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L'ospaaal Tra Cuba E Il Terzo Mondo

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L'ospaaal Tra Cuba E Il Terzo Mondo Corso di laurea magistrale in Relazioni Internazionali Comparate ordinamento ex D.M 270/2004 Tesi di Laurea L’Ospaaal tra Cuba e il Terzo Mondo Nascita e sviluppo dell’Organizzazione di Solidarietà dei Popoli di Asia, Africa ed America Latina Relatore Ch. Prof. Duccio Basosi Correlatore Ch. Prof. Luis Fernando Beneduzi Laureando Martina Vanzetto Matricola 844163 Anno Accademico 2016 / 2017 INDICE Introduzione pag 2 Capitolo 1: Rivoluzione Cubana e Terzo Mondo 1. La Rivoluzione Cubana pag 21 2. L’evoluzione del Marxismo in America Latina: l’esempio della Rivoluzione Cubana pag 27 3. Cuba tra Bandung e la Tricontinentale pag 28 4. La relazioni internazionali di Cuba pag 30 Capitolo 2: Leadership ed imperialismo attraverso la rivista Tricontinentale 1. La Rivista Tricontinentale pag 36 2. La leadership comunista tra Unione Sovietica, Cina e Cuba pag 39 3. Unione Sovietica e Cina tra le pagine di Tricontinentale pag 44 4. Eccezioni all’interno di Tricontinentale pag 50 5. Imperialismo, colonialismo e neocolonialismo pag 53 Capitolo 3: L’azione dell’OSPAAAL nel Terzo Mondo 1. L’OSPAAAL oggi pag 60 2. Obiettivi dell’OSPAAAL pag 63 3. OSPAAAL come propaganda pag 65 4. Influenza di Cuba nell’agire dell’OSPAAAL pag 70 - Africa pag 70 - Black Power Movement pag 75 - America Latina pag 79 - Vietnam pag 85 5. Carteles Cubanos pag 86 Conclusioni pag 88 INTRODUZIONE Cuba, isola di sogni (Antoni Kapcia), né paradiso né inferno (Maria Lopez Vigil)1, un piccolo pezzo di terra costantemente scosso, nel corso di tutta la sua storia, dal desiderio di ottenere l’indipendenza dall’oppressione politica, economica e sociale alla quale fu assoggettata nel corso dei secoli. Un piccolo stato che in nome della libertà e dell’autonomia prese le redini di una rivoluzione mondiale che toccò i tre continenti Asia, Africa e America Latina da secoli assoggettati al colonialismo ed imperialismo. Fidel Castro ed Ernesto Che Guevara instancabili promotori della rivoluzione, vennero visti come esempio di tenacia e successo da molti nascenti leader dell’epoca. Stanchi di essere oggetto della dominazione esterna da parte degli Stati Uniti, iniziarono quella che verrà poi conosciuta da tutto il mondo come: Rivoluzione Cubana. Castro, forte nella sua determinazione, più volte affermò che la Rivoluzione era solo una parte della sua lotta, la più grande e lunga sarebbe stata quella contro il controllo imperialista nel Terzo Mondo.2 Il presidente F.D. Roosevelt durante il suo mandato che andò dal 1933 al 1945 maturò la consapevolezza che Cuba sarebbe stata un problema da non sottovalutare, le sue parole erano infatti molto chiare: “I’m so angry with that infernal little Cuban republic that I would like to wipe its people off the face of the earth”.3 Dopo la fine della Seconda Guerra Mondiale il colonialismo era sull’orlo del baratro e movimenti di liberazione nazionale erano sempre più attivi negli stati fino ad allora sotto il controllo coloniale. Termini come “libertà”, “indipendenza”, “lotta armata” iniziarono a diffondersi grazie anche ad una serie di conferenze tenutesi tra i nascenti leader terzomondisti a partire dalla metà degli anni 50 in poi e che favorirono il consolidarsi sempre più di idee rivoluzionarie. Cuba a partire dagli anni 60 si era posta come leader indiscusso tra i movimenti rivoluzionari del Terzo Mondo. Fece tutto ciò incurante del volere dell’Unione Sovietica, che agli occhi di Cuba sembrava poco determinata e focalizzata più sui problemi est-ovest che sulle necessità dei paesi del sud del mondo. Nel 1965 Castro proclamò:“…We know that there is an enemy standing in the way of all peoples here in America, as well as in Asia and Africa. That enemy is the imperialism, especially, Yankee imperialism. That is the enemy that we must defeat here, and in Asia and Africa. Aggression against any nation, any continent must be considered as an aggression against us…”4 Cuba, piccolo stato, con risorse limitate, costretto a dipendere dall’aiuto di partner più potenti, si apprestava a diventare uno dei paesi più influenti nel movimento di liberazione del Terzo Mondo. Come Castro diceva infatti “ We small countries, which do not entrust to the strength of armies of millions of men, which do not entrust ourselves to the strength of atomic power, we small countries…”5 E con tono minaccioso sottolineava: “North Americans don’t understand…that our country is not just Cuba; our country is also humanity!”6 Sotto la guida di Cuba i movimenti rivoluzionari di Asia, Africa e America Latina si apprestavano a scrivere anche loro 1 Stricker, Pamela, “A Revolution of the People” , Latin American Perspectives, Vol. 36, No. 1 , Cuba Interpreting an Half Century of Revolution and Resistance, Parte 1 (Gennaio 2009) p. 17 2 Harris, Richard L., “Cuban internationalism, Che Guevara and the survival of Cuba’s Socialist Regime”, Latin American Perspectives Vol. 36 No. 3, CUBA:INTERPRETING A HALF CENTURY OF REVOLUTION AND RESISTANCE, Parte 3 (Maggio 2009) p. 30 3 F. D. Roosevelt cit. in Shoultz, Lars, “That infernal little cuban republic”, University of North Carolina Press, p. 25 4 “Castro’s speech on playa Giron anniversary”, Havana domestic radio and television service in Spanish 0341, GMT,20 April 1965. Available at http://lanic.utexas.edu/project/castro/db/1965/19650420.html 5 “Fidel Castro speech at University” 13 March, Havana Domestic Radio and Television Service 0302, GMT, 14 March 1965, Castro Speech Available at http://lanic.utexas.edu/project/castro/db/1965/19650314.html 6 “Fidel Castro biography – cuban communist revolutionary” Available at http://www.biographypeople.tk/2013/06/fidel-castro-biograpy-cuban- communist.html 1 una parte della lunga e travagliata storia della Guerra Fredda. Nel 1960 Simone De Beauvoir visitò Cuba e colpita dalla rivoluzione scrisse: ” For the first time in our lives, we were witnessing happiness that had been attained by violence.”7 “Questa grande umanità ha detto basta e si è messa in marcia, e la sua marcia da gigante non si fermerà mai fino alla conquista della sua definitiva liberazione”8 La dichiarazione della prima Conferenza Tricontinentale tenutasi all’Havana nel 1966 si chiudeva ufficialmente con queste parole che risuonavano decise e minacciose alle orecchie di molti. Il termine “umanità” che non si riferiva all’occidente ricco e privilegiato ma a tutta quella porzione di persone che da un punto di vista occidentale non meritavano di essere considerate all’interno di questo termine. Fu un evento di grande importanza per i popoli in lotta contro il colonialismo ed imperialismo ed ospitò i più grandi rappresentanti dei gruppi pro comunisti e anti americani dell’epoca. Ricordata sempre come Conferenza Tricontinentale dei Popoli di Asia, Africa e America Latina, essa per la prima volta non riuniva semplicemente le resistenze dei paesi Non Allineati provenienti da Asia e Africa ma vedeva prendere parte alla realizzazione dell’obiettivo comune anche piccoli rivoluzionari dell’America Latina. La Conferenza Tricontinentale sorse dall’Organizzazione di Solidarietà tra i Popoli di Asia e Africa che si era riunita per la prima volta nel 1955 a Bandung. Venne tenuta nella Cuba rivoluzionaria con la partecipazione di 83 gruppi da paesi dei tre continenti, cinesi, sovietici e giornalisti da tutto il mondo. Diversamente da altre conferenze non erano presenti delegazioni ufficiali di stati ma rappresentanti di partiti e movimenti. Saverio Tutino, giornalista italiano inviato alla Conferenza, in un suo resoconto scritto presenta i partecipanti più illustri e i sentimenti che percepiva essere propri di quel momento. Come ci dice “i personaggi più rappresentativi erano Amilcar Cabràl, leader del PAIGC (Movimento di liberazione della Guinea e di Capo Verde), per l’Africa; Rodney Arismendi, il segretario del Partito Comunista Uruguayano che tentava di mediare fra Castro e i comunisti, per l’America Latina; i vietnamiti anonimi e solidi. Dietro le quinte si potevano incontrare personaggi ancora privi di una struttura politica […] i guatemaltechi Luis Turcios Lima e Orlando Fernandez, i venezuelani Luben Petkof e Moises Moleiro. Come osservatore era presente Règis Debray.” Continua poi dicendo che diversamente da quanto si potrebbe pensare “La guerriglia latino-americana era rappresentata soprattutto da guatemaltechi e venezuelani. Gli altri erano <<apprendisti>>. […] per l’Asia e l’America Latina la maggioranza delle delegazioni provenivano da fronti patriottici dove i comunisti avevano la direzione, solo la Cambogia era rappresentata da un inviato del re Sihanuk e l’Indonesia da un messo di Sukarno. […] il Brasile era presente con un esponente di un nuovo fronte di liberazione. Quello dell’Uruguay era il partito comunista più vicino ai cubani.” I paesi occupati erano rappresentati da movimenti di liberazione nazionale. Non tutti però erano stati invitati alla Conferenza e come ci ricorda il giornalista tra questi c’erano “i partiti comunisti dei paesi capitalisti e la Lega dei Comunisti Jugoslavi.”9 Ciò che questi paesi avevano in comune era il fatto di essere stati sotto il controllo delle potenze coloniali europee e dall’imperialismo americano per la maggior parte della loro storia. Questi tre continenti si ritrovavano per la prima volta uniti nella lotta e guardavano alla Rivoluzione Cubana come al perfetto esempio da emulare. 7 Simone De Beauvoir cit. in Crow, Jonathan, “ Photos of Jean-Paul Sartre and Simone De Beauvoir with Che Guevara in Cuba” (1960), Available at http://www.openculture.com/2014/09/photos-of-jean-paul-sartre-simone-de-beauvoir-hanging-with-che-guevara-in-cuba-1960.html 8 “Dichiarazione Generale della Prima Conferenza Tricontinentale”, <<Rivista Tricontinentale>>, Bimestrale N. 3-4, Dicembre 1967 - Marzo 1968 9 Tutino, Saverio, “Gli Anni di Cuba”, Milano: Mazzotta, 1973, pp. 153-154-155 2 Le parole sopra citate ci fanno capire come i sentimenti presenti alla Conferenza fossero decisamente radicali, l’approccio basato su pace, cooperazione e non intervento che fino a qualche anno prima i leader terzomondisti avevano promosso oramai stava svanendo e senza dubbio la maggior parte dei presenti (nonostante i contrasti che vedremo) avevano una visione che incitava alla lotta armata per ottenere la vittoria totale e definitiva.
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