U.S.-Chinese Cooperation and Conflict in the Angolan Civil Arw
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Revolution and Democracy: Sociopolitical Systems in the Context of Modernisation Leonid E
preview version Revolution and Democracy: Sociopolitical Systems in the Context of Modernisation Leonid E. Grinin and Andrey V. Korotayev Abstract The stability of socio-political systems and the risks of destabi- lisation in the process of political transformation are among the most im- portant issues of social development; the transition to democracy may pose a serious threat to the stability of a respective socio-political system. This article studies the issue of democratisation. It highlights the high economic and social costs of a rapid transition to democracy for countries unpre- pared for it—democracy resulting from revolutions or similar large-scale events. The authors believe that in a number of cases authoritarian regimes turn out to be more effective in economic and social terms than emerging democracies, especially those of a revolutionary type, which are often inca- pable of ensuring social order and may have a swing to authoritarianism. Effective authoritarian regimes can also be a suitable form of transition to an efficient and stable democracy. Using historical and contemporary examples, particularly the recent events in Egypt, the article investigates various correlations between revolutionary events and the possibility of es- tablishing democracy in a society. Keywords: democracy, revolution, extremists, counterrevolution, Isla- mists, authoritarianism, military takeover, economic efficiency, globali- sation, Egypt Introduction It is not surprising that in five years none of the revolutions of the Arab Spring has solved any urgent issues. Unfortunately, this was probably never a possibility. Various studies suggest a link between 110 preview version revolutions and the degree of modernisation of a society.1 Our research reveals that the very processes of modernisation, regardless of the level of consumption and the rate of population growth, is closely and organically linked to the risk of social and political upheaval, which can Leonid E. -
Democracy As an Effort Rayna Gavrilova, CEE Trust USAID/Bulgaria Closing Ceremony October 10, 2007, Sofia
Democracy as an Effort Rayna Gavrilova, CEE Trust USAID/Bulgaria Closing Ceremony October 10, 2007, Sofia Your Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, When I was invited to say a few words at the official closing of the United States Agency for International Development in Bulgaria, the first title that came to my mind was “Democracy as an Effort.” When change began, democracy for us was mostly about revolution – from Portugal’s Carnation Revolution, to Czechoslovakia’s Velvet Revolution, to Ukraine’s Orange Revolution. Eighteen years later, we already realize that democracy is most of all a constant effort made by citizens and institutions. The post- communist countries, including Bulgaria, were lucky not to have been left alone in this process. The international assistance for laying the foundations of liberal democracy and market economy came early and was timely. The United States was among the first countries to get involved. American public organizations such as USAID, non- governmental organizations and an impressive number of individuals made a long-lasting and systematic effort to elucidate and support this social order which, without doubt, remains the choice of the larger part of humanity. USAID left visible traces in Bulgarian social life. Today we hardly remember it, but through their programs a whole variety of previously unknown concepts, such as “rule of law,” “local government initiative,” “transparency”, and “entrepreneurship promotion” entered the Bulgarian vocabulary and practice, and are today the foundation of the state. Some of the terms which had no equivalent in the rigid vocabulary of socialism remain untranslated even today: probation, mediation, microcredit. -
The 'Colorful' Revolution of Kyrgyzstan: Democratic Transition
The ‘Colorful’ Revolution of Kyrgyzstan: Democratic Transition or Global Competition? Yilmaz Bingol* This paper aims to analyze the reasons behind the recent revolution of Kyrgyzstan. I will argue that explaining the revolution through just the rhetoric of “democracy and freedom” needs to be reassessed, as comparing with its geo-cultural environment; Kyrgyzstan had been the most democratic of Central Asian republics. Thus, the paper argues that global competition between US and China-Russia should seriously be taken under consideration as a landmark reason behind the Kyrgyz revolution. The “Rose Revolution” in Georgia and the “Orange Revolution” in Ukraine followed by yet another “colorful” revolution in Kyrgyzstan in the March of 2005. A group of opposition who were dissatisfied with the result of the Parliamentary Election taken place on February 27th and March 13th of 2005 upraised against incumbent regime of Askar Akayev. Accusing the incumbent regime with the felony and asking for more democracy and freedom, the opposition took over Akayev from the power and closed the last stage of the colorful revolution of Kyrgyzstan on March 24-25, 2005. Common characteristics of all these colorful revolutionist were that they all used rhetoric of “democracy and freedom,” and that they were all pro-western especially pro-American. It seems that it has become a tradition in the West to call such revolutions with the colorful names. This tradition may trace back to Samuel Huntington’s famous “third wave democracy” which was started with “Carnation Revolution” of Portugal in 1974. As Western politicians and academicians have often used such “colorful” names for post-communist and post-Soviet cases since then, they must have regarded these revolutions as the extension of what Huntington has called the “third wave”. -
SADF Military Operations
SADF Military Operations 1975 -1989 Contents 1 List of operations of the South African Border War 1 2 Operation Savannah (Angola) 3 2.1 Background .............................................. 3 2.2 Military intervention .......................................... 4 2.2.1 Support for UNITA and FNLA ................................ 5 2.2.2 Ruacana-Calueque occupation ................................ 5 2.2.3 Task Force Zulu ........................................ 5 2.2.4 Cuban intervention ...................................... 6 2.2.5 South African reinforcements ................................. 6 2.2.6 End of South African advance ................................ 6 2.3 Major battles and incidents ...................................... 6 2.3.1 Battle of Quifangondo .................................... 7 2.3.2 Battle of Ebo ......................................... 7 2.3.3 “Bridge 14” .......................................... 7 2.3.4 Battle of Luso ......................................... 7 2.3.5 Battles involving Battlegroup Zulu in the west ........................ 8 2.3.6 Ambrizete incident ...................................... 8 2.4 Aftermath ............................................... 8 2.5 South African order of battle ..................................... 9 2.6 Association .............................................. 9 2.7 Further reading ............................................ 9 2.8 References ............................................... 9 3 Operation Bruilof 13 3.1 Background ............................................. -
Russia's Role in the Horn of Africa
Russia Foreign Policy Papers “E O” R’ R H A SAMUEL RAMANI FOREIGN POLICY RESEARCH INSTITUTE • RUSSIA FOREIGN POLICY PAPERS 1 All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. Author: Samuel Ramani The views expressed in this report are those of the author alone and do not necessarily reflect the position of the Foreign Policy Research Institute, a non-partisan organization that seeks to publish well-argued, policy- oriented articles on American foreign policy and national security priorities. Eurasia Program Leadership Director: Chris Miller Deputy Director: Maia Otarashvili Editing: Thomas J. Shattuck Design: Natalia Kopytnik © 2020 by the Foreign Policy Research Institute July 2020 OUR MISSION The Foreign Policy Research Institute is dedicated to producing the highest quality scholarship and nonpartisan policy analysis focused on crucial foreign policy and national security challenges facing the United States. We educate those who make and influence policy, as well as the public at large, through the lens of history, geography, and culture. Offering Ideas In an increasingly polarized world, we pride ourselves on our tradition of nonpartisan scholarship. We count among our ranks over 100 affiliated scholars located throughout the nation and the world who appear regularly in national and international media, testify on Capitol Hill, and are consulted by U.S. government agencies. Educating the American Public FPRI was founded on the premise that an informed and educated citizenry is paramount for the U.S. -
The Origins of the Angolan Civil War
The Origins of the Angolan Civil War The Origins of the Angolan Civil War Foreign Intervention and Domestic Political Conflict Fernando Andresen Guimaraes First published in paperback in Great Britain 2001 by MACMILLAN PRESS LTD Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS and London Companies and representatives throughout the world A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN 978-1-349-26184-0 ISBN 978-0-333-97766-8 (eBook) DOI 10.1007/978-0-333-97766-8 First published in paperback in the United States of America 2001 by ST. MARTIN'S PRESS, LLC, Scholarly and Reference Division, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10010 ISBN 978-0-312-17512-2 cloth ISBN 978-0-333-91480-9 paperback The Library of Congress has cataloged the hardcover edition as follows: Guimaraes, Femando Andresen, 1965- The origins of the Angolan civil war: foreign intervention and domestic political conflict / Femando Andresen Guimaraes. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-312-17512-2 (cloth) I. Angola-History-Civil war, 1975- -Causes. 1. Title. DTl428.G85 1997 967.304-dc21 97-9652 CIP © Femando Andresen Guimaraes 1998. 200 I First edition 1998 Reprinted with new Preface 200 I All rights reserved. No reproduction. copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No paragraph of this publication may be reproduced. copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright. Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency. -
Independence, Intervention, and Internationalism Angola and the International System, 1974–1975
Independence, Intervention, and Internationalism Angola and the International System, 1974–1975 ✣ Candace Sobers Mention the Cold War and thoughts instinctively turn to Moscow, Washing- ton, DC, and Beijing. Fewer scholars examine the significant Cold War strug- gles that took place in the African cities of Luanda, Kinshasa, and Pretoria. Yet in 1975 a protracted war of national liberation on the African continent escalated sharply into a major international crisis. Swept up in the momen- tum of the Cold War, the fate of the former Portuguese colony of Angola captured the attention of policymakers from the United States to Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of Congo), Colombia to Luxembourg. The struggle over Angolan independence from Portugal was many things: the culmination of sixteen years of intense anti-colonial struggle and the launch of 28 years of civil war, a threat to white minority rule in southern Africa, and another battle on the long road to ending empire and colonialism. It was also a strug- gle to define and create a viable postcolonial state and to carry out a radical transformation of the sociopolitical structure of Angolan society. Recent scholarship on Angolan independence has provided an impres- sive chronology of the complicated saga yet has less to say about the wider consequences and ramifications of a crisis that, though located in southern Africa, was international in scope. During the anti-colonial struggle, U.S. sup- port reinforced the Portuguese metropole, contiguous African states harbored competing revolutionaries, and great and medium powers—including Cuba, China, and South Africa—provided weapons, combat troops, and mercenar- ies to the three main national liberation movements. -
Angola Background Paper
NATIONS UNIES UNITED NATIONS HAUT COMMISSARIAT HIGH COMMISSIONER POUR LES REFUGIES FOR REFUGEES BACKGROUND PAPER ON REFUGEES AND ASYLUM SEEKERS FROM ANGOLA UNHCR CENTRE FOR DOCUMENTATION AND RESEARCH GENEVA, APRIL 1999 THIS INFORMATION PAPER WAS PREPARED IN THE COUNTRY INFORMATION UNIT OF UNHCR’S CENTRE FOR DOCUMENTATION AND RESEARCH ON THE BASIS OF PUBLICLY AVAILABLE INFORMATION, ANALYSIS AND COMMENT, IN COLLABORATION WITH THE UNHCR STATISTICAL UNIT. ALL SOURCES ARE CITED. THIS PAPER IS NOT, AND DOES NOT, PURPORT TO BE, FULLY EXHAUSTIVE WITH REGARD TO CONDITIONS IN THE COUNTRY SURVEYED, OR CONCLUSIVE AS TO THE MERITS OF ANY PARTICULAR CLAIM TO REFUGEE STATUS OR ASYLUM. PREFACE Angola has been an important source country of refugees and asylum-seekers over a number of years. This paper seeks to define the scope, destination, and causes of their flight. The first and second part of the paper contains information regarding the conditions in the country of origin, which are often invoked by asylum-seekers when submitting their claim for refugee status. The Country Information Unit of UNHCR's Centre for Documentation and Research (CDR) conducts its work on the basis of publicly available information, analysis and comment, with all sources cited. In the third part, the paper provides a statistical overview of refugees and asylum-seekers from Angola in the main European asylum countries, describing current trends in the number and origin of asylum requests as well as the results of their status determination. The data are derived from government statistics made available to UNHCR and are compiled by its Statistical Unit. Table of Contents 1. -
Ufahamu: a Journal of African Studies
UCLA Ufahamu: A Journal of African Studies Title Directory: African Liberation Movements and Support Groups Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/85p33873 Journal Ufahamu: A Journal of African Studies, 3(2) ISSN 0041-5715 Author Berman, Sanford Publication Date 1972 DOI 10.5070/F732016403 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California -171- DII{CfORY: AFRICAN LIBERATIOO r1MltNTS AND SIFffiRT ---GIUPS*· by Sanford Berman (Ed. Note: Both this Directory and the Spring 1972 Bib Ziogrc:q;hy, "African Liberation Movements 11 (Vo Z. III, No. 1) will be regularly updated by the compiler in future issues. Additions and corrections should be directed to the Compiler, c/o UFAHAMU.) AFRICAN LIBERATIOO fiMI'fNTS Frente Nacional de Libertacao de Angola (FNLA/Angolan National -Liberation Front)§ ·- Founded in 1962 by merger of Uniao dos Populacoes de Angola (UPA) and Partido Democratico Angolano (PDA). Established Governo Revolucionario de Angola no Exilio (GRAE/Angolan Revolutionary Government in Exile) 1962. Leader and GRAE Premier: Holden Roberto. Zaire Republic: Ministere de l'Information, Planet Economie, G.R.A.E., B.P. 1320, Kinshasa. Organ: Actualites (no. 3 dated March 1971). §[Recognized by the O.A.U.] *Dates in parentheses f ollowing periodical titles repre sent first year of pubZication. The abbreviation "AIP" indicates that a full list of material may be found in the 2nd ed. of Alternatives in Print (Columbus, Ohio: Office of Educational Services, Ohio State University Libraries, 1972). -172- Movimento _PopuZar de Libertaaao de AngoZa (MPLA/PeopZe's Movement for the Liberation of AngoZa/Mouvement PopuZaire pour Za Liberation de Z'AngoZa)§ - Founded 10 Dec. -
The Portuguese Colonial War: Why the Military Overthrew Its Government
The Portuguese Colonial War: Why the Military Overthrew its Government Samuel Gaspar Rodrigues Senior Honors History Thesis Professor Temma Kaplan April 20, 2012 Rodrigues 2 Table of Contents Introduction ..........................................................................................................................3 Before the War .....................................................................................................................9 The War .............................................................................................................................19 The April Captains .............................................................................................................33 Remembering the Past .......................................................................................................44 The Legacy of Colonial Portugal .......................................................................................53 Bibliography ......................................................................................................................60 Rodrigues 3 Introduction When the Portuguese people elected António Oliveira de Salazar to the office of Prime Minister in 1932, they believed they were electing the right man for the job. He appealed to the masses. He was a far-right conservative Christian, but he was less radical than the Portuguese Fascist Party of the time. His campaign speeches appeased the syndicalists as well as the wealthy landowners in Portugal. However, he never was -
CHAPTER = ANGOLA the Bush and Reagan Administrations Have Been Quick to Criticize Human Rights Violations by the Angolan Government
@CHAPTER = ANGOLA The Bush and Reagan administrations have been quick to criticize human rights violations by the Angolan government. Among the abuses protested have been the intolerance of dissent, the use of land mines against civilians, and the holding of political detainees and prisoners. These serious abuses deserved the strong condemnation that they have received. However, both administrations have neglected serious violations by the U.S.-backed rebels seeking to overthrow the Angolan government, the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola ("UNITA"). @PAGE = This refusal to criticize rebel abuses stems from the Bush administration's unwavering support of UNITA and its leader, Jonas Savimbi. For 14 years UNITA has been seeking to topple Angola's post-independence government in a war that to date has resulted in the deaths of over 100,000 people, most of them civilians. The U.S. policy of funding UNITA, first initiated by President Reagan in late 1985, has if anything been solidified under President Bush. Even before President Bush took office, he wrote to Savimbi assuring him that "all appropriate and effective assistance" would continue. Then, in 1989, to compensate for the loss of South African military and economic assistance to UNITA, the Bush administration increased the level of U.S. covert aid for Savimbi to close to $50 million.<$F Although termed "covert," U.S. assistance is widely characterized as an "open secret." Savimbi himself made a public statement in June that Congress had renewed his aid, and was also quoted in Jeune Afrique magazine as saying that he had received $35 million in funding from the Central Intelligence Agency. -
MILITANT LIBERALISM and ITS DISCONTENTS: on the DECOLONIAL ORIGINS of ENDLESS WAR a Dissertation Presented to the Faculty Of
MILITANT LIBERALISM AND ITS DISCONTENTS: ON THE DECOLONIAL ORIGINS OF ENDLESS WAR A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Aaron B Gavin December 2017 © 2017 Aaron B Gavin MILITANT LIBERALISM AND ITS DISCONTENTS: ON THE DECOLONIAL ORIGINS OF ENDLESS WAR Aaron B Gavin, Ph. D. Cornell University 2017 MILITANT LIBERALISM AND ITS DISCONTENTS tells a story about the reinvention of liberalism during the era of decolonization. The dissertation shows how a persistent pattern of militant liberalism came to structure the postwar international order—one where the United States engages in militant action to protect the liberal international order from irredeemable illiberal threats, precisely when its hegemonic influence reaches its limit. While anti-totalitarianism and the war on terror are defining episodes in the development of this pattern, the dissertation argues that it was only liberalism’s encounter with decolonization that made the practice of militant liberalism ideologically coherent and enduring. After shattering the civilizational justifications of nineteenth century liberalism, decolonization provided militant liberals with a unique enemy, the Third World, upon which to distinguish and legitimate their own logic of violence, all while destroying alternative political possibilities arising out of the decolonial process. The dissertation explores these themes through four political thinkers—Isaiah Berlin, Louis Henkin, Frantz Fanon, and Carl Schmitt—and narrates a story about the legitimation of militant liberalism and the eventual rise of its discontents. On the one hand, Berlin and Henkin spoke of Thirdworldism as uniquely threatening: the former arguing that Thirdworldist nationalism often morphed into romantic self-assertion, and the latter claiming that Thirdworldists exploited state sovereignty allowing international terrorism to proliferate unbound.