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MUSEUM OF MAN AND SCIENCE MUSEUM VAN DIE MENS EN WETENSKAP

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PUBLICATION ISMA=

THE ORIGINS OF THE NORTHERN CAPE GRIQUA

b y Dr. George T. Nurse

ISMA PAPER NO. 34 - AUGUST 1975

c/o MEDICAL SCHOOL, HOSPITAL STREET, JOHANNESBURG. TELEPHONE 724.1561 (EXTN. Y3/S& 156) The Origins of the Northern Cape Griqua

Lecture delivered to the Institute for the Study of Man in on 13th August 1975 2 .

The people who are today described as "Cape Coloured" are well known to be of mixed racial descent. There have been a number of theories put forward about the social reasons for their having come into existence; but no-one has ever denied that they are descended from the Khoi, or

Hottentots, or that they have also inherited a certain proportion of their genes from Caucasoid, or White, ancestors. There are in addition good historical reasons, summarized by Marais (1939) and

De Kock (1963), for believing that Negro and East slaves of assorted provenance contributed to their ancestry. Where controversy exists, it centres on the relative size of these various contributions; and the controversy is one which can have no simple resolution, because

the Cape Coloured are not and never have been a single homogeneous population.

The reasons for this must be sought in the history of Caucasoid

settlement in . Even if, as some people claim, the

ancestors of the modern "White" South Africans played no biological

part in the origins of the Cape , they were nevertheless

responsible for the social circumstances which gave rise to them.

These circumstances permitted perhaps substantially mythical passing

sailors to make their incidental genetic donations in the stews

around the Castle before hurrying on to the Orient or back to Europe.

How numerous such sailors actually were, and how large their genetic

influence was, are questions so difficult to answer now that they

can safely be passed over. By the nature of their callings neither

sailors nor the whores who haunt harbours are likely to drift very

far from the sound of the sea; yet by the middle of the eighteenth 3 .

century persons of mixed ancestry formed an appreciable part of the

population of the interior. It is with one such group of inland people

that we are here concerned.

As the Dutch settlement at the Cape of Good Hope grew out of a

refreshment station for ships on the East Indian run into a permanent

and productive colony, so did the demand for labour increase. The demand

became acute after a smallpox epidemic in 1713 had so ravaged the Khoi

tribes that many of them became totally extinct. The East

Company tried to relieve the shortage by hiring out soldiers to private

employers (Mentzel 1921) and by increasing the importation of slaves.

Many of the slaves came from and Mocambique, but there were

also a number brought from India, principally Bengal, and from

and the Malay peninsula (De Kock 1963).

It seems probable that the varying treatment from employer to

employer of both slaves and soldiers could have contributed to the

foundation of the Griqua nation. A humane act may have been the most

decisive factor. Both Stow (1905) and Halford (n.d.) relate a possibly

unreliable tradition that the first Adam Kok was the slave of a

Dutch governor. A surviving portrait lends some weight to the

tradition; Adam Kok is shown as very Negroid in feature, with a broad flat nose, thick lips, dark complexion and a mass of frizzy

hair; and all or almost all the Negroes at the Cape at that time were

slaves. He is said either to have been manumitted or to have purchased his freedom, and to have been given, or earned, wealth in the form of lands and stock. If this is true, it would be most 4 .

likely to have happened after the customary 30 years of good service, which would make his age about 40 and the year about 1750. His prosperity could therefore have resulted either from the retirement of Swellengrebel or an act of charity on the part of Tulbagh, the following governor.

Swellengrebel had been born in the colony, and Tulbagh had lived there for 33 years, so it is equally possible that Adam Kok could have served either of them for the requisite length of time (Theal 1910).

The lands which he acquired lay around Piketberg, just beyond the effective boundary of Company administration. There he provided a place of refuge for those less fortunate than he : for deserting soldiers, runaway slaves, and the remnants of at least one of the devastated and impoverished Khoi tribes, the ??Karixurikwa (Katzen 1969).

It seems probable that the dissident elements which Adam Kok attracted were either not numerous, or consisted of persons of whom the Company was glad to rid itself, for his authority came to be recognized officially, and he was presented with a staff of office by the

Government (Marais 1939, Stow 1905). It should be emphasized, though, that although Adam Kok was the first, and remains the best known, of the Griqua leaders, not all the people who today call themselves Griqua are descended from his people.

His lands were fertile, well-watered and rich. Their main short­ coming was that they were rather remote from the principal markets in Roodezand (now Tulbagh), Stellenbosch, Paarl and . But as the century advanced communications improved and White settlement expanded, and in his old age Adam Kok, in company with his dependants 5 .

and in common with a number of other mixed parties, was forced to migrate northwards. For a time the Kok group settled around the Kamiesberg, and then moved onwards towards the Orange River. In 1788 Adam Kok established himself on the banks of the river, and in 1795 handed over his staff of office to his son Cornelius (Stow 1905).

At that time all the mixed groups around the periphery of the colony were known, and described themselves, as . Though the name is not exceptionable in Dutch, it proved unacceptable to the

British missionaries who moved into the area after the British occupation of the Cape. The first of these to obtain an ascendancy among the followers of the Koks was the Rev. John Campbell, who persuaded them to assume instead the name by which they are described in history. It appears that they still cherished some partiality

towards the Khoi group which had contributed most to their formation.

They conferred on themselves a shortened version of the name

^Karixurikwa, adapted to be more agreeable to Dutch and British

tongues and ears, and called themselves Griqua (Campbell 1815).

They were not the only people to do so. The respectable

party of Basters led by Barend Barends also came to refer to themselves

as Griqua. So did the group which was later to be commanded

by Andries Waterboer, who was himself probably of San, or Bushman,

extraction (Marais 1939). Many of these people had no true

ancestral link with the party led by the Koks or with the original

^Karixurikwa. It is thus that we find developing very early a

characteristic of Griqua society which is in some ways very puzzling.

There seems from the beginning to have been an attraction about 6 .

being or becoming Griqua, and the people have always been quite remarkably

receptive of those who wished to join them.

Had this happened later it would not be so difficult to explain.

The Griqua are remembered as having come close to establishing a lasting

Khoi, or at least Coloured, polity in South Africa. They failed through

defects in their leadership, through the opposition of better organized

and marginally more efficient rival economies, and through a curious

oecumenical shiftlessness perhaps to be expected in a community

derived from a blend of the most restless Negro, Caucasoid and Oriental

elements at the Cape with Khoi pastoralists powerless in the face of

trade. This statement may be criticized as unnecessarily harsh,

but it is certainly true that the northern Cape Griqua, who were

once fairly rich, have become poor, and that their present poverty

is in part due to the mismanagement of wealth by their ancestors.

They not only proved unable to resist pressures exerted on them by

more sophisticated peoples, but seem at times even to have cooperated

eagerly in their own downfall. They sold land and stock at absurd

prices and bought consumable goods, and neglected opportunities

to acquire skills which could have preserved them in the face of

competition (Halford n.d.). They were certainly unfortunate inasmuch

as their lands were successively coveted by later migrants. Even

among the stones of the deserts to which they were relegated there

turned out to be diamonds.

It is very revealing to compare the fate of the Griqua with

that of the Rehoboth Basters, who are descended from a population

with which the Griqua had some dealings near the Orange River. There seems to have been a small-scale exchange of members between the

two groups, for they share certain surnames. The Rehoboth Basters

appear to have originated from the restlessness and ambition of

landless younger sons of large frontier Afrikaner families, especially those deriving from Stellenbosch. Of the 23 Baster founder families discussed in detail by Fischer (1913), 14 descend almost certainly from men from Stellenbosch. As was only to be expected in view of the great shortage of White women at the Cape during the eighteenth century, these lads took Khoi wives; and the result is a population which still in many respects resembles a prosperous eighteenth-century

European farming community. The tests available to Fischer in 1908 strongly suggested that the genetic constitution of the Rehoboth

Basters was almost exactly half Khoi and half Caucasoid. Sixty-five years later more complex and reliable tests at. the disposal of

Professor Jenkins and myself went a long way towards substantiating

Fischer's findings.

The Basters have proved capable and resilient, and have

preserved a great deal of autonomy and wealth in the face of

considerable adverse pressures. They fought successfully against

the Germans, and have never been subdued by the subsequent power

to claim sovereignty over them. As Fischer pointed out, adaptation

to their rather harsh environment has led to the survival in them of many of the most advantageous qualities of both their ancestral

lines. Both the Afrikaner and the Khoi had undergone some selection before the Basters came into existence, whereas the Griqua arose

from a fusion of unadapted immigrant elements with a Khoi strain which may only have survived because it sought the protection of Adam Kok. Despite all the virtues of vigour claimed for the mixture of genetic lines, it would not be unreasonable to suggest that the failure of the Griqua could be blamed at least in part on descent from a variety of strains whose common characteristic was lack of adaptability.

The Basters have succeeded in great measure by preserving their exclusiveness. Unlike the Griqua, they are a nation not of refugees but. of pioneers. Their internal policies have often been bitterly divisive, but their external attitudes have been aimed at their survival. They began in a single generation of intermixture and

since then have not proved very receptive to recruits. The Griqua,

on the ether hand, did not set out to build a nation. They started

as a patriarchal household to which the destitute and despairing

attached themselves, and provided a refuge for those who were failing

to survive on their own. They may be reprehended biologically, but

their moral standpoint was admirable. They have suffered for it

nonetheless.

The Griqua, too, have had a history of strife and warfare;

but the part of it which postdated their formation is familiar and

may be found in the standard history books. The missionaries did

not favour the Kok family, and secured the election of Waterboer

as Captain of the Griqua in the place of Adam II, the son of

Cornelius I. Adam and his followers moved first to the springs in

the Knoffelvallei, at Campbell, where the San proprietors were

absorbed. His son Adam III later trekked with him to Philippolis,

leaving Campbell under the rule of his brother Cornelius II.

Later still came the diamond fields squabbles, with the ultimate

dispossession of Adam III and the sad final move to the 9 .

no-man1s-land between the Cape and Natal. There the direct line

of the Koks maintained a bankrupt comic-opera monarchy for some years; but the state proved unable to withstand the combination of British expansion and a disputed succession, and soon fell (Ross 1974) .

The Griqua of Campbell today regard themselves as the true

representatives of the nation. They occupy a tiny desert area

adjacent to what used to be Cornelius Kok's capital, and are under

the rule of Captain the Rev. Adam Kok IV. His title of Captain

of the Griqua is acknowledged by the South African government,

though his actual position in the succession is obscure. He claims

to be descended from Abraham, the elder brother of Adam III. A

number of other lineages dispute the hegemony he claims over all

the Griqua. The most vocal of these is the head of the Le Fleur

family; but since that family's first involvement with the Griqua

occurred in Griqualand East, long after the departure from the northern Cape

it does not need to be discussed here.

That Adam IV is in holy orders is noteworthy. According to

Leeuwenberg (personal communication 1973) the name Griqua is coming

to have less of an ethnic signifi cance and increasingly to indicate

simply membership of one of the Griqua churches, of which there

are many. This could be the final outcome of the seemingly

undirected Griqua policy of assimilation : the recognition that

being a Griqua is more a state of mind than a physical condition,

a conclusion well borne out by the results of a sero-genetic survey

conducted by the Human Sero-Genetics Unit of The South African

Institute for Medical Research in late 1971 and early 1972. 1 0 .

It was hoped that genetic investigation of the Griqua of Campbell might reveal a picture representative of the extinct Khoi of the Western

Cape. Halford (n.d.) and Marais (1939) have both suggested that when the split between the Koks and Waterboer occurred, those who followed

Adam II were of predominantly indigenous descent while the Griqua who had more Caucasoid admixture preferred to remain with Waterboer.

Furthermore, it seemed improbable that the ^Karixurikwa should have been the only Khoi group to contribute members to the early Griqua party. For one thing, in the very centre of the modern Griqua of

Campbell there survive two vestiges of Khoi culture. These are a

female rite de passage known as the Igabadas, and an almost extinct

language referred to as Xiri, or Griqua. The language is known to

only a few of the older people, who converse in it among themselves;

the language of general use is . Xiri is undoubtedly a

Hottentot language and bears a close resemblance to Nama and '.Ora,

but includes several words which occur in neither arid may be derived

from a Bushman language (Nurse unpublished).

It seemed reasonable to suppose that these two evidences

of cultural singularity might be associated with a degree of genetic

isolation which would be helpful in working out the probable genetic

constitution of the ^Karixurikwa, once allowance had been made for

Caucasoid, San and Negroid and East Asian slave admixture. The use

of physical characters for the delineation of a population has

formed a respectable branch of anthropology for a very long time.

For most of that time it has concentrated on the gross morphological

characters, since until recently they have been the only ones capable 1 1 .

of being assessed. Even the basic modes of inheritance of such traits as are observable with the naked eye, or measurable, are obscure; all findings based on them are necessarily purely descriptive. But as the century has advanced methods have been devised to distinguish inherited variation in a number of other characters which have been found to obey very simple laws of inheritance. On the whole, these have not been traits to do with shape and size and colour and other visible variables. The first such character to be discovered was the ABO blood group, and since the blood groups are familiar to most readers it is convenient to use them as an example of how monogenic simply- inherited characters can be used in the delineation of populations.

As is well known, an individual can be of only one particular

ABO blood group : he may be 0, or A, or B, or AB. A population can be distinguished from another population by the frequencies at which the genes determining these blood groups occur. Since the genes are inherited in a simple Mendelian way, it is not hard to work out their frequencies; but the range of significant variation in a single blood group is narrow enough for two otherwise very different populations to have similar arrays of gene frequencies. But as we

add further blood groups discrimination becomes finer. If we take

the Rhesus blood group as well, and consider only positive and

negative, it is obvious that if ABO and Rhesus are inherited independently

of one another, as they are, each of the ABO blood group types can be

either Rhesus positive or Rhesus negative, and we have in all eight

types. Then nine types are possible in the MNS blood group system,

and that gives us a possibility of 72 different types using only

three blood group systems. It is very unlikely that two significantly 1 2 .

different populations will turn out to be close to one another in all 72 types.

As more and more of these monogenic markers are discovered it becomes more and more possible to describe populations according to the distributions of such characters within them. During the past 25 years there has been an enormous expansion in our knowledge of the monogenic

traits, particularly those which can be explored by examination of the blood. Blood is the easiest body tissue to obtain, and in most of its

chemical characters it is representative of the body as a whole.

Nowadays it is not only the blood groups that are looked for, but also

a number of enzymes and other proteins which have been shown to

display variation. These traits have proved valuable in the study

of populations not only on account of the differing distributions

of their ordinary forms but also because forms which are rare in,

or absent from, one population, may be quite common in another.

Such variants are especially valuable in helping us to analyse the

sources and proportions of the mixtures which have gone to produce

a hybrid population such as the Griqua.

Unfortunately, even the most cursory social survey revealed

that the Griqua village at Campbell was far from being an isolate.

It had been foreseen that men would tend to leave, drawn by employment

opportunities elsewhere; but the extent to which the Griqua would

continue even today to attract non-Griqua into the community, even

into such an impoverished community as it is, had been greatly

underestimated. The Captain did not appeal to exert any widespread

spiritual attraction, so it could not have been due primarily to his Church connections. There might, nevertheless, be some grounds in the recollections of adjacent and remoter peoples. Folk history, the unwritten existential phenomenological history of the semi-literate, sometimes dismissed as myth, may play a big part in allowing the

Griqua to maintain a certain prestige. We must not forget that they were once members of a completely independent state which negotiated with White states on equal terms. If in South Africa a man is classified Coloured, and thus belongs to an underprivileged group, it can be a sop to his pride to be Griqua as well. And the modern

Griqua are as receptive to those who wish to join them as their ancestors ever were.

Thus it was that when they arrived at Campbell they absorbed the San proprietors of the springs. It is probable that the

Watermond, ^am'ami, Watermouth, family at Campbell represents that

lineage. Schoolteachers and missionaries have left descendants there,

as have a number of less august folk. There are several Tswana

surnames, borne often by people who do not look at all Negro; most

of them are of Rolong origin. Two Tswana-descended families,

Maleko and Direko, have intermarried even with the ruling Koks and

Stenekamps. The presence of British surnames such as Alexander,

Williams and Younger suggests that some of the Caucasoid admixture

must have taken place after the Dutch rulers at the Cape had been

replaced by the British, and been provided by persons other than

missionaries. The missionaries kept records, but nothing is known

of the founders of these families. One interesting class of surnames

is that which attaches certain families to the recorded Korana

tribes of the Orange River Valley, names such as Hoogstander, 1 4 .

Esel, Gys, Seekoei, Springbok and Katz (Maingard 1964). The last-mentioned might appear at first to give some weight to the hint of an Askenazi

Jewish contribution through such families as Moss and Sief, but that provenance even for the latter is hard to establish. Some of the names represent servile or semi-servile functions, like Kok ,

Messelaar and Dienaar, and they, together with such names as we know

to have been given to slaves, like April, Nero or Rooibaadjie, or to

indicate a particular country of origin, like Malgas, almost certainly

derive from those slaves and ex-slaves who joined the original

party. On the other hand, a large proportion of the surnames are

either German or Dutch and could have been inherited directly from

Caucasoids. It is noteworthy that among the surnames of the Grigua

families at Campbell there is none which indicates French H u g u e n o t

descent. The only one which does, Pienaar (Pinard), belongs to a

family not counted as Griqua. This would suggest that the Griqua

as such came into existence before the blending of French and Dutch

which went to make up the modern . On the other hand,

it may simply be an example of random isonymic drift.

These surnames in detail are in fact far more informative

about the origins of the northern Cape Griqua than the sero-genetic

studies are (Nurse, in preparation). The people who bore them when

they joined the Griqua are almost certain to have had descendants,

but the routes by which their genes, as opposed to their names,

descended, are extremely difficult to trace. Prestige at Campbell

seems to depend more on the bearing of a surname than on biological

parentage. Two families, the ruling Koks and the Stenekamps, show

a strong preference for reciprocal marriage, and in the compilation 1 5 .

of genealogies it was impossible to consider them separately. In a number of cases genetic marker studi.es disclosed that one or other stated parent could be excluded. The quantity of necessary maternal exclusions was particularly striking. It is customary for grandparents to rear some of their granchildren as their own children, and to insist on their parentage despite such inconsistencies as disparity in age.

It is not uncommon to find women in their sixties with two- or three- year-old children whom they allege are their own. Many a woman produces her first child extramaritally. Such children are known as voorkinders; they are happily accepted by the subsequent husbands.

Two types of marriage are recognized, the more usual being a kind of

common-law marriage which involves no contract entered into before

priest or magistrate but which is nonetheless held to be binding.

Adoption of quite remote kin, or of parentless children whether

related or not, is fairly frequent. It did not appear to us that

any distinction is made between biological and adoptive children.

Hence it is plain that the genealogies furnished by informants

are of little genetic significance, and that possession of a surname

is no sure indication of a particular biological derivation.

A detailed account of the sero-genetic findings among

the Griqua has been published elsewhere (Nurse and Jenkins 1975).

An attempt was made to select from among the quite large total

sample of the inhabitants of Campbell a sub-sample which would

consist only of not interrelated people who were of acknowledged

Griqua descent. Ninety-nine such people were found, but the gene

frequency distribution in the sub-sample was not significantly

different from that in the population as a whole. It would have been impossible to sort out all those to whose ancestry there had been

no Griqua contribution at all. Not only was biological paternity of

little social importance, but there was a strong though not easily

substantiable suggestion that the kindreds of greatest prestige may

have had more opportunity than the others to furnish fathers for voorkinders.

Examination of the results seemed to show that there might,

nevertheless, have been more inbreeding than the social circumstances

would suggest. Three persons were found who possessed uncommon genes

in a double dose, while the statistical probability of this in the

absence of inbreeding is very low, only about 1 in 10,000. In all

the other systems, however, the distributions normally expected with

random mating were found. An exception was the enzyme glucose-6-

phosphate dehydrogenase, whose distribution in a number of Southern

African populations has been found to be anomalous (Nurse and

Jenkins 1973).

When individual genetic markers are considered, the hybrid

ancestry of the Griqua is made very apparent. It would take a

considerable Negro contribution to account for the high frequency

of the glucose-6-phosphate dehydrogenase A variant. That there has

been Caucasoid admixture is borne out by tile presence of the

K antigen in the Kell blood group in moderately high frequency and

the finding of the adenosine deaminase 2 and acid phosphatase

CB variants. In the Duffy blood group there is a high frequency

of the gene Fya, This suggests that the large Negro admixture, which would have reduced the Fya normally found in populations, might have been counterbalanced by quite a large addition of Caucasoid genes. The frequency of the Rhesus negative condition is comparatively high for a non-Dama indigenous Southern African population (Knussman 1969, Nurse, Lane and Jenkins in the press) and would also probably have come from Caucasoid forebears. Two of the 1 2 Rhesus genes, R and R , however, have frequencies very much lower than those in other Coloured populations. Had the slave element among the Griqua ancestors included many East Asians one might have expected a higher frequency of R^ (Mourant 1954). There are three good pieces of evidence for a significant San contribution. A trans­

ferrin variant found among them, TfD^, is also present in the Griqua, and the characteristic Khoisan weak A blood-group miscalled A ^ ^ ^

(Jenkins 1974) is commoner in both Griqua and San than it is in the

Khoi. The serum protein haptoglobin 2 also shows a comparatively high

frequency, more characteristic of San than Khoi (Jenkins 1972)

but admittedly characteristic also of north-western Europeans.

Either the San or the Khoi could have been responsible for the

acid phosphatase Pr gene (Jenkins and Corfield 1972), but the high

frequency of B in the ABO system is much more typical of the Khoi.

It would appear, therefore, that far from being genetically

distinctive the Griqua of Campbell are just another in the spectrum

of Cape Coloured populations, and not at all biologically separable

from the Coloureds found in their neighbourhood. They are unusual

in having preserved a certain measure of Khoi language and custom,

but they have afforded no clues to the genetic constitution of that

extinct Khoi tribe from whom their name derives. This is almost certainly due to the social peculiarity which has been discussed earlier and which it is the main purpose of this paper to emphasize. They are unusually receptive to new members, and this is from the population genetic as well as the social anthropological standpoint their most important characteristic.

The drift away from the use of the name Griqua as an ethnic designation towards its use to describe a member of particular array of religious sects may represent a formalization of this receptiveness. To be a Griqua a person simply has to be accepted by the Griqua as one of themselves, and nowadays the easiest way for this to happen is through membership of one of the Griqua churches (Leeuwenberg personal communication 1973). Right from the beginning the Griqua nation has provided a refuge for the poor and uprooted of all sorts; right from the beginning, therefore, it has acted secularly in a capacity characteristic of the traditions of the Christian Church. Race and colour are certainly of minimal significance to the Griqua. A nation of refugees is unlikely to be a nation which is physically and mentally equipped to flourish. The Griqua are poor, dispossessed and insecure.

There is little chance that they could ever have become a great

nation, or made major contributions to knowledge or the arts.

But in Southern Africa, a part of the world not remarkable for tolerance, they have been tolerant. Needy themselves, they have

succoured the needy. To the casual observer they may seem of

little note, but they are a shining example of Christian charity

compared with many much wealthier populations. 1 9.

Acknowledgements

I should like to thank Prof. J.F. Murray, Director, Prof. J. Metz,

Deputy Director, and Prof. Trefor Jenkins, Head of the Department of

Human Genetics, of the School of Pathology, The South African Institute

for Medical Research and the University of the Witwatersrand, for facilities for the preparation of this paper, and Prof. Hertha de Villiers of the Department of Anatomy of the University of the Witwatersrand for introducing me to the Campbell community. Ek wil ook graag dank aan mnr. en mev. Hendrik van Eck, L.V., en mnr. en mev. Bert Bouwer, van die plaas Brakpan, toewy vir hul groot gasvryheid en waardevolle hulp; en aan Kaptein die Eerw. Adam Kok IV en sy volk vir die behulpsaamheid en medewerking wat ek en my assistente onder hulle ontvang het. References:

CAMPBELL, J. (1815) : Travels in South Africa, undertaken at the Request of the Missionary Society. London.

DE KOCK, V. (1963) : Those in Bondage. .

FISCHER, E. (1913) : Die Rehobother Bastards. Jena.

HALFORD, S.J . (n.d.) : The Griquas of Griqualand. Cape Town.

JENKINS, T. (1972) : Genetic Polymorphism of Man in Southern Africa. M.D. Thesis, U. London.

JENKINS, T. (1974) : Blood group ^ population and family studies.

Vox Sanguinius 26, 537-550.

JENKINS, T. and CORFIELD, V. (1972) : The red cell acid phosphatase polymorphism in South Africa : population data and studies on the R, RA and RB phenotypes. Annals of Human Genetics 35, 379-391.

KATZEN, M.R. (1969) : Wliite settlers and the origin of a new society, 1652-1778. in: The Oxford , ed. M. Wilson and L. Thomson, Vol. I. Oxford and Cape Town.

KNUSSMAN, R. (1969) : Bericht iiber eine anthropologische Forschungsreise

zu den Dama in Súdwestafrika. Homo 20, 34-66.

LEEUWENBERG, J.J. (1973). Personal communication.

MAINGARD, L F. (1964) : The Korana dialects. African Studies 23, 57-66.

MARAIS, J.s. (1939) : The Cape Coloured People. Johannesburg. 2 .

m e n t z e l , o .P . (1921) : A Geographical and Topological Description of the Cape of Good Hope, vol. I. Cape Town.

m o u r a n t , a .e . (1954) : The Distribution of the Human Blood Groups. Oxford.

NURSE, G.T. (unpublished) : A short annotated Xiri (Griqua) word list.

NURSE, G.T. (in preparation) : Some Griqua surnames.

NURSE, G.T. and JENKINS, T. (1973) : G-6-PD phenotypes and X-chromosome inactivation. Lancet 1, 99-100.

NURSE, G.T. and JENKINS, T. (1975) : The Griqua of Campbell, Cape Province, South Africa. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 43,

71-78.

NURSE, G.T., LANE, A.B. and JENKINS, T. (in the press) : Sero-genetic studies on the Dama of South West Africa. Annals of

Human Biology.

ROSS, R. (1974) : Griqua government. African Studies S3, 25-42.

SCHAPERA, I. (1930) : The Khoisan Peoples of South Africa. London.

STOW, G. (1905) : The Native Races of South Africa. London.

t h e a l , G.M. (1910) : History and Ethnography of South Africa before

1795, vol. III. London.

Collection Number: A1132 Collection Name: Patrick LEWIS Papers, 1949-1987

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