Running Into the Sand? the EU's Faltering Response to the Arab
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Revolution and Democracy: Sociopolitical Systems in the Context of Modernisation Leonid E
preview version Revolution and Democracy: Sociopolitical Systems in the Context of Modernisation Leonid E. Grinin and Andrey V. Korotayev Abstract The stability of socio-political systems and the risks of destabi- lisation in the process of political transformation are among the most im- portant issues of social development; the transition to democracy may pose a serious threat to the stability of a respective socio-political system. This article studies the issue of democratisation. It highlights the high economic and social costs of a rapid transition to democracy for countries unpre- pared for it—democracy resulting from revolutions or similar large-scale events. The authors believe that in a number of cases authoritarian regimes turn out to be more effective in economic and social terms than emerging democracies, especially those of a revolutionary type, which are often inca- pable of ensuring social order and may have a swing to authoritarianism. Effective authoritarian regimes can also be a suitable form of transition to an efficient and stable democracy. Using historical and contemporary examples, particularly the recent events in Egypt, the article investigates various correlations between revolutionary events and the possibility of es- tablishing democracy in a society. Keywords: democracy, revolution, extremists, counterrevolution, Isla- mists, authoritarianism, military takeover, economic efficiency, globali- sation, Egypt Introduction It is not surprising that in five years none of the revolutions of the Arab Spring has solved any urgent issues. Unfortunately, this was probably never a possibility. Various studies suggest a link between 110 preview version revolutions and the degree of modernisation of a society.1 Our research reveals that the very processes of modernisation, regardless of the level of consumption and the rate of population growth, is closely and organically linked to the risk of social and political upheaval, which can Leonid E. -
Democracy As an Effort Rayna Gavrilova, CEE Trust USAID/Bulgaria Closing Ceremony October 10, 2007, Sofia
Democracy as an Effort Rayna Gavrilova, CEE Trust USAID/Bulgaria Closing Ceremony October 10, 2007, Sofia Your Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, When I was invited to say a few words at the official closing of the United States Agency for International Development in Bulgaria, the first title that came to my mind was “Democracy as an Effort.” When change began, democracy for us was mostly about revolution – from Portugal’s Carnation Revolution, to Czechoslovakia’s Velvet Revolution, to Ukraine’s Orange Revolution. Eighteen years later, we already realize that democracy is most of all a constant effort made by citizens and institutions. The post- communist countries, including Bulgaria, were lucky not to have been left alone in this process. The international assistance for laying the foundations of liberal democracy and market economy came early and was timely. The United States was among the first countries to get involved. American public organizations such as USAID, non- governmental organizations and an impressive number of individuals made a long-lasting and systematic effort to elucidate and support this social order which, without doubt, remains the choice of the larger part of humanity. USAID left visible traces in Bulgarian social life. Today we hardly remember it, but through their programs a whole variety of previously unknown concepts, such as “rule of law,” “local government initiative,” “transparency”, and “entrepreneurship promotion” entered the Bulgarian vocabulary and practice, and are today the foundation of the state. Some of the terms which had no equivalent in the rigid vocabulary of socialism remain untranslated even today: probation, mediation, microcredit. -
The 'Colorful' Revolution of Kyrgyzstan: Democratic Transition
The ‘Colorful’ Revolution of Kyrgyzstan: Democratic Transition or Global Competition? Yilmaz Bingol* This paper aims to analyze the reasons behind the recent revolution of Kyrgyzstan. I will argue that explaining the revolution through just the rhetoric of “democracy and freedom” needs to be reassessed, as comparing with its geo-cultural environment; Kyrgyzstan had been the most democratic of Central Asian republics. Thus, the paper argues that global competition between US and China-Russia should seriously be taken under consideration as a landmark reason behind the Kyrgyz revolution. The “Rose Revolution” in Georgia and the “Orange Revolution” in Ukraine followed by yet another “colorful” revolution in Kyrgyzstan in the March of 2005. A group of opposition who were dissatisfied with the result of the Parliamentary Election taken place on February 27th and March 13th of 2005 upraised against incumbent regime of Askar Akayev. Accusing the incumbent regime with the felony and asking for more democracy and freedom, the opposition took over Akayev from the power and closed the last stage of the colorful revolution of Kyrgyzstan on March 24-25, 2005. Common characteristics of all these colorful revolutionist were that they all used rhetoric of “democracy and freedom,” and that they were all pro-western especially pro-American. It seems that it has become a tradition in the West to call such revolutions with the colorful names. This tradition may trace back to Samuel Huntington’s famous “third wave democracy” which was started with “Carnation Revolution” of Portugal in 1974. As Western politicians and academicians have often used such “colorful” names for post-communist and post-Soviet cases since then, they must have regarded these revolutions as the extension of what Huntington has called the “third wave”. -
Montaldo Solution Interim Report
Considerations for the National Migrant Integration Strategy 2015-2020 (Malta) Author: Norman Scicluna Date: 30 May 2015 Version: V1.0 Considerations for the National Migrant Integration Strategy V1.0 Norman Scicluna CONSIDERATIONS FOR THE NATIONAL MIGRANT INTEGRATION STRATEGY 2015-2020 (MALTA) Authored by Norman Scicluna Disclaimer & Scope This document is drawn up in response to the request for Consultation on the National Migrant Integration Strategy 2015-2020 as outlined in the call for Consultation by the Ministry for Social Dialogue and Department, Consumer Affairs and Civil Liberties, first published on the 5th of May 2015. It is drawn up by the author (Norman Scicluna) on his own behalf and on his own initiative. For this purpose, it reflects the author’s own opinions and ideas and may not necessarily be representative of any public or private group, forum, party or association with which the author may have any membership in, affiliation or connection with, or representation of, whether such a relationship is actual, assumed or implied. Contact Norman Scicluna – (128362M) Tel: +356-79705778 Email: [email protected] Copyright & Publication Copyright © Norman Scicluna, 2015 The purpose of this document is to be made available to the general public in order to be a basis for further discussion throughout the Immigrant Integration Strategy formation and implementation process. For this purpose this document may be reproduced in its entirety, as-is and with due attribution to the author. Reproduction in part is by specific authorization from the author. Note: All websites quoted and referenced in this document are as at the time of writing – May 2015 and are subject to be modified, added to, or removed accordingly, Document for Public Consultation Page 2 of 64 Table of Contents 1 THE CALL FOR CONSULTATION ........................................................................................................ -
Independence, Intervention, and Internationalism Angola and the International System, 1974–1975
Independence, Intervention, and Internationalism Angola and the International System, 1974–1975 ✣ Candace Sobers Mention the Cold War and thoughts instinctively turn to Moscow, Washing- ton, DC, and Beijing. Fewer scholars examine the significant Cold War strug- gles that took place in the African cities of Luanda, Kinshasa, and Pretoria. Yet in 1975 a protracted war of national liberation on the African continent escalated sharply into a major international crisis. Swept up in the momen- tum of the Cold War, the fate of the former Portuguese colony of Angola captured the attention of policymakers from the United States to Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of Congo), Colombia to Luxembourg. The struggle over Angolan independence from Portugal was many things: the culmination of sixteen years of intense anti-colonial struggle and the launch of 28 years of civil war, a threat to white minority rule in southern Africa, and another battle on the long road to ending empire and colonialism. It was also a strug- gle to define and create a viable postcolonial state and to carry out a radical transformation of the sociopolitical structure of Angolan society. Recent scholarship on Angolan independence has provided an impres- sive chronology of the complicated saga yet has less to say about the wider consequences and ramifications of a crisis that, though located in southern Africa, was international in scope. During the anti-colonial struggle, U.S. sup- port reinforced the Portuguese metropole, contiguous African states harbored competing revolutionaries, and great and medium powers—including Cuba, China, and South Africa—provided weapons, combat troops, and mercenar- ies to the three main national liberation movements. -
Portugal's History Since 1974
Portugal’s history since 1974 Stewart Lloyd-Jones ISCTE-Lisbon AN IMPERIAL LEGACY The Carnation Revolution (Revolução dos Cravos) that broke out on the morning of 25 April 1974 has had a profound effect on Portuguese society, one that still has its echoes today, almost 30 years later, and which colours many of the political decision that have been, and which continue to be made. During the authoritarian regime of António de Oliveira Salazar (1932-68) and his successor, Marcello Caetano (1968-74), Portugal had existed in a world of its own construction. Its vast African empire (Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, São Tomé e Príncipe, and Cape Verde) was consistently used to define Portugal’s self-perceived identity as being ‘in, but not of Europe’. Within Lisbon’s corridors of power, the dissolution of the other European empires was viewed with horror, and despite international opprobrium and increasing isolation, the Portuguese dictatorship was in no way prepared to follow the path of decolonisation. As Salazar was to defiantly declare, Portugal would stand ‘proudly alone’, indeed, for a regime that had consciously legitimated itself by ‘turning its back on Europe’, there could be no alternative course of action. Throughout the 1960s and early-1970s, the Portuguese people were to pay a high price for the regime’s determination to remain in Africa. From 1961 onwards, while the world’s attention was focused on events in south-east Asia, Portugal was fighting its own wars. By the end of the decade, the Portuguese government was spending almost half of its GNP on sustaining a military presence of over 150,000 troops in Africa. -
© in This Web Service Cambridge University
Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-83720-0 - The Cambridge History of the Cold War: Crises and Détente: Volume II Edited by Melvyn P. Leffler and Odd Arne Westad Index More information Index Cumulative index for Volumes I, II, and III. Bold page numbers refer to maps and photographs. 9/11 attacks, III.134, 537, 550, 554–5 anti-Sovietism, I.150 Berlin crisis, II.168 abortion, III.468, 469, 473 Cuban missile crisis, II.73 Abstract Expressionism, II.30 division of Germany and, II.482–3 Accornero, Aris (Italian social scientist), I.54 European integration, II.182, 183–4 Achaeans, II.1 French relations, II.168, 169, 184 Acheson, Dean, I.78 German unification and, II.203 Acheson–Lilienthal Report, II.397 Khrushchev and, I.319 Excomm, II.71 loss of power, II.483 on Germany, II.119, III.156 Marshall Plan, I.170 grand strategy, I.84–6 NPT and, II.408 Ho Chi Minh and, I.82–3 nuclear weapons, II.487 Japanese policy, I.82, III.156 US relations, II.484 Korean War, I.276 values, II.462–3 Marshall Plan and, I.155, 159 Advanced Research Projects Agency, see NATO, I.81 ARPA Pacific policy, I.274 advertising, III.503, 504–5 political influence, I.83 Adzhubei, Aleksei (Soviet journalist), III.402 postwar assessment, I.74 affluent society, II.510–13, 518 on racial segregation, I.433–4, III.456 Afghanistan Schuman Plan and, II.182 Al Qaeda, III.133–4 Ackermann, Anton (German Communist), bibliography, III.566 I.180 Cold War and, I.484 Acton, John (British historian) I.1, 2 Egyptian relations, III.126 Adamec, Ladislav (Czechoslovak prime fundamentalism, III.536–7 -
25 April 1974: an End Or a Beginning
Stewart LLOYD-JONES, Lusotopie 2002/2 : 141-147 An End or a Beginning for Portugal ? Some Notes on the Legacy of 25 April 1974* complete generation of Portuguese have passed into adulthood since the heady days of the 1974 Carnation Revolution. For this new Ageneration of Portuguese, globalisation, European integration, and the information revolution are much more significant to their lives than corporatism, colonial wars and the Carnation Revolution can ever be. The chasm that exists between the present generation’s real life experiences and the experiences of their parents and grandparents could not be wider. In all, the 1960s and 1970s are as remote to them as the 1930s and 1940s are to everyone. We can all recognise that the present is shaped by the past, but, with the passage of time, it is much more difficult to assert that events that occurred thirty years ago have a greater influence than those that occurred five or even ten years ago. We are now standing at a moment in time in which it is possible to shed much of the ideological and reverential baggage of the past. While we may acknowledge the actions and sacrifices of older generations, we should no longer be obliged to bow to them. Perhaps it is now time for a few pedestals to be swept away, and for a much more sober assessment of the recent past to be made without seeking approval from those who participated in the events that made the history. With the passage of time and with the release of new archival material, the significance of the participants’ (often unreliable) memoires is reduced. -
(As) Conflict: Reflections on the European Border Regime
www.ssoar.info Under control?: or border (as) conflict; reflections on the European border regime Kasparek, Bernd; Hess, Sabine Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Kasparek, B., & Hess, S. (2017). Under control?: or border (as) conflict; reflections on the European border regime. Social Inclusion, 5(3), 58-68. https://doi.org/10.17645/si.v5i3.1004 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY Lizenz (Namensnennung) zur This document is made available under a CC BY Licence Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden (Attribution). For more Information see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed.de Social Inclusion (ISSN: 2183–2803) 2017, Volume 5, Issue 3, Pages 58–68 DOI: 10.17645/si.v5i3.1004 Article Under Control? Or Border (as) Conflict: Reflections on the European Border Regime Sabine Hess 1,* and Bernd Kasparek 2 1 Institute for Cultural Anthropology/European Ethnology, University of Göttingen, 37073 Göttingen, Germany; E-Mail: [email protected] 2 bordermonitoring.eu, 81671 Munich, Germany; E-Mail: [email protected] * Corresponding author Submitted: 30 April 2017 | Accepted: 10 August 2017 | Published: 19 September 2017 Abstract The migrations of 2015 have led to a temporary destabilization of the European border and migration regime. In this con- tribution, we trace the process of destabilization to its various origins, which we locate around the year 2011, and offer a preliminary assessment of the attempts at re-stabilization. We employ the notion of “border (as) conflict” to emphasize that crisis and exception lies at the very core of the European border and migration regime and its four main dimensions of externalization, techno-scientific borders, an internal mobility regime for asylum seekers, and humanitarization. -
Revolution in Bad Times
asef bayat REVOLUTION IN BAD TIMES ack in 2011, the Arab uprisings were celebrated as world- changing events that would re-define the spirit of our political times. The astonishing spread of these mass uprisings, fol- lowed soon after by the Occupy protests, left observers in Blittle doubt that they were witnessing an unprecedented phenomenon— ‘something totally new’, ‘open-ended’, a ‘movement without a name’; revolutions that heralded a novel path to emancipation. According to Alain Badiou, Tahrir Square and all the activities which took place there—fighting, barricading, camping, debating, cooking and caring for the wounded—constituted the ‘communism of movement’; posited as an alternative to the conventional liberal-democratic or authoritar- ian state, this was a universal concept that heralded a new way of doing politics—a true revolution. For Slavoj Žižek, only these ‘totally new’ political happenings, without hegemonic organizations, charismatic leaderships or party apparatuses, could create what he called the ‘magic of Tahrir’. For Hardt and Negri, the Arab Spring, Europe’s indignado protests and Occupy Wall Street expressed the longing of the multitude for a ‘real democracy’, a different kind of polity that might supplant the hopeless liberal variety worn threadbare by corporate capitalism. These movements, in sum, represented the ‘new global revolutions’.1 ‘New’, certainly; but what does this ‘newness’ tell us about the nature of these political upheavals? What value does it attribute to them? In fact, just as these confident appraisals were being circulated in the us and Europe, the Arab protagonists themselves were anguishing about the fate of their ‘revolutions’, lamenting the dangers of conservative restora- tion or hijacking by free-riders. -
Port Raritancommissionoffers
VOLUME 46 No 41 South Amboy, N. J., Friday, January 14, 1927 Price Four Cents. PORT RARITAN COMMISSION OFFERS ENTERTAIN PARENT FOURTH CHAUTAUQUA PETITION URGES GIVING COUNTY MAIN TEACHERS ASS'N TUJESDAY, JAN. 25TH PLAN FOR WATERFRONT DEVELOPMENT Regular Monthly Meeting Tuesda Engaging Program Planned for Fi- ST. AND PAVING IT AS CONNECTING LINK Enjoys Program by Pupils. nal Event of Series. Would Reclaim Nearly 400 Acres Now Inundated—Urge St. .Mary's Parent-Tciachers Asso The fourth aiwi last of the Chau- Council Asked to Initiate Action—Ordinances Appointing elation held its regular monthly meet tauqua series of entertainments will Full^Cooperation of Property Owners—Ask For Condi ing on Tuesday of this week. be given in the high school auditor- Officials Adopted at Lengthy Session Opened With The attendance was good despit ium on Tuesday, Jan. 25th, both af- tional Options on Riparian Rights and Titles. the cold weather some parents travel ternoon and evening. Prayer. ing all tine way from Keyport to en- At 3:30 P. M. a musical prelude a joy the evening's entertainment. The Port Raxitan Commission pre- ===^^==^= will be given by the Betty Booth The paving of Main street from eented at the City Hall here Monday IMOITD ANf V AP|7rV'I\ The following program as pre Concert ,Co., and a special entertain- Washington avenue to Roses Corner sen ted speaks for itself; ment for the children will be pre- "• night a comprehensive plan for the Overture, "In the Middle of th, POLISH CITIZENS CLUB by (thb Board of Freeholders after (reclamation otf nearly four hundred sented by the famous ventriloquist, taking <yver the road 'by *hat body was Night", Alioe Kennedy, on the violin Frederick C. -
U.S.-Chinese Cooperation and Conflict in the Angolan Civil Arw
City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works Dissertations and Theses City College of New York 2014 U.S.-Chinese Cooperation and Conflict in the Angolan Civil arW Morgan Hess CUNY City College How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/cc_etds_theses/268 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] Abstract This study examines China’s role in the Angolan Civil War through the context of U.S.-Chinese rapprochement and the global Cold War. Based on declassified conversations between U.S. and Chinese officials along with declassified intelligence cables, government documents, and research in the United Nations archives this paper illuminates how China played a crucial role in escalating the Angolan Civil War and encouraged U.S. intervention in the conflict. This study builds on previous scholarship yet takes a new approach that emphasizes China played the primary role in intensifying the Angolan Civil War, not the U.S. or Soviet Union. ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! “Empty Cannons” U.S.-Chinese Cooperation and Conflict in the Angolan Civil War Morgan Hess Dr. Craig Daigle May 3rd, 2012 Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of (Fine) Arts of the City College of the City University of New York Table of Contents 1) Introduction 1 2) Portuguese Colonialism, African Resistance, and Angola’s Independence 5 3) U.S.-Chinese Diplomacy Surrounding Angola 14 4) Motives Behind China’s Angolan Policies 20 5) Foreign Aid, Intervention, and Escalation 26 6) Recognition of Angola and Effects of the War 39 7) Conclusion 42 8) Bibliography 46 ! Introduction Angola, China, and the United States.