole) (Pi* IIZ •> 19}* A broad hara of exquisite vxsrlcnanship is worn by Visnu in Cave III at Badanii* • • A male figure is shown wearing a necklace adorned with festoons and tassels of pearls* Kanthis were# again« of various types* oome were thick-set and broad at the ccntre and gradually tapering at the ends* They were probably studded with gams (Pi* IIZ - 16}* Other kanthis were of a similar typ« • • but they were embellished with festoons and tassels probably of pearls or beads of precious and semi«»precious stones* This type of kanthi is very comroonly depicted round the necks of the male figures (Pi* III - 22# 23)* sometimes the kanthis were plain bereft of any decoration* ** Viratpurusha (cave III * Badami) wears a kanthi studded • *• with gems* This necklet is fringed on the lower side by some fine filigree pattern* 557 Thera wore other types of kanthis such as one • • with a row of pearls or beads and below it again pearls arranged in the form of festoons (Pi* ZIZ • 21} or a kanthi studded with gems and fringed on both sides by pearls or beads (Pl« XIZ • 18)« There was another thinner variety of kanthi • • which was much almplec and tubular in form* Hahilasuramcuniini from the Durga temple wears a kanthi set with 3 rows of pearls or gems* We come across another type of neck ornament which was somethinj like a choker worn round the neck* It looks like three rings joined together (Pi* XXX • A)* A tooth is used as a locket in a chain worn by one of the ganas depicted in Ravanaphadi at Aihole* Various types of necklaces can be seen on the 3aptamatri?cas at Ravanaphadi (Pi. Ill - 19)* Jewellery in the later i^eriod becomes more elaborate* A necklace depicted on a sculpture fron Virupaksha temple serves as an example* It is thick* set and profusely ornamented (Pi* III - 24)* 558 suvamavalkaHshaka - - • Pernalo figures are generally depicted with an 178 ornament icnown as suvamavaikakshaka • This is ccxnposed of a chain which meets on the breast where it bifurcates and falls gracefully over the hips on either sloe to meet at the back* At the joint is a pendant which seems to have been studded with gems* The AJanta ladies also %fore similar omamants made of strings of beads or pearls* This ornament from the sculptures of our period were probably made of a chain of gold or silver or beads or pearls (Pi* IV • 1#2#3)* Yainopavlta The image of ArdhanarXlwara is shown wearing a beaded yajnopavTta* (sangameshwar-Mahakuta) * sofnetimes it was 9 plain thread (Pi* 111 « 12)* In the later period# yajnopavltas were highly decorated with gems (Pl* III - 13}* Mostly men are shown wearing yaJAopavTtas* But# thare were a few excepticms where the %^oraen are also shown wearing them like on one of the panels of Papanatha temple* Most of the male figures are shown wearing a Jewelled hara in the upavlta fashion* Dhavalikar is of the opini However the one worn by ^ v a (Pl« ZZZ *11) (Mallikarjuna • « Itohakuta) Is in the form of a band fringed on the two sides by pearls or beads* rrivDcrama (Cave IZZ • Badami) wears a thick rope - like mukta - yajnopavlta t^ch is probably set with gems or pearls* Harihara (Cave ZZZ • Badami) has a mukta •> yaJ^opavTta probably made of multiple strings of pearls or beads* rheae az« twisted into a rope with sp€u:er8 in between* These spacers were made of bands of gold or silver* Girdlas I Girdles (mekhala) were worn both by man and women* Zt was a decorative waist«band meant to hold the antarlya (lower garment} in its place* The sculptures display a variety of this ornament* » The antarZya of Siva (Mallikarjuna«Mahakuta) is held by a mekhala with a decorative clasp* The mekhala itself is studded with gems or pearls and festoons hang from it* A similar mekhala is worn by a dvarapala at Badami* Zt has festoons and tassels which look like chains* Ardhanarl&wara (sancjameshwar-Mahakuta) (Pi* ZV • 4) is sho%m wearing a delicate girdle probably made of a chain of gold which has small tassels or bells attached to it* 5G0 Harlhara (Cave X • Badaml) wears a mekhala of five strings of pearls or jewels. It has a rectangular ornate clasp* Hanging front this melchala are strings In the form of loops and tassels. These strings were probably made of gold or silver* similar types of girdles were very common In our period. The . festoons and tassels may have also been made of pearls (Pl. IV • 5). Laxml In the same panel Is wearing a similar type of girdle. Zt consists of five strings. The ccntral string Is composed of circular and squarish beads placed alternately. The four strings on either side of It have desl'jns on them which look like a serled|pf rings interlinked. The girdle has a rectangular clasp at the centre# which may have been studded with gems. Loops of strings hang from the girdle. Mekhalas made of 2# 3« 4 or more strings of either pearls or jewels with a clasp at the centre were also coninon (PL. IV • 5# 6). Sometimes small n^tal beads may have been attached to the girdle to produce a pleasant sound. Alhole inscription of i-ulakeSi II mentions the • 180 tinkling girdle (roekhala) of a woman • Another tyx>e of mekhala worn by Trivlkrama (cave III « Badaml) was broad and decorative consisting of a series of links of exquisitely carved circular 561 mttdaXilons in the centre and fringed on both sldsa by finely worked designns* Zt has two pearl or bead tassels hanging on one side* In the centre is a squarish decorative clasp (Pi* XV • 8)* * Yet another variety of mekhala seen« is broad having circular designs in the central row and chain - like designs on either side of it* A string having the same chain • like form hangs in tt» form of a tassel and festoon on one side* The mekhala has a squarish decorated clasp in the.centre (Pl* XV • 7)* A lady (Pl* IV • 6# cave IZZ <• Badami) wears a five • stringed mekhala having a clasp with floral design* This mekhala has a double string of pearl or b^ad festoons and tassels* A few others are shown wearing a broad mekhala * set with gems and haring floral designed clasp at the centre* Pearl or g«n festoons and tassels adorn it* Another lady wears a mekhala composed of three chains* The central chain is made of s An ornate mekhalS adoms the waiat of a male flgitre* Zt is broad and has pearl festoons and tassels on the lower side (Papanatha « Pattadakal}* Udarabandha In addition to the mekhala which are worn at the hips to hold the antarlya# male figiires are also shown wearing a dacorativ* band (udarabandha) at the waist (Pi, IV - 9). They were pxrobably made of gold or silver with beautiful designs embossed on them or of embroidered cloth set with gems* They were generally finely worked broad udarabandha and scroetimes studded with gems (Pi. IV - 11). Vrishabhavahana •• Siva Murti (Pi# IV - 9) from the ixirga temple wears a thin# beaded udarabandha with a small tassel - like pendant in the centra. A similar narrow one is also worn by Visnu frcxn the same t«nple • • (PI* IV - 10) but it looks more like a strip of metal than of beads. A male figure (Cave I • Badami) has h broad udarabandha which seems to be made of cloth tied on the side with a knot. A ^vadvarapala (Malegitti sivalaya - Badami) wears a narrow udarabandha which was tnost probably also made of cloth. Nataraja from Badami. (Cave 1} similarly 5G3 wears a udarabdndha of cloth tied with a bow on the right aide and one end*^ of the material is seen hanging loosely in front* Armleta Armlets (aAgada# Heyura) wore worn both by men and wanen, A large variety of than are depicted on the sculptures of the period* They were most prooably made of gold# silver or copper depending on the social and econcmuLc status of the person* Armlets of two coils with foliaceous terminals are worn by Siva (Mallilcarjuna teanple-Mahakuta) (Pi* IV « 16) and Narasimha (Cave III - Bada.'ni)* There were also two - coiled arr.lets with ornate terminals (Pi* IV -> 15# 17)* # Harihara (cave I - Badami) is shown wearing a two - coiled axralet with snake-hood terminals (naga-valaya) on one hand* The other hand has an armlet which has a squarish g ^ slab* Just above this is a crest with a gem* These together are set in a delicate filigree pattern having festoono and tassels* Maga-valaya with two coils Is also worn by Ardhanarifewara (Cave I - Badani)* Plain arralets were also prevalent* They were sometimes single coiled (Pi* IV - 13# 14) and sometimes had two or three coils (Pi* V - 1). Mahilasuramardini wears a three-coiled keyura with decorative terminals (cave I - Badami)* 5G4 A female figure is shown wearing a highly ornamented broad armlet (Cave Z - Badaml)* The most coiwnon form of armlet was highly decorated having a broad band and a gera-set crest in the centre which made it look like a miniature crown (Pi. V •» 5}* There were slight variations in these* Harlhara (cave III • Badaml) (P1..V • 4 ) wears a keyura crowned by a gem->set crest and having pearl tassels and festoons. A lady (Cave 211 • Badaml) wears* one with a narrow band having a Jewelled crest in the centre* Another type was a narrow band with a small crest above it* suspended from this band were fostoons and tassels of probably pearls (Cave ZZZ « Badaml}* Axrdhanarl&wara has a keyura on one arm which has a triangular ornate crest (Pl* V • 3)< • A male figure (Cave ZZZ - Badaml) (pl* V - 2) wears an armlet consisting of a broad band with a row of big gems in the centre and a row each of pearls on either side* This band is crowned by a g»m-set crest in the centre* Broad keyuras adorn the arms of ^ v a dvarapala at Badaml (cave Z)« They have elaborate designs at the centre which extend above and almost reach the shoulders* 5G5 Harlhara (Virupaksha - Pattadakal) wears an axmlet having a siihha - mukha at the centre* Bangles and Bracelets Bangles (valaya) were worn both by men and women but mostly by men since bracelets seem to have been more popular amongst wcxnen* Bangles were generally plain or beaded (Pl« V - 6«7«8«9) and tubular* These may have been solid or hollow* There were othars which were studded with gems (Ratna«>valaya)* Siva (Malegitti Sivalaya - Badami) (Pi* V - 10) wears a bangle studded with a large gen in the centre %«hile the rest of the bangle is decorated with two rows of pearls* Ooddasses and f«nale figures are generally shown wearing broad bracelets with thick borders either plain or having pearls* This is probably the same as kataka mentioned in Amarako&a * A lady on a panel at Bodami wears a similar bracelet having ribs and the borders embellished with beads of pearls or gems (Pi* V « 12)* A ribbed clasp can be seen running across the bracelet (Cave X • Badami) (Pi* V - 14)* Similar bracelets are CO be seen worn by others too (Pl* V • 13)* scxnetlmes Instead of ribs the bracelets had crlss<-cross designs on them or some other decorative designs (Pl* V • 15# 16)* 5GG Men also wore bracelets £or some of them have ornaments on their wrists which look like bracelets (Pi* V - I D . Anklets Anklets (nupuras) were worn only women* But in the later period# men are also shown wearing anklets which were broad and jewelled (Pi* V • 12)* Anklets were thick# tubular# plain or ribbed* (Pi* V *> 23)* Mahi&asuramardini is depicted with a decorative nupura (Cave Z • Badami) with tassels* Another lady at Badami (cave ZIZ) (Pi* V - 21) is wearing an anklet which has leaf-like tassels suspended from it* There ware other types of nupuras such as those consisting of two strings of beads (Pl* V - 20) and sometimes even three rows of beads* Ladies also (Pl* V •» 24) wore anklets which had small beads attached to it* They could have been anall bells (kiftkinis) to produce Jingling sounds sometimes the anklet was slightly broad and sttidded with pearls or g ^ s (Pl* V * 19#25)« Besides anklets sometimes we also see broad decorative foot ornaments* Zt almost covered half of the foot (Pl* V - 26)* 5G7 vi« see an unusual leg ornament worn by Nataraja (cave I) (Pl. V - 17) at Badainl, He wears a ring only on the right leg And it is worn much above the ankle# almost on the calf* According to Srinivasan 182 this omaroent becomes popular only frcxn the late phase o£ the school of Rajendra !• similarly Ardhanari&wara frcm Ravana •> Phadi (Pl* V - 18) wears this ornament on the left leg* This is in the form of a three • coiled ring with decorative terminals* coiffure Hair seems to have received a lot of attenticm and care while beautifying oneself* We see numerous hair-styles represented on sculptures of the t«nples of our period at Aihols# Badami# Pattadakal# tlahakuta and Alampur and the paintings at Badami* Both men and women wore their hair long and arranged them in elaborate hair-styles* Majority of the men are shown wearing head dresses like crowns %ihich conceal the hair-style (Pl*VI - 14)* Tripurari in Virupaksha t«nple at Pattadakal is wearing something li)ce a conical cap with a flat vertex (Pl*VI - 12)* xarttikeya (Pl* VZ «• 6) from the Mahakuteswar temple at Mahakuta is wearing a very peculiar type of head-dress* It has a dome shape with a bulbous projection on top like a ushnisha* The centre of this crown has a longish* jewelled 5G8 crest. The whole crovm seems to oe, studded with rormd <2ieni8« Most of the Gods are sho%m with their hair arranged into a vertical drum-shaped mass encircled by a crown at the base (Pi. VZ • 15). some of these crowns cuce jewelled pieces of art (Pl.XV-C# Pl.XX • A ) . These cro%mB were known as manima]cuta (jewelled diadem) and the crest-jewel was texrsied ratnachudSnnanl^^^* Cave X at Badami depicts Nataraja (Pi. VZ - 8) wearing an elaborate hair->st/le which merges above the crown. The top portion looks like a bow-knot. The hair-style of Harihara and the Sivadvarapala at Badami and Gangadhara-liva<44urti (Pl. VZ - 7) at Ravanaphadi can bo said to be arranged in the ja^- mukuta style. Most of the male figures have their hair combed back and arranged in an elaborate domical structure (Pl. VZ - 4#5). These were sometimes decorated with jewelled hair-dresses which look like crowns (Pl.VZ - 11#13) A male figure is shown with his whole mass of hair canbed to the left and knotted into a huge bun (Pl. VZ • 3). A similar bun# but behind the head# is seen elsewhere* 56,9 Somatirass# the hair was taken up in a pyramid fashion and the rest of the hair left loose to fall over the shoulders (Pl. VZ • 9)« A dwarf on a Visnu • • panel at Ourga temple* Aihole# has his hair ccxnbed bade and held together on top of the head and tied. Rest of the hair was left loose to fozm ringlets. Another male figure has his hair combed back and tied into a top-knot on the head (Pl« VZ - I). We also see men with their hair combed back and slightly raised. The hair w&s twisted and turned into a coil to form a bun. This bun was probably tied with a floral chaplet (Pl. VZ • 2). The male dancer from the cave painting at Badami has his hair tied in the jata fashion. A panel on the pillar of Kumara-Brahma# Alan^nir# shows wig type of hairdo. The hair is combed backwards forming probably a bun at the top of the head. Male and fcKnale have this similar hairstyle. Siva bhiksatana - murti in svarga Brahma ten^le at Alampur# has a beautiful ja^. Zt is neatly combed to fall on the shoulder and back and left loose (Pl. VZ - 22). Another male mithuna figxire at the 570 same temple Is shown with his hair ccxnbed back from tha forehead and probably held by a hair^band* The * rest o£ the hair is slightly raised and left loose behind* He seems to have long hair (Pl« VI - 21)* A soldier depicted on a panel of the l^ad khan temple# Aihole# has his hair cut vary ^ort« His head is covered with short# curly hair* Similarly the ganas below tha Trivikrama panel in cave ZZ at Badami# have a wig*like hair style with curly hair* Mostly# all the male figures are shown clean-shaven without any beard or moustache except in case of ascetics like Bhrlgu# etc* where they are sho%m with beard and moustache e*g* on the Oangadhara-murtl panel at Ravana phadi and Siva Bhiksatana-murti panel in svarga-Brahma at Alampur* We get a few sculptural representations of turbans as head>-dress worn 1:^ men especially in the panels of Huchchapayyagudi and other temples* Sana of th&a are tied reund the bun and taken above and twisted and wound* This can be visualized from tha vertical folds rising from the forehead and horizontal folds above it (Pi* VZ - 18) * Another type of turban was tied in such a way that it covered the mass of 571 hair upto the forehead* Then one end of the cloth was probably twisted and wound over the head crosswise In front and tucked behind* Finally the other end of the cloth hanging In front was taken over the head and tucked behind to look like a vertical band In the centre (Pi* VZ - 16)* Figure 17# Plate VI shows yet another elaborate turban* But here the turban starts a little above the forehead leaving a part of the hair exi^osed* An alaborate turban Is also depicted on the exterior wall of the Malllkarjijina tesnple at Pattadakal (Pi* VZ • 20}* It Is decorated with pins having different designs like moon# sun* etc* on Its head* Sometimes the turban was very simple* It was Just a long piece of cloth probably twisted and wotind arovind the head (Pi* VI - 19}* At Lad Khan# Alhole# a panel shows men wearing this type of turban* These turbans described above wore worn mostly by the commoners* Laxml In the Harlhara panel (Cave I • Badaml) has her hair arranged In the form of a shlkara In receding tiers* The hair In front Is embellished with a tiara from which hang tassels and festoons probably of pearls* These are neatly arranged on the head* A fwnale flgxire In cave I at Badaml has her hair combed back and arranged in a huge domical knot over the 572 head (Pl« VII "• 16) • In addition to this dcxnical knot# sometimes they had soma length of hair hanging like a pony-tail* This was probably enclosed in a not for neatness and held again mid-way by a string of pearls (Pi. VII - 19). similarly Parvati in Cave I at Badami has « domical bun positioned on the head (Pi. VII » 20). Laxmi and Parvati in the Harihara panel (Cave I Badami) (Pi. VII - 18) and Mahi&asuramardini in Durga temple# Aihole and Cave I# Badami have their hair arranged into • vertical bim placed on the head. They are also wearing tiaras each of a different type. A lady at Kagral on the Nagnath temple (Pl.vil • 22) and emother on the Papanatha tentple at Pattadakal (Pi. VII « 15) have their hair tied into a bun behind their head. Another fwnale figure at Badami (Pl.VII * 13) and Parvati (Pi. VII •> 2) and female figure (Pi. VII • 17) in Papanatha temple at Pattadalcal are similarly shown with a bun behind their head, sometimes the bun was placed on the left side of the head (Pi. VII *4) or at an angle (Pi. VII • 14). In cave III at Badami# a lady has dressed her hair as to foxm a triangular protrusion over her head. 573 Most o£ the fesnale figures are wearing this type of hair-style with slight variations (Pl« VZI - 8#10)* Others had a dome-*shaped bun on the head again with variations in sizes and shapes (Pi* VZI • 9)« It is possible that in additim to this there was a bun knotted behind the head with a long plait emerging from it* This is seen on one of the female figures who has her back towards us (Pi. VZZ • 7)« All tliese hair styles %rere arremged in such an intricate fashion that to describe tham would be near to impossible* They wore a tiara or a band of flowers or gems above tlie fore-head* The hair was decorated with flowers or Jewels or adorned with festoons of pearl* One of the coiffures is styled by arranging the hair into a bun of three tiers* On the forehead is a band of flowers or g w s and the bun is «nbellished with flowers (Pi* VIZ • 11)* The profile of another lady shows that part of her hair is coiled on top of the head vertically and the rest of the hair tied into a bun behind her neck (Pi* VZZ - 5)* A fwnale figure at Papanatha temple# Pattadakal weais a beautiful hair-style* The hair is twisted and 574 arranged elegantly into a coiled wave over the head* On tha forehead is a band of pearls (Pl« VII « 21)* The River Goddess in Qalagnatha ten^le at Pattadakal (Pi, VII -I) has her hair twisted into a spiral and positioned on the right side of her head* The female part of Ardhanarllwara (sangameshwar* Mahalcuta) has a charming hair<-8tyle* The hair is combed back and gathered over the head* Then the whole bunch of hair is twisted and turned into a coil and arranged vertically over the head (Pi* VII - 6)* similarly tha hair of Parvati, in the Nataraja panel (Pi. VII - 3) in Papanatha temple at Pattadakal, is twisted and turned into a coil which is placed perpendicular to the head* The female dancer from the Cave painting at Badami has worn her hair in an elaborate coiffure* Since her back is towards us «re can see the way her hair has been taken up and twisted into a bun which looks like a doughnut* A lady on the pillar at Huchchappayya Matha# Aihole# has combed her hair back and raised it slightly on top and left the rest of her hair loose to fall behind her back* The hair in front is held in place by 575 a hair-band consisting of two rows of beads or pearls* A female torso from Alarapur wears a flower on her head* This could also probably have been a hsirpin with floral design at the top. Plate VII# Figure 12 shows a peculiar type of head-dress worn by the saptamatrkas from the Ravana Phadi cave at Aihole* Before we conclude# it is necessary to mention that it is not unlikely that some of the more elaborate hair-styles were nothing but switches* The ones with huge buns may have taken the help of hair balls for size* House and Household Articles i The illustrations of household objects like vessels# fumittire# etc* in the reliefs of the chalukyan period are scanty* Those represented are as follows t A globular water jar can be seen at Cave II (PI* IX - 13) and cave III (Pi* IX - 9) at Badami* It has a wide mouth# constricted neck# a rounded base and a lid with a curved handle at tlie top and a short spout* 184 It is somewhat similar to the one at sanchi * It was probably made of some metal* A similar jar with a lid ^576 and a handle attachad to It is used in the present days* Zt is made o£ brass* In the Huchchapayya temple# Aihole# Brahroa holds a bottle-necked vessel (Pi* IX - 14)* This vessel has an ovaloid body* The mouth is covered with a small# rounded lid* Zn the same panel# a aage is shown holding a kamandalu (Pi* IX • 15)* A bowl (Pl* IX • 11) (cave I « Badami) containing sweet-meats is held hy Gane&a froin Badaini* In the I Virupaksha temple# Pattadakal# a panel shows several people holding small drinking bowls in their hands* Similar drinking bowls are found at the t%fo*atoreyed temple on Meguti hill# Aihole# Cave III at Badami# etc* (Pl* IX - 12)* Oa a pillar medallion of Virupaksha temple# Pattadakal# two worshippers are holding goblets in their hand* A basket or a big bowl with a lid is held by Parvati (Cave I - Badami) at Badami (Pl* IX • 10)* In one of the panels at Virupaksha temple# Pattadalcal# a cot with cushions on either side and a footstool bslow is shown* Besides# below the cot is a casket (Pl* X « 2) and a water Jug (Pl* X «• 1)* There are two lamps on either side (Pl* X • 3)* The lid of the Casket has a knob at the centre* The Jug is provided 57 with a spout* It has a constricted neck with a broad# open mouth* The jug narrows down at the base* It has a splayed base* Reference to a sontlge (ladle) as a measure for • • • 185 oil# Is made In an Inscription of Vljayadltya * This ladle or spoon may have been made of wood cr metal*■ isfR According to Hluen Tslang# household utensils were mostly earthenware# few being of brass* spoons were not used# except In cases of sickness when copper spoons were used* An umbrella Is referred to In the British Musetun plates of Pulake&i• I 186 • Sculpttxral rapreaentation of an umbrella is found at Badami# Cavo II (Pl* X - 12)* It has a rounded^p which has a cup*shaped knob above it* The umbrella has an uneven thick rim which suggests that it may have been made of cloth or skin* Zt is mounted on a thick rod# probably of wood and slightly tapering at the lower end* Plate <- X# figure 13# represents the umbz^lla on a panel in cave III at Badami* At the Huchchapayyagudi temple# Aihole# s r attendant is holding an iimbrella over Parvati* The umbrella has a thick rim and a knob at the top* It has a long handle (Pl*X •* 8)< An umbrella is seen over the head of Harihara in the 578 axtarior nicho of vlrupaksha tatjple at Mahalcuta. umbrellas are also depicted at Lad Khan# Alhole and Sangameshwar temple at Pattadaical* The lunbrellas at Lad Khan are probably represented as Royal insignia* They are more decorative than the umbrellas depicted elsewhere* Depiction of mirror as a toilet article cc^nes from Badami, Cave III, A lady is shown looking at herself in the mirror held in one hand while she ia arranging her hair with the other hand* The mirror is circular in shape and has a short handle (Pi* X - 11)* A parrot on a swing has been shown on a panel from Pattadalcal* Hence it is not unlikely that pet*^irds may have been kept also in cages* The vase ia represented in the vase and foliage motifs from the Huchchimalli-gudi temple at Aihole* A fan is depicted on a panel in the Virupaksha temple at Pattadakal* The fan consistc»d of a handle* probably of wood or cane# with a square body* The fan may have been made of cane# cloth or grass (PI* X • 7}* A bell can be s e ^ on a panel of the above mentioned temple (Pi* VIII * 1). 57.9 Moreover from the same temple we get a representation of a grinder* Zt was probably made of stone (Pi. X - 5)« A pounder Is seen on the Krlshna*leela panel now at the Badaml Museum* This panel probably belonged to the lower Slvalaya or the Lower Visnu• • temple (Pi, X • 4)* An interesting example of a domestic article is the chumer for chiuming curd# It ccn be seen on a panel of the upper-sivalaya temple* Badaml (Pl.x «• 6) and a Krishna-leela panel at the Badaml Museum mentioned above* The chximer consists of an ecrthem pot with two wooden rods* One of the rods is immersed in the curta while the other rod is fixed outside* A rope is attached to these two rods in such a way that when the two ends of the rope are pulle4 to and fro, the ro4. in the pot turns and chums the curd* This type of chumer is used even now in some of the villages of India* We get a few pieces of furniture illustrated in the reliefs* A throne is depicted on the walls of the Papanatha twnple at PattadaXal* The throne has no arm-rests and back* but has lion supports* The seat has some desivjns carved on it* The throna is provided with a foot«-stool 580 (Pl« XZZ * 7)* !Zhls foot-stool seoros to be circular and has a constriction in the middle* Another lion seat comes from virupaksha temple at Pattadakal* It has no back-rest. The seat is supported by four legs. Three lion supports are shown# one at the centre and the other two on either side with ono facing left and the other right* A beautiful representation of a throne comes from tlie Meguti temple at Aihole. Inside the sanctum# on the wallt is carved a throne* Zt has a back-rest* This back-rest is decorated with makara design at the tuo comers* (Pi*XI - 4) A cushion is placed against it* Tiiis cushion pzrobably has a cushion-cover* This is because both the ends of the cushion have a pretty design embroidered on it* Yet another similar makara-throne comes from cave ZV at Badami* The back-rest is carved with designs* There is no cushion* A low square seat with four legs can be seen in Virupaksha temple at Pattadakal* A high rectangular seat with probably six legs has been depicted in the same temple* In a pillar medallion at Badami# Cave III# a couple is sitting on a rectangular bench supported by six legs* 581 similarly we have rectangular seats and cots of various types which are either four-legged or six-legged and often carved. They are depicted in Hallikarjuna t«aple# Pattadakal# Cave IZ at Badami« etc (Pl« XZI - 1}« At Huchchapayya tonple# Aihole# a panel shows a couple sitting on a squarish seat with a cushion (Pl« XZZ - 2)» Moat of these seats and cots are provided with mattresses and footstools* These footstools came in various shapes and sizes. One of these cots on a panel at Hallikarjuna temple# Pattadakal* also seems to have a bed-spread over the mattress* A part of it is shown hanging down from the cot (Pi* XZ - 7)* Another seat at the same twiple has a back-rest on the side for reclining* On a bracket panel at Cave III, Badatni« a couple is sitting ona seat which looks like a rectangular block# probably of wood* Zt has \ a mattress on it (Pl* XZZ - 6)* At Lad Khan a cot is represented* Zt is rsctangular. with four legs* Zt is raised on both sides resembling the present-day cots (Pi* XZ - 5)* Cushions or pillows were also used as seats (Virupaksha-Pattadakal)* A lady is shown sitting on a low circular solid seat v^ch looks like a mora or cane 582 seat bdcause it has a slight constriction in th« middle• A couple la also sitting on a similar type of seat which loolcs more like two cushions placed one over the other* The Mora is also to be seen in Mallilcarjuna temple at PattadaHal (Pl. XZ - 6)« At the two-storeyed temple on the Mogutl hill at Alhole« a panel depicts a seat which looks like three circular cushions placed one over the other* Another seat from the same .temple is raised high* Zt is shaped in such a way that it curves dovm on one side almost to the floor and then is slightly raised with enough space between the curves* This space serves as a kind of foot-rest* Over this seat are placed two circular cushions one over the other (Pl* XZ * 8)* Yet another type of seat looks like a couch* Zt has a back-rast* The seat seems to have a cushion* This is depicted on a panel of vlrupaksha tanple (Pl*XZZ •4), A type of couch-like seat cornea from Cave ZZ at Badaml* Zt se^s to have designs carved on It all along the edge of the seat (Pl* XZZ - 5)* Besides seats* wo get representation of stools* The stool seecis to have a circular seat resting on three curved legs (Pl* XZZ * 3)* Sonetimes the seat 583 was covered with a cushion* We get examples £rom Virupaksha t^nple at Pattadakal« Upper Slvalaya at Badami, etc. Hluen Tslang 187 also refers to corded benches* These benches were adorned according to the status o£ the person using It* According to him the king's dais was exceedingly wide and high# and dotted with pearls* The ll(»i*s seat was covered with fine cloth and mounted 188 by a Jewelled footstool* I-tslng who came to India In the last quarter of the 7th Century A*o*# has noted his own observations * Ha describes a chair as "about seven Inches high by a foot square# and the seat of It Is wicker-work made of rattan cane* The legs are rounded# and# on the whole# the chair Is not heavy*" This was used by priests for having their meals* In a panel of paintings at Badaml# cave III# a queen Is shown seated on a low couch with a rectangular back which Is decorated with a border pattern all roundi She Is resting on some cushions that are placed against It* Her right leg Is placed on the padapTtha or foot* stool which Is not clearly visible* A scrcen or yavanlka acting as a partition to provide privacy# Is aeen In the paintings at Badaml In 584 Cava III again* It consists of a horizontal rod to « which Is attached a curtain* This rod was either attached to the pillars Just behind It or were supported on stands* Various types o£ cradles are depicted on the sculptural panels* Cne of them looks like a basket* This Is seen at Malllkarjima ttioiple# Pattadakal* Another cradle from tha same temple Is similar to the former* It looks like a basket since It Is elliptical* shaped* It rests on four curved# short legs (Pi* X - 9) On a panel on the exterior back wall of the Upper slvalaya temple at Badaml, there Is yet another type of cradle* This cradle Is probably hung from the celling by ropes* Zt Is square or rectangular In shape and made of %nx>den frames* The comers of the cradle are polygonal In shape with three spherical mouldings at the base (Pl* X - 10}* These examples show the care taken for their children and provisions made for their ccxnfort* As far as the nature of the cities and houses during our period Is concerned, we have to rely mostly 189 on the observations recorded by Hlucn Tslang * He observes that the quadrangular walls of the cities are 585 broad and high# while the thorx>ugh£ares are narrow and winding passages. He further notes that, "the country being low and moist* most of the clty-walls are built of bricks# while walls of houses and enclosures are wattled bamboo or wood* Their halls and terraced belvederes have wooden flat-roofed roans# and are coated with chunam# and covered with tiles burnt or unbumt# They are of extraordinary height# and In style like those of China* The [^houses'] thatched with coarse or connton grass are of bricks or boards; their walls az« ornamented with chunamj the floor is purified with cow^ dung and strewn with flowers of the season; ...... The houses of the laity are sumptuous inside and economical outside* The inner roans and the central hall vary in their dimensions# and there is no rule for form or construction for the tiers of the terraces or the rows of high rooms* Their doors open to the east# and the throne faces east*" However we get a few# sculptural representations of tha mode of civil architectural construction of those days* A panel in the two-storeyed temple on the Meguti hill# depicts a part of a structure (Pi. XI - 1). It shows three pillars raised on a high plinth# a vaulted roof having an arched window and culminating with a flat slab on tha top. This may be a section of a long pillared hall* On one 586 of th« panels of tha Mallikarjuna temple# Pattadakal# w« come across a house having two pillars In the £ront« The house has a tiled# gabled roof* The pillars are Joined }yy horizontal beams* Between this beam and the roof# is a structtire made of vertical and horizontal poles* The tiles are flat and rectangular* The floor of the house is slightly raised (Pl* xl • 2)* A similar structure is to be seen on a panel of Upper Sivalaya temple Badami* This shows the cross-section of the house with its walls and sloped roof* We also get two huts depicted on panels from the same temple* One of them seems to have four posts supporting a plain# sloped roof* Another hut also ^zas four posts supporting a slopad-roof* This roof seems to have been made of leaves (Pl* XI - 3)* This hut could be a pamalcutti* A similar • • structure can be seen on a panel at Virupaksha temple# Pattadakal* But here# the roof looks plain* In this caso it may have been made of stone slabs* This was a trend of the contemporary Chalxikyan architecture* Musical Instruments i 190 According to tradition there are four types of musical instruments namely# 1* Tata (stringed instruments}* 587 2» Snaddha (percussion instruments liHa drums)• 3* Susira (wind instrumants like fluta, conch# atc.)« 4* Ghana (solid instruments like cymbals# etc*}* The Chalukyan reliefs have illustrated musicetl instruments belonging to all these four groups* stringed Instruments Guitar type of vIna This type is found in Papanatha ten^la at Pattadakal (Pi* VZII -2)* It has a pear-shaped body and a long neck* It has four or five strings* It has ^lall pegs at the upper end for tightening or loosening the strings in order to regulate the timing* The right hand of the musician is playing on the strings while his left hand is pluclcing the strings* Another variety has one gourd at the lower end (Pi* VZII -3)* This type is seen at Badami (Cave III)* Yet another type was similar to the violin* (Pi* VZII - 9)* This instrument is represented in Ravana Phadi at Aihole* It was probably the instnsnent known as Koka at present in Maharashtra* An instrument depicted in Mallikarjuna temple# Pattadakal# and belonging to this group was the harp*like instrument (Pi* VII2 - 4)* 588 Percussion Inatrumants A drum (Cave II) (Pi* IX • 6) belonging to this group appears at Badami* It has a barrel shaped body with two facas and has thongs fastened to the skins* These thongs are laced crosswise* This must have been the mrdaftga type of drum* Another bifacial cylindrical drum is seen at Ravana Phadi at Aihole (Pi* VIII - ID* Another type from Papanatha (Pi* IX * 8) was shaped like a round earthern pot with a large body and a small face* This is the Dardura according to Tarlekars* Yet another drum (cave I) (Pi* IX - 1) placed vertically# from 3adami« known at present as the Aliftgya 191, had a broad base and a narrow face above* Next to it was another large drum kept horizontally* Only one of its face is visible on which the drummer is shown playing with both his hands* A relief in virupaksha t In Lad Khan temple at Alhole a single drum 1« depleted (Pi. VllI - 10). A drum at vlrupaksha t^ple^ Pattadakal# la constricted In the middle and probably bifacial (Pi. IX • 3). At Mahalcutesvara# Maha)cuta# a drumner Is shown playing on three drums, une of them Is lying horizontal while the other two drums are standing vertical.' These unlfaclal drums are quite elongated and high as compared to the human figures depicted on the panel (Pi. IX • 2). Another drum depicted at the same twnpla# seems to be of a composite type (Plate ZX, Fig. 4). Wind-Blown Instrxaments Vaiffi&a or Venu (flute) Zt \ms made of bamboo or reed (Cave ZZ - Badaml and Papanatha-Pattadakal) and held transversely near the mouth (Pi. VZZZ «• 6). It Is tubular having holes on its side. One end of the txibe is closed. This type is seen in Cave ZZ at Badaml« papanatha temple at Pattadakal# svarga-Brahma temple at Alampur# Mahakutesvara at Mahakuta# etc. 590 Another variety (Cave ZZ) which is the horn type also appears at Badaml (Pi* VZZZ • 8)« Yet another type is to be seen at Pattadakal. Zt was probably the ManuvdT^&a having a long body and it was held transversely (Papanatha) (Pi* VZZZ * 7). Conch was also used as a musical instrument as can be seen at Ravana Phadi^ Aihole* Another unidentifiable wind-blown instrument is depicted at Mallikarjtjna temple# Pattadakal (Plate VZZZ# Fig* 5)* Zt looks like a shenai* Solid Instruments This type is represented by the tala (cymbals) which are to be seen at Badami in Cave ZZ (Pl« ZX • 7)* From the same cave we get depicti Entertainment and Awuswient People of different strata of society must have had different ways of entertaining themselves* But very little can be known from the records of the period* 591 However# the little evidence that we get Is enough to suggest some o£ their favourite means of entertainment* The paintings at Badami# references in inscriptions and sculptural panels testify to some of the pastimes* Dancing to the accon^animent of music# playing on musical instruments and singing were some of the roost comcnon and popular pastimes* Dancing# music and singing are not only referred to in inscriptions but also depicted on the paintings at Badami and the monximents of the period like Virupaksha tesnple at Pattadakal etc* Besides this# wrestling# hunting were scxne of the popular sports of the period* Scenes of wrestling and hunting can be seen in the panels of Pattadakal temples (Virupaksha and Papanatha)* Pet<^irds (Virupaksha-Pattadakal) were kept for their amusement* Panels from the Virupaksha temple at Pattadakal show women playing with their pet«4>irds* Gossiping as another pastime is also depicted on the panels* Oosmos 192 who visited the itfest coast of India in the 6th Cent\iry A*D* reports that elephant fights were a favourite sport at the Indian courts* He describes this fight thus • "A breast-high transverse beam# so he was informed# separated the elephants# In ozxler to 592 prevent than from colliding against each other. The spectators divided themselves into t\io groups* one on each side# and incited the animals* which then lashed at each other with their trunks* till one of them gave up the fight*“ Pood and Drinka As we have already mentioned earlier* rice was their staple food* Reference is made in epigraphical records to rice* paddy and rice-fields* Besides this* mention is made of oll-mllls* millet* com* sugar-cane field* Chick-peas* varaka beans* sall-rlce* vrihi-rlce* udaraka-graln* &ywaaka grain* wheat* garden land indicating vegetables* betel-leaves* etc* Fruits like plaintain* mangoes* jack-fruit* tala and tamarind are also referred to* Other food products were milk* curd* butter and ghee* Further information on the other kinds of food 193 can be had from the accounts of Hiuen Tsiang who states that "There is much rice and wheat* and ginger* mustard* melons* pumpkins* kunda (properly the olibanum tree) are also custard.* He furtlier adds that "Milk* ghee* granulated sugar* sugar-candy* cakes and parched grain with mustard-seed oil are the coRmon food; and fish* mutton* venison are occasional dainties*" Food r m that was to be avoided wer« onions and garlic which according to him were little used and people who eat them are ostracised* According to him the food was eaten fron one vessel in which the ingredients were mixed up* They took their fcod with their fingers* Consumption of intoxicating drinks %ms a conmon practice in those days. This has also been observed 194 by Hiuen Tsiang who has recorded that "there are distinctions in the use of their wines and other beverages* The wines from the vino and the sugar-cane are the drink of the Kshatriyas/ the Vailyas drink a dtrong distilled spiriti the Buddhist monks and the Brahmins drink syrup of grapes and of sugar-canei the low mixed castes ars without any distinguishing drink*** 195 He has elsewhere specifically referred to the soldiers of the Chalukyan army intoxicating themselves before stepping into the battlefield* Moxreover wine was not ccmfined only to men* women were also known to take it* sculptures fr«n the Pattadakal ti^plos show men and women drinking wine* Another panel (Virupaksha-Pattadakal) shows an intoxicated lady being helped by her attendants* Besides wine« coconut water was also a popular 196 drink* Cosmos informs us that coconut water served f]94 Indians in place of wins and it tasted exceedingly sweet* . since coconut grows in abiindance even now in the coastal part of XamataXa# this must have been a consnon drink served to guests as a sign of hospitality which continues to the present day. 595 Rafqrences 1* Nagaraja Rao« M.s* (Sd.)« 1976# tim Chalulcyas of Badaroi (seminar papers)# p* 33* 2. ZA., VII« p. 162. 3, lA.# XVIII, p. 97; IX, p. 130| JOKU., I, p« 227. 4« Sm * * P* 206* 5» I^a, XlX# p* 310* 6. lA*, VI, p. 90. 7. BI., VI, p* 9. 8. Zbld. 9* Shamasastry, R» (Ed«), 1956, Kautllya'a ArthaSastra* p* 29. * 10. §1*, IX, p. 206. 11* * IX, p* 205* 12. lA,, IX, p. 134. 13* Arthafeastra* SA:« I, Ch* 17| FCangXe, R«P«, 1963, The Xautlllya Artha&astra, Part II, p« 47. 14. £\., XIX, p« 310. 15. VI, p. 90. 16. ^ . , XXVI, p. 323. 17. lA., IX, p. 134, 18. lA., X, p. 166. 19. XIX, p. 20. 20. BI., XIV, p. 188. 21. JQtCU., I, p. 226; ^ . ,XXV, p. 22. 22. lA., VI, p. 90. 23. E^., XXVI, p. 323. 24. Mahallnganri, T.V., 1967, aouth Indian Polity, • p. 12. 25. Sharaasastry, R., op. clt., p. 10. 26. Kangle, R.P., pp. clt., p. S3. 598 27« m , , VZZI« p. 244. 28« Zndra* 29* JOKU.> 1, p. 226* 30* XAa# VXZ'X# p« 28/ R«P«f Op« p« 13* 31. lA,, XZX, p* 19« 32* IbJLd[«#p* 3l0« 33. Ibid.# p. 19. 34. XZX« p. 19r IA«# VZZ« p. 162. 35* seventh Intarnatixaial Congreaa of OrlentaXiata# Vienna# 1836# Vol. 2# p« 228« 36* JBB.lArJ.. XX# p* 45. - > 37. ^ . # ZX# p. 125. 38. q a m ^ ,, xx# p. 45. < • 39. ^ • # XZX# p. 1521 ^ . # 7Z# p. 93; lA.# VI# p. 88, 40* Diueat of Annual Rauort on Kannada :^o3earch In Boinbav• Provlnco. ?or the year 1940-41# p. 9. 41. 1^.# IX# p. 129. 42. lA.# VZZZ# p. 28. - 43. m . , VII# p. 162. 44. SI.# Ill# p. 52. * 45. El.# VI# p. 9. 46. lA,, VII# p. 249. 47. Ih,, IX# p. 134. 40. Kangle# R.P.# opm clt. p. 9/ tlanu VII. 35. 49. El.# XXVIII# p. 61| ^ . #VII# p. 214 50. I^.# V# p. 71# fil.# VI# p. 8. 51. lA.# VII# p. 162. 52. El.# XXXVI# p. 313. • 53. El.# XXV# p. 289. 54. JOIOJ.# I# P* 227. 55. El.# XXXII# p. 17’». 56. £1.# XXII# p. 24. 57. El.# V# p. 201. 58. El.# XXVII# p. 126.• ' 59. El.# X# p, 14 597 60. lA., VIII, p, 28. 61. lA,, XIX, p. 152. 62« gZ«« XXXZI« p« 317. 63. gl.* XXVII, p. 116; CPIAP^., I, p. 51. 64. # XXV# p. 21. 65. Digest of Aimual Rapoxrt onKannada Research in Bombay Province for the year1940-41# p. 10. 66. lA., VI, p. 90. 67. El.# XXVI# p. 323. 68. 2A.# VI# p. 93. 69. ^ . # IX# p. 129. 70. JBBRAS.# XVI# p. 226. 71. JOKU.# V# 1969# p. 177. 72. £1.# IX# p. 205; lA.# VII, p. 111. 73. JOKU.# I# p. 225. 74. El.# IX, p. 205. 75. lA., VIII# p. 28; JOKU.# I# p. 226. 76. ^ . # XIX# p. 19. 77. ^ . # XIX# p. 151. 78. lA., XIX# p. 19; £1.# XXVII# p. 9. 79. ManuManu VII#VII# 79. 79. 80. lA.# VII# p. 162. 81. ^ . # III# p. 306; El.# XXVII# p. 37; JBBRA3.# XX# p.45 82. lA.#lA.# Ill# Ill# p. p. 306. 306. 82A ^ . # IX# p. 132. 83. gl.« V# p. 201. 84. I^.# Ill# p. 306. 85. El.# X# p. 105; lA.# VI# p. 74; JBBi^.# X, p. 366; I^,# XI# p. 68; El.# Ill# p. 52; I^.# VI# p. 74; gl.# IX# p. 101; gl.# Ill# p. 7.; lA.# XIX# p. 310. 86. IA.« VII# p. 162. 87. ^ . # VIII# p. 97. 88. lA.# VI# p. 88# lA.# VI, p. 75; lA.# VIII# p. 29; JBBRAS.# XX# p. 46; lA.# VII# p. 164. 598 89. SI., X# p. 106; J0KIJ>^ 1, p. 227; lA., VI, p. 75. 90. £ 1., Ill, p. 6; iA,t XIX, p. 15; CPiAPcai., 1« P* 12* 91. 2^** ^ P* 103. 92. lA., VII, p. 162; ^ . , VIII, p. 45. 93. lA., X, p. 166. 94. El., Ill, pp. 6-7. 95. El., XXXIII, p. 317. 96. I, pp* 2*»3. 97. JOKU.> I, p. 226. 98. CPIAPGM., I, p. 12. 99. El., XXV, p. 289. 100. Kanu VII, 55. 101. Shar>\asastry, R., op. cit., p. 12 (B3c. I, Ch. 7, NO. 9). 102. Mlnakshl, C., 1938, Admlnlstrati<»i and social Life under the Pellavas, p. 51. 103. gl., XXVIII, p. 61. 104. Manu# Chapter VII, No. 58. 105. ArthaSastra^ Bk. II, Ch. VII. 106. Jayaswal, K.P., 1943, Hindu Polity« p. 203; 3aletore, R.N., 1981, Encyclopaedia of Indian Culture, p. 47. 107. saletore, R.M., oP* cit., p. 47. 108. M«iier-willianis, A Sanskrit - English Dictionary ^ p. 3. 109. £11., Ill, p. 257. 110. Ibid., p. 190. 111. gl., IV, p. 210; ^ . , VII, p. 158. 112* Saletors, R*N., op. cit., p. 47. 113. SI., XXVIII, p. 18. 114. Ibid. 115. Das, a., 1978, The Bhaunia-Kara3«»Bu<^hi3t Kings of Orissa «■ and Their Times# p. 125. 599 116* Monler«NllIlama, op. clt.« p« 127* 117. Monler«Wllllams« pp. cit.« p« 924* 118* Sircar# D.C«« 1966« Indian Splgraphlcal Gloaaaryj* p* 375. 119. Zbid.« p. 221. 120. XV, p« 187/ C H .# HZ, Ho. 36, p. 169| li., XI, p. 80; El.# XVII# p. 321| El.# IV# p. 250. 121* C H .# IV# p. 144. 122. isz*# II# p* e. 123. C H ., IV# p. 122. 124. JBBR^S.# X# p. 365. 125. ^ # XVII# NO. 23# p. 348. , 126. saXetorci# R.N.# op. cit.# p. 162. 127. Ibid. 128. C H .. IV# p. 137. 129. Puri# B.N.# 1968# Indian A d w % i 8tration# VOX. I# p. 185. 130. Kane^ P.V.# 1973# Hiat^ff ,Of Pharmafeastra# Vol. H I # p. 992. 131« J^BRAS.# XVI# p. 113. 132. C H .# IV# p. 145* 133. |I.# X# p. 721 gl.# VI# p. 294; El.# XI# p. 83; £1.# XII# p. 30. 134. ^iri# B.N.# op. ci't.# p« 231. 135. ^ . # VII# p. 2S0. 136. El.# XXVH# p. 37. 137. El.# XXVIH# p. 19. 138. C H . # IV# p. 131. 139. C H .> IV# p. 154. 140. JB3RAS.# XX# p. 45. 141. I^.# XIX# p. 311; C H . # IV# p. 134. 142. ^hamesastxy# R.# cit.# p. 17. 143. jy\.# XIX# p. 19. GOO 144. Purl# Q.N.# op, clt.f p. 238| Das# 1978# op. clt., p. 130; lA., V, p. 115; C H ., Ill, p, 98; lA., IX# p. 175# El,, VIII# p. 287; C H .# Ill# NO. 23# p. 106; El.# IX# p. 296; 5^.# XV# p. 187; El.# XI# p. 83; M . # IV# p. 211. 145. » . # XIX# p, 311; El*# P* 52; lA.# VII# p. 250t JBBR/\S.> XX# p. 45; ^ . # XIX# p. 152. 146. Purl# B.N.# Op. cit.# p. 196# Fn. 64; Vogel# J.P.# Anticmiti.es of Chanaba state# pt. 1# p. 132. 147. ^ . # IX# p. 175. 148. lA.# V# p. 115. 149. C H .# Ill# p. 98# n. 2. 150. BI.# IX# p. 296; C H .# IV# p. 43. 151. El.# IX# p. 296; sircar# D.C.# op. cit.# p. 68; Kane# P.V.# op. cit.# p. 983. 152. C H .# IV# p. 43# n. 9. 153. Devahuti,D.# 1970# Harsha i A Political itudy# p. 186. 154. El.# XI# p. 222. 155. Beni Prasad# 1968, Thiw>ry of Government in Ancient India# p. 299. 156. Kans# P.V.# op. cit.# p. 984. 157. C H . # IV# p. 116 and 122. 158. Sircar# D.C. op. cit.# p. 72. 159. C H . # H I # p. 218. 160. lA.# XV# p. 187. 161. JBBRAS.# XVI# p. 108. 162. £ H . # IV# p. 116. 163. CH .# IV# p. 122. 164. C H .# H I # p. 218. 165. LA.# XV# p. 187; C H .# H I # p. 170. 166. Devahuti# D.# op. cit.#p. 186. 601 167. MoniQr<-Wiilia(ns« op, cit«* p« 398, 168. El,, XIV, p. 188. 169. Purl# B.N., op. cit.# p. 167| Sircar# D.C. op. clt.# p. 190. 170. £1.# XXVIII# p. 19. 171. Ibicl. 172. Dikshlt# D.P.# 1980# Political History of tha Chalu)cvas of Badaml« p. 226. 173. El.# XXVIII# p. 18. 174. Puri# B.N.# op. cit.# p. 191;^. # XI# p. 178. 175. li^uri# B.N.# op. cit«# p. 160. 176. salatore R.N.# 1981# ^aicvclopaedia of IncaiM^ Culture# Vol. I# p. 389. 177. JBBaAS.. X# p. 348. 178. gl.# XXVII# p. 4| lA.# XIX# p. 19. 179. El.. Ill# p. 52. 180. ^ . # XIX# p. 17. 181. C H .# IV# p. 137. 182. gl.# VI# p. 211. 183. Ei.# VII# p. 158. 184. Xll# p« 35. 185. lA.# VII# p. 251. 186. £11.# IV# p. 116. 187. Ibid. 188. Kane# P.V.# op. cit.# p. 982. 189. SircQX# D.C.# op. cit.# p. 109. 190. Elmt rv# p. 250# line 45. 191. El.# xrv# pp. 188-91#SI.# XXI# p. 205/ ja.# I# p. 5| ^ . # XI# p. 70. 192. ^ . # I.# p. 5. 193. £1.# XXI# p. 205. 194. lA.# XI# p. 70. 195. El.# XXVIII# p. 19f JQBRAS.# XX# p. 45. 196. J^.# I# P» 5. G02 197« Desal# P.B., 1957# Jainism i.n south India# p* 375. 198* Dikshit« D*P««.op« cit,« p. 228* 199. XXVIII, p. 18. 200. £!•• Ill, pp. 359-60. 201. Kane, P.V., op. cit., p. 994. 202. Beni l^asad, op. cit., p. 197. 203. Das, B., 1976, op. cit., p. 134. 204. gl., XXIX, pp. 81-88. 205. Sircar, D.C., op. cit.,.p. 177. 206. Altakar, A.s., 1967, Rashtrakutas and tl^ir Tirnos, p. 201. 2C7. Ibid., p. 205. 208. El., VI, p. 253. 209. SII., XVIII, p. 2. 210. VIII, p. 286. 211. ^ . , IX (1), NO. 48, p. 28. 212. XIV, pp. 188-91. 213. C H ., IV, p. 154. 214. XX, p. 45. 215. lA., VII, p. 249. 216. lAm, XIX, p. 311. 217. C H ., IV, p. 43. 218. C H ., IV, p. 51. 219. C H ., IV, p. 116. 220. C H ., IV, p. 131. 221. Hahalingam, T.V., qp. cit., p. 406. 222. IV, p. 154. 223. gl., XXVIII, p. 16. 224. SI., X, p. 106. 225. SI., XXXVI, p. 314. 226. Devahuti, D., op.cit., p.174. 227. C H . , IV, pt. I, NO. 14 and 15, pp. 47-56. 228. C H ., IV, pt. I, pp. 137-145. 603 229. £!•« X« p. 106| XXVZI, p. 116; JBBRAS.. XVZ, p« 229. 230. CPIAPQM.^ I, p. 63. 231. XXV, p. 289/ lA,, VI# p. 91/ VII# p. 303/ £1.# XXXIII# p. 312/ £1.# XXXVI# p. 314/ £1.# X# p. 15. 232; ^ . # IX# p. 132/ El.# XXVI# p. 323/ El.# XXV# p. 21. 233. ^ . # XXVII# p. 127. 234. ^ . « IX# p. 206/ ^ . # VIII# p. 29/ El.# V. p. 201. 235. JBBRAS.# XX# p. 46. 236. jaORAS.# XX# p. 45. 237; Mohanty# R.K.# 1984# Cultural Archaeology of Eastern Orissa (Thesis)# p. 90. 238. El.# XXVIII, p. 19/ JBBRAG.# XX# p. 45. 239. £11.# IV# p. 144. 240. lA.# VII# p. 250. 241. CII.# IV# p. 173. 242. Sircar# D.C.# op. clt.# p. 367. 243. £11.# IV# p. 173. 244. CII.# Ill# p. 71. 245. Sircar# D.C.# cp. clt.# p. 96. 246* Oevahutl# D.# pp. clt.# p. 196. 247. JBBRA3.# XX# 45/ ^ . # VII# p. 249/ lA.# XIX# ' p. 311/ El.# XXVIII# p. 19/ JBBRAS.# X# p. 366/ C H ., IV# p. 130. 248. jgl.# XV# p. 130. 249. lA.# VII# p. 251/ KI.# I# p. 10/ JBBRAS.# X# p. 366. 250. Hlnakshl# C.# pp. clt.# p. 56. 251. Arthafeastra^ BJc.I#Ch. IX# No. 9. 252. ^ . # VII# p. 112# 2nd part. 253. El.# IX# p. 102. 604 254. El,, XXVIIl, p, 61. 255. JBBRfiS., XX# p. 46. 256. Manu# VII. 58. 257. lA., XIX# p. 145. 258. El,# XXI# p. 205; lA.# XI# p. 70. 259. El.# VI# p. 253; 311.# XVIII# p, 2; lA,# VIII# p, 286; dijt.# IX 282. Devahuti# D.# clt.# p. 182. 283* 1^,, VII, p. 162. 284. gl., XIV, pp. 188-191. 285. C H . , IV, p. 158. 266. K^., I, p. 9, N O . 4 O f 1939-40. 287. lA., VIII, p. 287. 288. Beal. S., (Tr.) 1906, si-vu-ki. Buddhist Records of the Western world. Vol. II, o. 256. 289, £1., XXX, p. 70. 290. XI, p. 70. 291. , XXX, p. 17. 292. Devahuti, D«, op. cit., p. 192. 293. Beal, S. (Tr.), op. cit., vol. I, p. 82. 294. lA., IX, p. 125# C H . , IV, p. 143. • 295. , VI, p. 11. • 296.- Mahallngain, T.V., op. cit., p. 271. 297. SI., VI, pp. 10 and 11. 298. Beal, S. (Tr.), op. cit. Vol. II, p. 256. 299. Basham, A.L., 1954, The wonder t2iat iwas India* p. 129. 300. I^., IX, p. 125/ C H . , IV, p. 143. 301. JSBRAS.. XVI, D. 226. 302. §1,, VI, p. 10# V. 21. 303. El., IX, p. 205. 304. CPIAR5M., I, P . 77. 305. lA., IX, p. 125. 306. Beal, S. (Tr.), op. cit.. Vol. I, p. 82. 307. Proaress of Kannoda Research in Banbav Province. From 1941 to 1946. Plate XIII. 308. Minakshi, c»* op. cit., p. 66. 309. Devahuti, D., op. cit., p. 186. 310. j[A., IX, p. 125. 311. Devahuti, D., op. cit., p. 191. 312. Beal, S. (Tr.), op. cit., vol. I, p. 87. 606 313* Davahutl#D,» op, cit,, p. 190, 314. gl,, XXVII, p. 9. 315. VI, p. 8 . 316.JBBSIA3., X, p. 366. 317. lA., XIX, p. 19. 318. El*, X, p. 105. 319. XIX, p. 19. 320. JOKU., I, p. 226; IX, p. 205; lA., VIII, p. 26. 321. El., IX, p. 205; lA., VIII, p. 28. 322. £1., IX, p. 205. 323. El., Ill, p. 360. 324. lA., XIX, p. 20. 325. lA., VIII, p. 28; El., Ill, p. 52; JOJOJ., I, p. 226; XVIII, p. 260; JBBRAS., XVI, p. 226; JBBRAJ.. XX, p. 45; lA., VII, p. 215; Si., VI, p. 251; lA., IX, p. 128; III, p. 306; lA., VI, p. 78. 326. Beal, S. (Tr.), op. cit., vol. 1, p. 83 and vol. II, p. 256. 327. lA., XI, p. 111. 328. Bsal, S. (Tjt.), op. Vol. II, p. 256. 329. X, p. 61. 330. SII., XVIII, NO. 6, p. 4. 331. Jayaswal, K.P., op. clt., p. 351; Banerjea, P., op. cit., p. 179. 332. Manu, IX, 44. 333. JBBRAS.. XX, p. 45; lA., VII, p. 250. 334. Sircar, D.C., op. cit., p. 58. 335. £1., Ill, p. 7. 336. SII., XVIII, p. 2. 337. Jolly, J. (Tr.), Narada, XVIII, 48. 338. ArthaSastra* 2.15.3. 339. Manu, VII, 130. GU7 340*' M a m , VII# 130| Gautama X# 24*27| f^ranltl# canto IV (ID# V# 113f Parana# CCXXIIl. 341* Beal# S. (Tr.)# op, clt,# Vol. X# p. 87« 342«‘ lA.# VIZI# p. 286. 343.‘ SI.# XIV# pp. 188-91. 344. lA.# XIX# p. 145. 345. lA.# VII# p. 209/ Manu# VIII 245-251. 346. ^.# XXXII# p. 317. 347. ^ . # XXVI# p. 322/ Cl.# XXII# p. 24; JBBftAS.# XVI# p. 2269 JOKU.# V# 1969# p. 177. 348. Mlna}cshi# C.# op. clt.# p. 84. 349. Ibid. 350. Das# o.# 1969# i-:conor.dc History of the Deccan# p. 44. 351. Nagaraja Rao# M.S. (sd.) 1978# chalnkyas of BadamjL (^mlnar Papers)# p. 182. 352. Minakshi# C.# op. clt. p. 85. 353. Arthafeastra# 2.20.21. 354. Sircar# D.C.# op. cit.# p. 220. 355. ^ . # VI# p. 91| £i.# XXVIIl# p. 61/ El.# X, p. 105. 356. CPlAir-GM., I# p. 41. 357. Sircar# D.C.# p. 234. 358. CPIAPGM.# I# p. 41| El.# XXX# p. 14| gl.# XXX* p. 70. 359. ^ . # VII# p. 250. 360. lA.# VII# p. 250; lA.# VI# p. 29. 361. lA.# VII# p. 250# Pn. 27. 362. Minakshl# C.# op. cit.# p. 85. 363. IA«# XI# p. 70. 364. lA.# X# p. 167| El.# IV#p. 214. 365. ^ . # XI# p. 70# £n* 22. 366. Sircar# D.C.# op. cit.# p. 202. 367. ARIE.« 1958-59# NO. 23B.# p. 30. G08 368« Sircar# D.C*# op, clt,« 202 and 220. 369. lA., VII, p. Xlll El.# XXVII, p. 116| ARIE# 1955-56, HO. 48 A, p* 18. 370. CPIAR3M*, I., p. 60* 371« JBBRAS», XX, p, 45. 372* lA., VII, p. 111. 373. XXVII, p.116. 374. Sircar, D.C., op. oit., p. 113. 375. iSircair, D.C., op. cit^., p. 162. 376. U., VIII, p. 47; Also see ^., XXXII, pp 53 and 295 for explanation. 377. Ibid. 378. El., XXVIII, p. 61| JBBRA3., XVI, NO* III, p. 228. 379. £C*, VIII (II), p* 73. 380. ^ . , XI, p. 70 (2nd inscription). 381. ££., VIII (II), p. 73. 382. lA., VII# p. 303. 383. JBBRAS., XX# p. 45. 384. El., XXX# p. 70. 385. £1.# XXVIII# p. 18. 386. El.# XXVIII# p. 60. 387. JBBRAS., XX# p. 45. 388. El.# XXXII# p. 320. 389. El.# XVIII# p. 260. 390. lA,, VII# p. llll £1.# XVIII# p. 260. 391. ^ . # XXXII, p. 320. 392. P* 105. 393. EC.# VIII (ID# p. 13| lA.# XI# p. 70. 394. j[^.# VIII, p. 285. 395. gl., XXVIII, p. 61. 396. lA., VIII, p. 286. 397. ^ . , VII, p. 216. 398. lA., VII, p. 250. 399. gl., VI, p. 8. 400. JBBRAS.# XX, p. 45. e o 9 401* ZA«, VZI« p. 250, 402. IA.« VII, p. 111. 403, lA,, VII, p. 215. 404# P* 405* IA.« VIII# p. 286. 406. Ih,, VII, p. 216. 407. lA., VII, p. 215. 408. El., XXVIII, p. 61. 409. XVI, p. 228. 410. £1., XXXII, p. 320. 411. I^., XI, p. 70. 412. J8BRA3., XX, p. 45. 413. £1., V, p. 8. 414. j[A., VII, p. 111. 415. lA., VIII, p. 285. 416. El., VI, p. 9. 417. lA., VIII, p. 285. 418. X, p. 106. 419. Si** X, p. 105. 420. CPIAPGM., I, p. 47. 421. lA., VIII, p. 286/ lA,, X, p. 60. 422. lA., X, p. 167. 423. lA., VIII, p. 286. 424. Ibid. 425. Ibid. 426. ^ . , X, p. 105. 427. Das, D., Op. cit., p. 49| Also see sircar, D.C., op. cit., p. 156 and Salatore, B.A., 1934, social and H 3litical Life in the Vijayanagar Elvi. ire, vol. II, p. 442. 428. Nagaraja Rao, M.S. (£d.), op. cit., p. 182. 429. i^ev. F. Kittel, 1894, A Kannada-Snglish Dictionary, p. 1425/ Sircar, D.c. op. cit., p. 376/ lA., VIII, p. 286. 610 430* X# p* X67* 431« IA.« VlZl^ p. 286. 432* Sircar# D.C* op« oit«# p* 194. 434. VIII# p. 286, 435. VIII# p. 286. 436. Nagaraja Rao# M«s* (Ed«) op. cit.# p. 183. 437. Manu# VII. 128. 438. lA., VII# p. 303; ^ . # IX# p. 135; I^.# IX# p. 129; CPI/^PC3M.> 1# p. 60j J^.# VI# p. 93| ^.#XXXVI# p. 316/ I^.# IV# p. 425. 439. Monier-MilXiams# op. cit.# p. 722. 440. Ohoshal# U.H.# 1929# Hindu Revenue oysteni^ p. 237. 441. El.# VI# p. 253. 442* gil.0 III# pp. 254 and 120. 443. Ibid 444. Altekar# A.S.# op. cit.# p. 215. 445. Shoshal# U.N.# op. cit.# p. 27. 446. Sircar# D.C.# op. cit.# p« 47. 447. Monier-Williams# pp. cit.# p. 205. 418. ^ . # XIX# p. 146. 449. Ohoshal# U.N.# pp. cit.# p. 293. 450. Kane# P.V.# opm cit.# p« 190. 451. Artliafeastra# Bk. 2# Ch. VI. 452. Shamasastry# R.# op. cit.# p» 58. 453. r^id# p. 99. 454. q OW,, I# p. 225; ^ . # IX# p. 129; lA.# VII# p. 214; ^ . # VIII# p. 28. 455. Monior-Williams# op. cit.# p. 205. 456. » . # VI# p. 74. 457. Yaadani# G»# 1960# ii:arlv History of the Deccan# p. 238. 458. Ghoshal# U.H.# op. cit.# p« 293. 459. Sircar# D«C.# op. cit.# p. 159. 611 460. XXZZ, p. 175 n* 461. Shamadastry# R«# op* clt»« p« 58. 462. Malty, S.K*# 3 970* Economic Life In Northern India, p. 92. 463. £!•« XIX, pp. 193 and 195, 464. VI, p. 74. 465* ZA• # VI# p* 74^ yiazdanl# O*, op* clt*, p* 238* 466* Sircar# D*C»# op* clt*# p* 216* 467. Ibid*# pp. 351 and 217* 468* Artha&astra# 2*16*20* 469* oaut*# X# 43»5# Va&*# III 15 o£ VljneSvara on Yai* II 34-51 Das# O*# op* clt*# p* 73* 470* JdBRAS*# X# p* 366* 471* Ibid* 472* ^ * # XXXII# p* a93* 473* ^ * # XXX# p* 75. 474* £1.# XXXII# p* 55; El*# XXX# p. 75. 475. El.# XXXII# p. 55. 476. CIl** IV# p. 125; CII# IV# p. 130; El*# XXVIII# . P* 17. 477. Yazdanl# G»# op* clt*# p* 238* 478* Sircar# D*C.# op* clt*# p* 239* 479* i ^ * # IV# p. 153. 480. JA.# VIII, p. 286. 481. Buhlar# G.# 1886# The Laws ofManu, p* 307. 482. Kana# P.V.# op* clt*# p* 190. 483. Beal# S*# (Tr*)# op* clt*# Vol* I# p* 87* 434* A^tha^asti^, Bk. 2# Ch. 21. 485. lA*# IX# p. 125; lA*# VII# p* 250; ^ * # VII# p* 214# lA*# VII, p* 217. 486. CII*, IV, p. 127; CII*, IV, p* 131; £1*# XXVIII# p* 17* 487* ^ * # XII# p. 189* 488*. CII*# III# p* 97* 612 489* Altekar# A*s«# op. clt»« p« 216* 490* C H .* IV, p. cxU. 491* 3hoshal# op. cit.# p. 210. 492. Das» 0.« op. cit.« p. 61. 493. lA., VII, p. 250; IX, p. 125/ VI, p. 741 j^., VII, p. 214. 494. VI, p. 74. 495* Altekar, A.S., op. cit., p. 216. 496. Ghoshal, U.N., op. cit., p. 210. 497. £11., IV, p. 0x11. 498. 211., Ill, p. 98. 499. JRAS., 1931, p. 165. 500. Das, D., op. cll:., p. 59. 501. §!<,, XIV, pp. 188-91. 502. Nerada, VII, 6-7/ Gaut. X. 43/ VaSlshtha, III. 13| ]£ii. II. 34-35. 503. I^., VI, p. 88/ J3BRAS.* XVI, p. 233/ Digest of Annual Report on Kannada Raaaarch In Botttoav Province. For th« year 1940-41, p. 10. 504. JBB tAd., XVI, p. 223. 505. lA., VI, p. 28. 506. gi., XXXIII, p. 89. 507. sircar, D.C., op. cit., p. 350. 508. Yazdani, D., op. cit., p. 238. 509. El., XXVIII, p. 61^. 510. Ibid. 511. El., XXVII, p. 126. 512. Sircar, D.C., op. cit., p. 29. 513. El., XXVII, p. 126 fn. 514. |A., VIII, p. 97/ lA., XIX, p. 152. 515. Ghoshal, U.K., op. cit., p. 62. 516. Das, D., op. cit., p. 63/sircar, D.C., op. cit., p. 129. 517. lA., VIII, p. 77. 613 518, XZX« p« 152 • 519, C H .. IV, pp 154 and 158. 520* VII* p. 250; JBBRA3.* XX, p. 45. 521. Slz'CGiJr, D.C.# Op. cl^.# p. 9S. 522* Sircar, D*C», op* clt., p. 379/ Ghoshal, U«N«, op. cit., p. 216. 523. Manu, VII« 138. 524. XIX, p. 145* 525. XIX, p. 145 £n. 12,Buhler thinks that it may have stood for the sanskrit alapana. Like tho Marathi alap, for elop, *a funaral lanr^nt*, alavana must have denoted some domestic ceremony of which sinjiny was the chief feature* Fleet on the other hand suggests that it was scKnething similar to aruvana v*ich is a tax* This is not possible because the other two fees were levied on occasions of a social nature, ifence alavana also must have been some social event* 526* XIV, pp. 188-191* 527* CII., IV, p* 158* 528* lAm, VIII, p* 287* 529* Beal, S*, (Tr*), op. cit.. Vol. I, p* 84* 530. El., XIV, pp. 188-191. 531* Kane, P.V*, op* cit*, p* 264* 532* 211*, IV, p* 158* 533* Yazdani, G*, (^* cit*, p. 238; SII., IX (I), pp* 65—67, No* 46. 534. JOKU., I, p. 225; lA., VIII, p* 28; lA*, IX, p* 125/ El*, XXV, p. 22/ El*, IX, p* 205* 535* gi*, IX, P* 10/ Digest of Annual Report on Kannada Rasearch in lombay Province, 1940-41, p* 9* 536* Jan. 1949, £io* 5, p* 54* 537* £1*, XXVIII, p* 61* 538* £ 1*, XXVII, p* 37* 614 539. lA., XIV, p. 330; ET,, XXXIV, p. 117/ CII, XV# p. 131. 540* El*, XXVIZI, p. 17. 541. lA., VIII, p. 285. 542. lA., VIII, p. 286. 543. X, p. 167. 544. C H ., IV, p. 153. 545. |U., I, P* 2/ X, p. 61; Yszdsdil, G., op. cl.1^., p. 238. 546. lA., Ill, p. 306. 547. Watters, T., 1904, On Chwang*a Travelg In India, vol. I, p. 178. 548. lA., VIII, p. 44/ lA., VII, p. 162. 549. £1., III. p. 7. 550. lA., VIII, p. 287. 551. Sircar, D.C., op. cit«, p. 432. 552. Elliot, w., 1970, Coins of Southern India, p. 51. 553. Gopal, Lallanji, 1965, The sconomic Life ofttorthem India, p. 211. 554. C H ., IV, clxxxiii. 555. sHiot, W., op. cita, p. 54. 556. ^ . , VIII, p. 287. 557. Ibid. 558. Sircar, D.C., op. cit., p. 430. 559. El., XIV, pp. 188-191. 560. XXVIII, p. 47. 561. Gopal, Lallanji, op. cit., p. 208/ Sircar, D.C., op. cit., p. 437. 562. £1., XXX, p. 114/ Sircar, O.C., op. cit., p. 437. 563. C H ., IV, p. 149. 564. Gopal, Italianji, op. cit., p. 206. 565. JNSI., XXVI, pp. 244-46/ XXVII, pp. 46-52. 566. Nagaraja Rao, M.S. (Ed.), op. cit., p. 186. 567. JN3I., XXVI, pp. 244-46. 615 568. JNSI.^ XXVII, pp. 46-52. 569. Elliot, W., op. cit., pi. 1, Nos. 19-23. 570. Elliot, W., op. cit., pi. 1, No. 19. 571. Yaadani, G., op. cit., vol. II, p. 800. 572. Elliot, w., op, cit., pi. 1, Hbs. 7 and 8, p. 54 573. Elliot, w., op. cit., pp. 67 and 54. 574. Elliot, W., op. cit., pi. 1, HOs. 22 and 23. 575. Elliot, w., op. cit., pi. 1, No. 21. 576. Elliot, W., op. cit., pi. 1, Mo. 9. 577. Watters, r., op. cit.. Vol. I, p. 148. 578. El,, XIV., pp. 188-191.- 579. Beal, S., (Tr.), op. cit.. Vol. I, p. 77. 580. Nagaraja Rao, M.S. (Ed.), op. cit., p. 173. 581. ^ . , VI, p. 74. 582. Watters, T., op. cit.. Vol. I, p. 147. 583. ^ . , VIII, p. 285. 584. ^ . , XXVIII, p. 17; C H ., IV, p. 153. 585. lA., XI, p. 70 (2nd Ins.)/ El., XXVIII, p. 17; C H ., IV, p. 153. 5B6. El., Ill, p. 52. 587. I^., VII, p. 111. 588. ia.. I, p. 9. 589. Watters, T., op. cit.. Vol. I, p. 176. 590. C H ., IV, p. 153. 591. ^ . , VIII, p. 246; I, p. 9/ lA., XIX, p. 8. 592. Yazdani, G., op. cit., p. 138. 593. ftoraes, G., 1931, Kadamba Xula« pp. 283-84. 594. Ibid. 595. JIH., 44, pp. 693-698. 596« Altaicar, A.s., op. cit., p.358. 597. Nagaraja Rao, M.S. (sd.), op. cit., p. 182. 598. QJMS., 65, 65, pp pp 42-47.QJMS., 42-47. Nilakantha Saatri, K.A., 1939, Foreign ^^oticea of jouth India, from Heoasthenes to Ma Huan, pp. 10-17; Gopal, Lallanji, op. cit., p. 132. 618 600* Hilakantha sastrl# K.A.# 1939# op. clt«« p* 9* 601* Altekar# A*S«« op* Glt«« p. 358. 602* Zbld.« p. 359, 603* Beal, S«# 1973# The Life ofHiuan-Tslanq By the Shaman Hwul LI. p. 146. 604. CPIAPGM.. 1, p. 12. 605. Manu> VIZI# 41* 606* Artha&astrc# 111# 14* 607. El., XIV, pp. 188-191. 608. Ibid. 609. Z# p* 9. 610. JA., X, pp. 164-65r 170-71. 611. lA., XXX, p. 145. 612. # X, pp. 164—165| 170**171. 613. lA., VIII, p. 287. 614. Zbld. 615. ^ . , XX, MO. 112. 616. VIII, p. 287; Mahallngam, T.V., op. clt., pp. 400*401/ Majtiundar, R.C., 1969, Corporate U f a in Ancient Indis# p. 82. 617. Oas. O., op. cit., p. 209. 618. Beal, S., 1973, op. cit., p. 146; Watters, T., op. cit., vol. I, p. 365. 619. Watters, r., op. cit.. Vol. II, p. 25. 620. gl., XIV, pp. 138-91. 621. Maity, S.K., op. cit., p. 203; Kane, P.V., op. cit., p. 157. 622. C H ., IV, p. 154. 623. Land is inherited by petty chieftains overpowered by the paramount ruler and left to zoile over their ancestral property, secondly the donations made for various purposes by the earlier rulers were upheld by the later rulers. 617 624« some o£ the administrative officials instead of their remuneration from the state exchequer# in exchange# received a land holding. In some cases it might have been so# that they shared the revenue of the area they ware governing* In other words# they kept a part of the revenue for their maintenance* 625* Kane# P.V*# op. cit.# vol. ZZ (1Z}» p. 837* 626. Sharma# R.S.# 1965# Indian Feudalism# p. 2. 627. Vide NO. 3. Hpigraphical Series# Hyderabad# 1968* 628. |[i.# XX (1929-30)# p. 72. 629. Sircar# D.C.# 1942# Select Inscripticms# p. 192| EZ.# VIII# p. 72. 630. lA.# VI# p. 74. 631. Classical Age# p. 241; Yazdani# G.# pp. cit.# 220. 632. Dikshit# D.f^.# op. cit.# p. 39. 633. £^.# VI# pp. 1-12/ lA.# XI# p. 68; » . # VI# p. 74; gi.# IX# p. 101; ijk.# XIX# p. 151; JOKO.# I# p. 225; lA.# XI# p. 71I gl.» IX# p. 204. 634. ^ . # XIX# p. 19. 635. £1.# Ill# p. 52. 636. Yazdani# G.# op. cit.# p. 208. 637. jea^AS.# XVI# p. 229. 638. ^ . # XIX# p. 152. 639. Pleat# J.P.# Bombay Oagetteer# Vol. I# Pt.II# p. 292. 640. EZ.# VI# 1-12* 641. JBBRAS.# XVI# p. 226. 642. El.# XXZZ# p. 24. 643. lA.# VII# p. 162. 644. ^ . # XIX# p. 19. 645. El.# VI# JE^. 1-12. 646. lA.# VII# p. 303. 647. JA.# XIX# p. 152. 618 648. CPIAPGM,, I., pp 11-39. 649. p. 235. 650* Fleatf J.F.# op* clt.« p» 298* 651. El.# VI# pp 1-12. 652. Ibid. 653.Yazdanl# G.# op. cit.# p. 213. 654. VI# p. 10. 655. ^ . # VII# p. 303. 656. KI.# II# p. 10. 657. ^ . # IX# p. 129. 658. Noyaraja Rao# M.S.# op. clt.# p. 95. 659. El.# XXXII# p. 317. 660. Yazdanl# O.# op. cit.# p. 221. 661-. Si.# X# p» 105. 662. gl.# XXX# p. 14. 663. ^.# XXVII# p. 126. 664. DUc3hi.1^# D.P. # pp. ci.^.# p. 183. 665. Ibid.# p. 184. 666* IA»# XI# p* 79| KI.# I# p« 5. 667. Yazdani# O.# op. clt.# p. 230. 668. SII.# XVIII# NO. 1# p. 1. 669. ^ . # III# p. 52. 670. JOKU.# V# 1969# p. 177. 671. JBBRAS.# XX# p. 45. 672. gl.# XXVII# p. 126. 673. JBBRA3.# XVI# p. 229. 674. 311.# XVIII# NO. 1# p. 1. 675. lA.# VI# p. 96. 676. ^ . # XIX# p. 152. 677. gl.# XXXII# p. 317. 67C. Ibid. 679. £V.# XI# p. 70. 680. £j^.# XXIX# p. 161. 681. 1^.# I.# p. 9. C19 682. ZA.« XIX# p. 19. 683« XXX« p. 14. 684. jaai?^,, X# p. 365, 685, ia«« ZI« p. 10. 686* ZA«« 2X» p« 129* 687» El., XXXII, p. 317. 688. ^., VII, pp. 209-217. 689. Zbid. 690. gl., XXVII, p. 126. 691. VI, p. 253. 692. Ibid. 693. E£., VII (I), p. 109/XIX, p.145. 694. lA., VIII, p. 287. 695. IA«, X, p. 165. 696. SII.. XVIII, p. 2. 697. lA., VII,pp. 209*217. 698. lA., VII, p. 250. 699. JB3RAS.. XX, p. 45. 700. lA., IX, p. 125. 701. JBBRAS., X, p. 365. 702. El., IX, p. 101. 703. §11,, XVIII, p. 2. 704.' lA., XI, p. 70. 705. El., Ill, p. 52. 706. ^ . , VII, p. 209. 707. JA., Ill, p. 306. 708. jA., XIV, p. 330. 709. £1., XXXII, p. 214. 710. m , , VI, p. 74. 711. , X, p. 105. 712. Si,** IX, P* 101. 713. W . , VII, p. 250. 714. JBBRAS., XVI, p. 223. 715. £1., Ill, p. 7. 620 716. gl., XXX, p. 14. 717. lA., X# p. 103. 718. jW., VII, p. 111. 719. SlI., XVIII, p. 2. 720. jgl.# XXXII, p. 293. 721. JA., VIII, p. 285. 722. X., p. 167. 723. lA., VIII, p. 286. 724. El., XIV, no. 14, pp. 188-191. 725. C H ., IV, p. 146. 726. C H ., IV, p. 154. 727. VII, pp. 209-217. 728. JBSRAS., XX, p. 45. 729. lA., VI, p. 88. 730. lA., VII, pp. 209-217. 731. , VI, pp. 1—12. 732. J3BRAS., XX, p. 45. 733. lA., VII, p. 218. 734. El., XXXII, p. 317. 735. ^ . , XXVIII, p. 60. 736. El., Ill, p. 52. 737. El., XXVIII, p. 60. 738. JBBRAS., XX, p. 45. 739. El., XXVIII, p. 19. 740. VII, p. 303. 741. XVIII, p. 2. 742. lA., VII, p. 250. 743. lA** VII, pp. 209-217. 744. lA., VI, p. 88. 745. lA., XIX, p. 152. 746. I^., VII, p. 250. 747. Sharma, R.S., 1965, Indian Feudalism t c. 300-1200, p. 38. 748. lA., VII, p. 303. 749. lA., VII, p. 162. 750. El., XXVIII, p. 61| lA., VII, p. 214. 621 References Part II 1* Watters* T*» 1904# On Yuan Chwanq*s Travels in InaiB# vol. 1, p. 168. 2. §1.0 XXVlll, p, 61. 3. VII, p. 214. 4. Watters# T.« op. cit.« vol. 2, p. 168. 5. £1.# VII# p. 162/ JBBRAS.. X# pp. 365 and 366f JBBRAS.# XX# p. 45. 6. JA.# Ill# p. 306. 7. ^ . # VIII# p. 285. 8. Si.# XIV# pp. 188-191. CPIAPGM.# I# p. 12. 10. §1.# IX# p. 101. 11. El.# X# p. 105/ lA.# VI# p. 74f JBBRAS.. X# p. 366f J^.# XI# p. 68| ^ , # III# p. 52| ^ . # IX# p. 101; £jC.# Ill# p. 7/ ^ . # XIX# p. 310. 12. fil.# XXXII# p. 177. 13. lA.# VII# p. 112# 2nd part. 14. ArthaSastra# III. 15. £^nu# I. 88. 16. Manu# VII# 58. 17. £1.# XXVIII# p. 61. 18. JBBRAS.# XX# p. 46. 19. gl.# XXVIII# p. 18. 20. JU\.# VII# p. 250. ' 21. SI.# X# p. 106. 22. Ej[.# XXXV# p. 122. 23. E^.# Ill# p. 7. 24. Alte3car# A.S.# 1967# Rashtralcutas and Their • • __ - __ Times# p. 335. 25. XiiV# p. 330. 26. Watters# T.# op. cit.# Vol. I# p. 168. 622 27. 1, 89; Shamasastry# R«, 1929, iCautllya*s ArthaSastra^ 3rd edition. III. 7. 28# WattejTs# T«, pp« cit«# vol* Z, p« 343* 29* Ibid., p. 322. 30* Beal, s«# 1973# IBie Ldfe of Hiuen-Tsianq By The shaman Hwui Li, p« 146* 31. Moraes, G., 1931, Kadamba Kula, pp. 10 and IS. 32. CPIAPGM.^ I, p. 12. 33. £1., ZX, p. 206. 34. Ifi., VZZ, p. 162f EZ., Ill, p. 52. 35. JA., ZX, p. 125. 36. ZA., VZZ, p. 251. 37« Watters, T., op. cit.. Vol. Z, p. 168. 38. Manu# Z. 90; Shainasastry, R., op. cit., 3rd edition, ZZZ, p. 7. 39. VZl, p. 111. 40. ZA., XZX, p. 8. 41. gZ., XZV, pp. 188-191; EZ., XXV, p. 225. 42. Z, p. 9. 43. ZA., ZX, p. 74. 44. Zbid. 45. ZA., X, p. 164. 46. 3^., X, p. 165. 47. Cowell, E.B. and Thomas, F.W. (tr.), 1897, The Harsa-Carita of Sana, pp. 143 and 144. 48. BZ., ZX, p. 162. 49. gZ., XVZZ, pp. 291-309. 50. gZ., VZZZ, pp. 317-321. 51. 3^., XXZZ, p. 75. 52. Manu^ Z. 91. 53. £;hamosastry, R., op. cit., 3rd edition, ZZZ. p. 7. 54. Watters, T., op. cit.. Vol. Z, p. 168. 55. gZ., XXXIZ, p. 320. 56. Watters, T«, op. cit.. Vol. Z, p. 147. G23 57* Kane# P«V«« 1951# History o£ Sanskrit foetlcs# pp. 120-123/ Dasgupta, S«N»# 1962, A History of Sanskrit Literature# Vol* I, p* 477* 58» SI># V2* PP* 1**12* 59. il., V2. p. 4. 60. JUUB.# XXXZX* No. 75# Oct. 70, p. 348. 61. 2^., X# p. 61/ ia.« I, p. 3. 62. Kjl.* I# p. 9. 63. Yazdani# G,# 1960# Early History of The Deccan# p* 240. 64. lA.# X# p. 61. 65. Tezdani# G.# op. cit.# p« 240. 66. Manu# VII# 02-85i Gaut. 9-121 Yal. I. 315-333. 67. lA., IX# p. 135| ^ . # III# p. 7f I^.# VI# p. 75» J^.# VIII# p. 97; CPIAPGM.# I# p. 60/ El.# XXXIII# p. 511* .El.,XXv/n, P.Ufc- 68. lA.# VI# p. 88/ lA.# VI# p. 93/ » . # VII# p. 303/ ^ . # IX# p. 132/ lA.# XIX# p. 310/ lA.# VII# p. 162/ £J.# XXVII# p. 126/ ^ . # XXVIII# p. 61. 69. lA.# VI# pp. 90 and 91. 70. Eg»0 XiXVI# p. 313. 71. gi*# XXXII# p. 214. 72. CPIAr 84. ' Ibid. 85. £Z.# XXVII# p. 37. 86. gl.» XVIII# p. 260. 87. |A., VI# p. 74. 88. |A., VII, p. 250. 89. JA.# VII, p. 162. 90. BI.# Ill, p. 52. 91. 1^.# IX, p. 205| lA.# IX, p. 134r m ,, IX# p. 129; lA., VIII# p. 28; JOKU.. I# p. 226. 92. gl.# XXVIII# p. 60. 93. J|I.# XXVIII# p. 18. 94. JBBRAS.# XX# p. 46. 95. gl.# XXVII# p. 116; El.# XXII# p. 24; BI.# XXVI# p. 323; ^ . # XXVII# p. 127. 96. ^S3RA^«# X# p. 366. 97. g l . # XVIIl# N O . 5# p . 57. 98. Proqr938 of Kannada Rsaearch in Bombay Provinoq. Prom 1941 to 1946. Plats XV. 99. CPIAPGI‘1.. I# p. 41*. 100. lA.# VII, p. 111. 101. lA.# VIII# p. 2B7. 102. Watters# T.# op. cit.# vol.# I# p. 159. 103. Ibid.# p. 160. 104. E^. # III# p. 52. 105. El.# IX# p. 102. 106. §1,, XXXII# p. 178. 107. CPIAPGM.# I# p. 12. 108. JOiCU.# V# 1969# p. 177. 109. 1^.# y^# p. 70. 110. lA.# VII# p. 36. 111. gl.# Ill, p. 7. 112. gl.# XXXII# p. 319. 113. j^.# VII# p. 250. 114. §1.# XXXV# p. 122. 625 115. El., XVII2, p. 57. 116, VII, p. 192. . 117, lA., VII, p. 218. 118. XIX, p. 152. 119, XXII, p. 24. 120« Bl., Ill, p. 7. 121, Ibid. 122« C H . . IV, p. 153. 123. X, p. 166. 124, Ig.., VIII, p. 47. 125, lA., VII, p. 164; 126. Kane, P.V., op. clt., p. 121. 127, Yazdani, 0., cit., p. 245 128. CPIAB3M.. .1. p. 12. 129, III, P« 6. 130. Ibid., p. 7. 131. ^ . , XXXII, p. 317. 132. ^ . , X, p. 105. 133* CPIAPGM.. I, P. 13. 134. EjC., XXV, p. 289. 135. KI., I, p. 2. 136. JOtCU., I, P. 227. 137.. lA., X, p. 166. 138. XXIX/ p. 161. 139. lA., XIX, p. 20. 140. XXXII, p. 178. 141. VI, p. 91. 142. lA., XIX, p. 19. 143. CPIAPGM., I, p. 12. 144. Ill, p. 6. 145. £i.. Ill, PP* 6-7. 146. CPIAPGM.* I« P. 12. 147. XIX, p. 20. 148. I^., VII, P* 164. 62B 149. XIX, p« 20. 150. 1, p. 2, 151* Altekar# A»S«« 1973# The Position of wotngn in Hindu Civilization# p, 127* 152. XZX# p« 19* 153. CPIAPGM.# 1, p. 12. 154* P« 103# 155* XA«« XZf p» 125« 156. |I., XXVIII, p. 17. 157. CII., IV, p. 153. 158. P* 166. 159. siveraxRamurti# c.# W e s t a m Chalukya Paintings at Badajni, V« p. 52. 160. g£., VIII (II), i2b., NO. 411, p. 73. 161. jU., X, p. 170. 162. Digest o£ Annual Rg:ort on Kannada Hasearch in BOTibav Province. For the year 1940-41, p. 9. 163. Hagaraje Rao, M.S. (sd.), 1978, rha chalukyas of Badaini (Jeminar Papers), p. 173. 164. El., XIV, p. 188. 165. C H ., IV, p. 158, 166. Ohavaliker, M.K., 1973, Ajanta i A Cultural Study, p. 27. 167. Nagaraja Rao, M.S. (Ed.), op. cit., p. 177. 168. ttilakantha saatri, K.A. Felicitation Voluma, 1971, p. 210. 169. Qupta, S.P. (Ed.), 1973, Motichandra Felicitation Vcliuns, Costwaes Textiles cosmetics and Coiffure in Ancicnt and Mediaeval Indie, pp. 92-93. 170. Dhavalikar, H.K., op.cit., p. 32. 171. Kamat Jotsna, K., 1980, Social Life in Medietval KamataHa, p. 37. 172. Dhavalikar, M.K., op. cit., p. 28. 173. Gupta, S.P. (Sd.), op. cit., p. 121. G27 174» Zbid«« p« 95« Also stt« ohavalikar^ op« cit, p« 33# FjLq * X# 10* 175, TaJcakusu# J* (rr«}« 1896, A Record of the Buddhist R e l l Q l o n a3 practised in India and the Malay Archipelago# (A#D. 671*695) 3v I - Tslnq* p. 67, 176* Srinivasan, P*R*# 1963« Bronzes of south India* p* 132. 177* Dhavalikar# op, oit*« p« 69. 178* Sivaramaraurtif C«« 1942» Amaravati sculptures in the Madras ^>^vemroent Museum, pp. 52-53* 179* Ohavalikar# M*K*, (^* cit*, p* 72* ■ 180* El*, VI, p* 9* 101* Ramanathan, A*A* (SkS*) 1971, Amarako|e, VoX* Z, p. 430* 132* Srinivasan, P*R*, op* cit«, p* 135* 133* lA*, X, p* 165* 184* Dhavalikar, M*K*« 1965, Sanchi i A Cultural Study, p* 49* 185* lA*, VIII, p* 285* 185A Watters, T*, op* cit*, vol* I, p* 178* 136* ^ * , VII# p* 214* 187* Watters, T*, op* cit*, Vol* I, p* 147* 188* Takakusu, J* (Tr*), op* cit*, p* 22* 189* Watters, T*, op* cit*, Vol* I, p* 147* 190* Ohavalikar, 1973, op* cit*, p* 115* 191* Xarlekar, G*H* and Tarlekar, Malini, 1972, Musical Instruments in Indian Jcul; turg, p* 61* 192* JIH*, 44, pt* III, pp* 693-698* 193* Watters, T*, op* cit*, vol* I, p* 178* 194* Ibid. 195* Ibid., vol. II, p. 239* 196* JIH., 44, Pt. Ill, pp. 693-698*