Refugee Exodus from Somalia: Revisiting the Causes Hassan A

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Refugee Exodus from Somalia: Revisiting the Causes Hassan A Refugee Exodus from Somalia: Revisiting the Causes Hassan A. Mohamed Rhmc? needed to be rescued from themselves Cet article se propose d'exarniner les causes du conflit Somalien qui a (Rakia 1992). provoque l'exode de plus de deux millions de rkfugies. Par une approche It is unfortunate that the discourse historique du developpement de la tra@die, l'auteur offre une perspective on the crisis in Somalia has so far ig- plus complexe et tres differente de celle offerte par les medias qui se nored the complex historical develop- cantonnent dans des discussions simplistes et superficielles des symptbmes ment of the tragedy. Abdi Samatar actuels. Pour Hassan Mohammed, les causes de la crise Somalienne sont liees (1992, 626) aptly described the prob- Bun processus de desintegration de la societe civile et de ses valeurs sociales, lem: culturelleset politiques, une desintegration qui resulte de quatre evhements One of the casualties of the gruesome historiques: le decoupage de la nation et du territoire Somalien en plusieurs nightmare that is gripping Somalia entites; l'impact de la guerre froide; l'imposition de systemes politique, has been the capacity to thinkhistori- culture1 et educatif &rangers B la culture Somalienne; et enfin, la manipula- cally and systematically about the nature of the malady, and to find tion et l'exploitation des divisions claniques par l'elite politique afin de practical ways of controlling the demeurer au pouvoir. present in order to build a more sus- tainable future. Introduction stream explanations. The severity of the crisis in Somalia was largely un- The failure of "Operation Restore The most recent and probably the larg- known to the outside world prior to Hope" is an apt illustration of this est refugee exodus in the history of the the televised images of starving multi- point; the good intentionsof the opera- Horn of Africa started in Somalia in tudes and marauding armed young- tion made many innocent Somalis vic- 1988. By the end of 1992, the world had sters which attracted the world's tims rather than beneficiaries of the witnessed the ugly consequences of attention-eventually leading to the supposedly humanitarian interven- four years of civil war and famine that now famous "Operation Restore tion. had devastated Somalia and led to the Hope." But the impressions portrayed To understand fully the causes of disintegration of the state and civil so- gave neither an accurate picture nor the crisis, it is necessary to go beyond ciety. The destructive forces of war and adequately explained the genesis of the traditional scholarship which famine have claimed the lives of ap- the crisis. In most cases, the causes of tends to reduce the causes to a single proximately 350,000 Somalis and sent the current chaos and crises in Somalia factor, namely, Somali segmentary more than one million refugees to have been attributed to internal fac- clanism (Abdi Samatar 1992 and every corner of the globe. Most of the tors, such as "a senseless tribal war Keynan 1992). The causes behind the refugees fled to neighbouring coun- over state-control." This became the crisis are the result of an interplay of tries. According to sources such as U.S. standard premise for most of the popu- political, economic, sociocultural and Committee for Refugees (1993) and lar and academic writings on the crisis ecological factors that have been in the UNHCR (1993) there were about in Somalia. making for a long time (Wisner 1992; 400,000 Somali refugees in Ethiopia in The fixation on the immediate social Keynan 1992 and Abdi Samatar 1992). 1992, another 320,000 in Kenya and crisis-such as lawlessness, anarchy The correlations of these can be under- approximately 85,000 hosted by tiny and starvation-an be both mislead- stood from a historical perspective that Djibouti. Another 250,000 refugees ing and unjust. It is misleadingbecause views the disintegrationof indigenous were dispersed in Asia, Europe and the emphasis is on the symptoms and social systems and civil society as the North America. Besides, about two not on the causes of the situation. This consequences of: million people were internally dis- approach not only leads to inadequate 1. the impact of the colonial legacy placed (see Tables 1-4). understanding of the problems but is especially the partition of the So- This article discusses the causes of also unjust when the diagnosis prima- mali nation and territories; the Somali disaster from a different rily focuses on the single dimension of 2. the legacy of the Cold War; perspective than the standard main- internal factors, while ignoring exter- 3. the imposition of alien centralized nal and historical aspects. Such a sin- structures, systems of governance, gle-sided approach tended "to blame culture and education which con- the victims for their misery and agony" tributed to the disintegrationof the Hassan A. Mohamed is a doctoral candidateat the Centerforlntmtional Education, University (Keynan 1992) and resulted in the por- indigenous political, economic of Massachusetts at Amherst, and a research trayal of Somalis as "either gun-crazy and sociocultural modes of life and associate at CRS, Ymk University. looters or as hapless victims" that structures that were compatible 6 Refirge, Vol. 14, No. 1 (April 1994) I with the harsh and precarious en- which Britain later ceded to Kenya); by stable colonial rule elsewhere [in vironment of the Horn of Africa; Italian Somaliland in the south; French Africa]" (Harbeson 1991). Conse- ' and finally Somaliland (now Djibouti); and a large quently, this legacy gave birth to 4. the failure of the mentally colo- region known as Ogaden which all strong sentiments of Pan-Somalism, nized ruling elite to develop viable three European powers relinquished whose pursuit helped precipitate spo- alternatives to western values and portions of to Emperor Menelik of radic wars between Somalia and Ethio- systems of governance rather than Ethiopia as a reward for his collabora- pia. For example, the wars of 1960, resorting to the manipulation and tion (Lewis 1988; Harbeson 1991; 1963-64 and 1976-78 directly contrib- exploitation of the segmentary na- Zolberg 1992 and Sheikh-Abdi 1993). uted to several refugee populations. ture of the Somali social system in Only two parts of the Somali nation- Before we discuss Pan-So~alismletus order to stay in power. the former British Somaliland and first look at the role of the superpowers former Italian Somaliland--out of five during the Cold War era in the Horn of The Partition of the Somali Nation: gained independence and united, on Africa. A Colonial Legacy July 1,1960 to form the present Somali A major causal factor in the current Democratic Republic. For Somalis, one The Role of the Superpowers crisis is the impact of the colonial par- of the most devastating results of the The proximity of the Horn of Africa to tition of Somali nation into five sepa- colonial .partition was that it "frus- the Suez Canal and the oil rich Middle rate parts: British Somaliland in the trated Somqli national aspirations and East have made it attractive to foreign north; North Frontier District (NFD, fractured the basis for statehood laid involvement in its affairs. The United States and the former Soviet Union, driven by geopolitical and ideological motives, turned the Hornof Africa into one of the most bitterly contested bat- tlefields of the Cold War. Since the early 1960~~the superpowers-partly in response to the demands of their local clients-dumped massive amounts of deadly weapons into the region. Somalia and Ethiopia are among the poorest countries in the world, yet during the 1970s and 1980s their mili- tary rulers diverted tremendous amounts of national resources to build and sustain huge standing armies. One Somali writer, Keynan (1993) esti- mated that Somalia spent between 60 and 80 percent of its annual budget on defense. He put the annual public ex- penditure per soldier at $US 2,065; compared to, say, the salary of $US 100 to a senior lecturer at the Somali Na- tional University. The cost of soldiers weapons to the local people-deliv- ered in the form of loans and aid- exceeded $US 12 billion. For example, atfhe height of Ogaden war in "just five months, between November 1977 and March 1978, the Soviet Union dumped $US 2 billion worth of sophis- ticated weaponry in the Horn (Keynan 1992,6-7)." Today, the deadly arms in the hands of the Somalis that confront the UN multilateral military mission are the legacy of the Cold War (Zolberg 1992). There is no need to elaborate the Refuge, Vol. 14, No. 1 (April 1994) 7 role these arms have played in Soma- Ethiopian rule in Ogaden. Second, the were diverted to the diverse warring lia's ongoing destruction and refugee defeat had a negative psychological factions among the elite. exodus. impact on the morale and self-esteem of the population and set the stage for Tribalism in African Social Pan-Somalism: The Faded Dream the political disintegration of Somali Systems The post-colonial regimes of Somalia unity. Once the last hope for Pan- Son, the tribalism business is the spent considerable amounts of energy Somalism had vanished, all-of the re- work of the urban people. They cook and resources toward unification of sources, energy and sentiments that it there and then serve it to us. (Issa, the dismembered Somali nation. Pur- had been directed toward the external a peasant in Jowhar, spring 1990; suing this dream led to constant hos- enemies became a double edged sword Quoted by Abdi Samatar 1992,625). tilities and open warfare between that was now turned inward. Third, One of the major contentions of this Somalia and the neighbouring coun- people could no longer endure the paper is that the majority of Somalis do tries of Ethiopia and Kenya during the political, economic and social hard- not view tribalism as the cause of their 1960s.
Recommended publications
  • The Chair of the African Union
    Th e Chair of the African Union What prospect for institutionalisation? THE EVOLVING PHENOMENA of the Pan-African organisation to react timeously to OF THE CHAIR continental and international events. Th e Moroccan delegation asserted that when an event occurred on the Th e chair of the Pan-African organisation is one position international scene, member states could fail to react as that can be scrutinised and defi ned with diffi culty. Its they would give priority to their national concerns, or real political and institutional signifi cance can only be would make a diff erent assessment of such continental appraised through a historical analysis because it is an and international events, the reason being that, con- institution that has evolved and acquired its current trary to the United Nations, the OAU did not have any shape and weight through practical engagements. Th e permanent representatives that could be convened at any expansion of the powers of the chairperson is the result time to make a timely decision on a given situation.2 of a process dating back to the era of the Organisation of Th e delegation from Sierra Leone, a former member African Unity (OAU) and continuing under the African of the Monrovia group, considered the hypothesis of Union (AU). the loss of powers of the chairperson3 by alluding to the Indeed, the desirability or otherwise of creating eff ect of the possible political fragility of the continent on a chair position had been debated among members the so-called chair function. since the creation of the Pan-African organisation.
    [Show full text]
  • Russia's Role in the Horn of Africa
    Russia Foreign Policy Papers “E O” R’ R H A SAMUEL RAMANI FOREIGN POLICY RESEARCH INSTITUTE • RUSSIA FOREIGN POLICY PAPERS 1 All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. Author: Samuel Ramani The views expressed in this report are those of the author alone and do not necessarily reflect the position of the Foreign Policy Research Institute, a non-partisan organization that seeks to publish well-argued, policy- oriented articles on American foreign policy and national security priorities. Eurasia Program Leadership Director: Chris Miller Deputy Director: Maia Otarashvili Editing: Thomas J. Shattuck Design: Natalia Kopytnik © 2020 by the Foreign Policy Research Institute July 2020 OUR MISSION The Foreign Policy Research Institute is dedicated to producing the highest quality scholarship and nonpartisan policy analysis focused on crucial foreign policy and national security challenges facing the United States. We educate those who make and influence policy, as well as the public at large, through the lens of history, geography, and culture. Offering Ideas In an increasingly polarized world, we pride ourselves on our tradition of nonpartisan scholarship. We count among our ranks over 100 affiliated scholars located throughout the nation and the world who appear regularly in national and international media, testify on Capitol Hill, and are consulted by U.S. government agencies. Educating the American Public FPRI was founded on the premise that an informed and educated citizenry is paramount for the U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • FBI054535 ~~N Diaspora Customs Traditions :··
    ACLURM055018 FBI054535 US Somali Diaspora 8 Clan I0 Islamic Traditions II Flag . 12 Cultural Customs 16 Language ··13 .1ega[.Jssues .. :.... :"'. :·· .•... ;Appendix :,:·.\{ ... ~~N FBI054536 ACLURM055019 ~~ ~A~ History (U) 21 October. 1969: Corruption and a power vacuum in the Somali government Somalia, located at the Horn of Africa (U) culminate in a bloodless coup led by Major near the Arabian Peninsula, has been a General Muhammad Siad Barre. crossroads of civilization for thousands of years. Somalia played an important role in (U) 1969-1991: Siad Barre establishes the commerce of ancient Egyptians, and with a military dictatorship that divides and later Chinese, Greek, and Arab traders. oppresses Somalis. (U) 18th century: Somalis develop a (U) 27 January J99J: Siad Barre flees culture shaped by pastoral nomadism and Mogadishu, and the Somali state collapses~ adherence to Islam. Armed dan-based militias fight for power. (U) 1891-1960: European powers create (U) 1991-199S:The United Nations five separate Somali entities: Operation in Somalia (UNISOM) I and II- initially a US-led, UN-sanctioned multilateral » British Somaliland (north central). intervention-attempts to resolve the » French Somaliland (east and southeast). civil war and provide humanitarian aid. » Italian Somaliland (south). The ambitious UNISOM mandate to rebuild » Ethiopian Somaliland (the Ogaden). a Somali government threatens warlords' >> The Northern Frontier District (NFD) interests and fighting ensues. UN forces of Kenya. depart in 1995, leaving Somalia in a state (U) ., 960: Italian and British colonies of violence and anarchy. Nearly I million merge into the independent Somali Republic. refugees and almost 5 million people risk starvation and disease. Emigration rises (U} 1960-1969: Somalia remains sharply.
    [Show full text]
  • U.S.-Chinese Cooperation and Conflict in the Angolan Civil Arw
    City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works Dissertations and Theses City College of New York 2014 U.S.-Chinese Cooperation and Conflict in the Angolan Civil arW Morgan Hess CUNY City College How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/cc_etds_theses/268 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] Abstract This study examines China’s role in the Angolan Civil War through the context of U.S.-Chinese rapprochement and the global Cold War. Based on declassified conversations between U.S. and Chinese officials along with declassified intelligence cables, government documents, and research in the United Nations archives this paper illuminates how China played a crucial role in escalating the Angolan Civil War and encouraged U.S. intervention in the conflict. This study builds on previous scholarship yet takes a new approach that emphasizes China played the primary role in intensifying the Angolan Civil War, not the U.S. or Soviet Union. ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! “Empty Cannons” U.S.-Chinese Cooperation and Conflict in the Angolan Civil War Morgan Hess Dr. Craig Daigle May 3rd, 2012 Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of (Fine) Arts of the City College of the City University of New York Table of Contents 1) Introduction 1 2) Portuguese Colonialism, African Resistance, and Angola’s Independence 5 3) U.S.-Chinese Diplomacy Surrounding Angola 14 4) Motives Behind China’s Angolan Policies 20 5) Foreign Aid, Intervention, and Escalation 26 6) Recognition of Angola and Effects of the War 39 7) Conclusion 42 8) Bibliography 46 ! Introduction Angola, China, and the United States.
    [Show full text]
  • Armed Conflict in Somalia Reviewed from Armed Conflict and Peace Mission Perspective
    International Journal of Arts and Social Science www.ijassjournal.com ISSN: 2581-7922, Volume 4 Issue 4, July-August 2021 Armed Conflict in Somalia Reviewed From Armed Conflict and Peace Mission Perspective Yoga Rosmanto1, Rivaldo Noval Putra Santosa2 1(Peace and Conflict Resolution Department, Indonesia Defense University, Indonesia) 2(Peace and Conflict Resolution Department, Indonesia Defense University, Indonesia) ABSTRACT: Somalia is a failed state that is unable to perform its security and defense functions. Military coups and uprisings could not be suppressed, instead causing international conflicts that penetrated the civilian realm. This conflict which led to violence did not discourage the warring parties to immediately stop their actions. Most of the victims who fell were civilians who did not even know what the real purpose of war was. The research methods and approaches used are qualitative and literature studies. After analyzing, the results of this study found that when viewed from the historical timeline of the conflict in Somalia, this conflict has been going on for quite a long time, from 1991 to the present. Then, referring to the type of armed conflict, the conflict in Somalia is included in the type of Non-International Armed conflict, this is based on Article 1 Additional Protocol II of the Geneva Conventions. Furthermore, the result of the conflict in Somalia has resulted in the emergence of structural violence and direct violence. Where the violence is triggered by the presence of actors who make the conflict more heated, these actors include provocateurs, functional groups, and vulnerable groups. KEYWORDS -armed conflict, civil war, type of conflict, sources of conflict, conflict actors I.
    [Show full text]
  • Leading Factors for the Somalian Invasion of Ogaden: Foreign Intervention, and the Ethiopian Response (1977-1978)
    International Journal of Social Science Studies Vol. 6, No. 6; June 2018 ISSN 2324-8033 E-ISSN 2324-8041 Published by Redfame Publishing URL: http://ijsss.redfame.com Leading Factors for the Somalian Invasion of Ogaden: Foreign Intervention, and the Ethiopian Response (1977-1978) Wondim Tiruneh Zeleke1 1Instructor, Injibara College of Teachers’ Education, Department of Social Science, Ethiopia Correspondence: Wondim Tiruneh Zeleke, Instructor, Injibara College of Teachers’ Education, Department of Social Science, Ethiopia. Received: April 12, 2018 Accepted: April 26, 2018 Available online: May 25, 2018 doi:10.11114/ijsss.v6i6.3301 URL: https://doi.org/10.11114/ijsss.v6i6.3301 Abstract The main objective of this paper is to assess the historical out line on the Dynamics of Conflict and Intervention in North -East Africa: The Case Study on the Second Ethio- Somalian (Ogaden) War of 1977-1978. Hence, the Ogaden war, a brief but costly war fought between Ethiopia and Somalia that ended by the defeat of Somalia and her withdrawal in January, 1978 was seen differently by different sides. Opposing foreign intervention in civil wars has also been a central phenomenon of international politics. The war was aggravated by outsiders for many years and in 1970s, above all by the superpowers, namely, the USA and USSR, and also by their contingents. At the heart of the issues underlying the War in the Horn of Africa lie three legacies of the past: namely; European colonial rule; Somali irredentism; and superpowers intervention/ Afyare Abdi Elmi and Abdullahi Barise; 2006:45/. This conflict can be viewed as a meaningless tragedy for the people of the Horn of Africa in general and Somalia in particular.
    [Show full text]
  • “Buried in the Sands of the Ogaden”: the United States, the Horn of Africa and the Demise of Detente
    “Buried in the Sands of the Ogaden”: The United States, The Horn of Africa and The Demise of Detente. Louise Prentis Woodroofe London School of Economics and Political Science PhD International History UMI Number: U615656 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615656 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Abstract The decade of the 1970s, despite representing the era of detente, superficially appeared to be one of Soviet successes and American setbacks. From Vietnam to Angola, the USSR seemed to be gaining Marxist friends in the Third World. Because of this, the Soviet Union wanted the United States to recognize it as an equal power in the world. With such acknowledgement, the Kremlin believed that negotiations to limit the arms race would then be mutually beneficial. On the other hand, President Nixon and Secretary of State Kissinger interpreted detente as a series of agreements and compromises to draw Moscow into an international system through which the United States could exercise some control over Soviet foreign relations, particularly with the Third World.
    [Show full text]
  • Mohamed Osman Omar Somaliasomalia a Nation Driven to Despair
    SOMALIA : A Nation Driven to Despair Qaran La Jah-Wareeriyay MOHAMED OSMAN OMAR SOMALIASOMALIA A NATION DRIVEN TO DESPAIR A Case of Leadership Failure SOMALI PUBLICATIONS Mogadishu 2002 SOMALIA: A NATION DRIVEN TO DESPAIR Published in 1996 Reprint 2002 SOMALI PUBLICATIONS e-mail: [email protected] mosman [email protected] © Mohamed Osman Omar, 1996 All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy or any information storage and retrieval system, with- out permission in writing from the publishers. Typeset by Digigrafics, D-69 Gulmohar Park, New Delhi, 110049 Printed in India by Somali Publications at Everest Press, New Delhi Sources which have been consulted in the preparation of this book are referenced in footnotes on the appropriate text pages. Cover design: Nirmal Singh, Graphic Designer, New Delhi. Cover photo: Somalis on boat by UNHCR/P. Moumtzis-July 1992 Dedicated To The Somali People Contents Acknowledgement viii Foreword ix Preface xiii Prologue xvii After the Fall of Siad Chapter 1 Djibouti Conferences One & Two 1 Chapter 2 The Destructive War 9 Chapter 3 The World is Horror-Struck 19 Chapter 4 Attempts to End the Crisis 56 Chapter 5 Reconciliation Steps 67 Chapter 6 Addis Ababa Conference 81 Chapter 7 To Say Good-bye 109 Chapter 8 The Aftermath 142 Chapter 9 From Cairo to Nairobi 163 Chapter 10 Leadership Failure in Africa 168 Chapter 11 The African Initiative! 210 Chapter 12 Addis Ababa and Mogadishu: A Comparison 223 Chapter 13 Caught in the Fire 238 Chapter 14 Deepening the Crisis 257 Chapter 15 The Confrontation 278 Chapter 16 Conclusion 294 Songs of a Nomad Son 297 Appendices 299 Addis Ababa Agreements Interview UN Resolutions Index 379 ACKNOWLEDGMENT First and foremost I would like to express my profound gratitude to my mother, Sitey Sharif, my wife Mana Moallim, my children, my brothers and my sister for their moral support, although we are scattered, due to the difficult circumstances, in many places.
    [Show full text]
  • The Angolan Civil War – a Cold War Microcosm? In: Thomas Spielbuechler/Markus Wurzer (Hg.): Afrika – Zugänge Und Einordnungen
    Gesellschaft zur Förderung wissenschaftlicher Forschung und Publikation www.begutachtet.at [email protected] Thomas Schwärzler: The Angolan Civil War – A Cold War Microcosm? In: Thomas Spielbuechler/Markus Wurzer (Hg.): Afrika – Zugänge und Einordnungen. Afrikaforschung in Österreich, Linz 2017, S. 85–111. Dieser Artikel ist Teil eines Sammelbandes als Ergebnis der der Konferenz Afrika – Zugänge und Einordnungen, die vom 17. bis 18. November 2016 an der Johannes Kepler Universität Linz stattfand. Online abrufbar unter: http://epub.jku.at/nav/classification/1479225 ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- The online version of this and other articles can be found at the Repository of the Johannes Kepler University, Linz <http://epub.jku.at/nav/classification/1479225> Begutachtet.at is an open-access platform at the library of the Johannes Kepler University, Linz. Papers may be copied, distributed, displayed, performed and modified according to the Creative Commons Attribution ShareAlike 4.0 (CC BY-SA 4.0). The Angolan Civil War – A Cold War Microcosm? Thomas Schwärzler1 ABSTRACT: Following the independence of Angola in 1975, the country descended into a decades- lasting civil war between three indigenous movements who previously had fought for independence from Portugal. The first period of the civil war from 1975 until 1988 was characterized by significant involvements from several international actors, including South Africa, Cuba, the United States and the Soviet Union. Especially the involvement of the two superpowers and the dominating nature of the Cold War in international politics in the second half of the 20th century, raises the question, whether the Angolan civil war was a proxy war of the Global Cold War. Particularly the involvement of South Africa casts doubt on this notion since the apartheid-regime directed vast recourses towards preventing majority-ruled countries in southern Africa from consolidating their power to protect its domestic sociopolitical system.
    [Show full text]
  • The Ethiopian - Somali War, 1978 - 1979 Pdf, Epub, Ebook
    WINGS OVER OGADEN: THE ETHIOPIAN - SOMALI WAR, 1978 - 1979 PDF, EPUB, EBOOK Tom Cooper | 80 pages | 19 Apr 2015 | Helion & Company | 9781909982383 | English | Solihull, United Kingdom Wings Over Ogaden: The Ethiopian - Somali War, 1978 - 1979 PDF Book The air war was certainly an important part of the war, but the Soviet and Cuban advisors and Cuban ground forces on the Ethiopian side were also key. The seat of the government was usually in Amhara, but at times there were two or even three kings reigning at the same time. Portuguese Dragoons, John P. Other editions. Tom Cooper. Book Format. Leopold Scholz. Rhodesian Fire Force Kerrin Cocks. Pricing policy About our prices. Your question required. Read more Related Pages :. Start your free trial. This volume details the history and training of both Ethiopian and Somali air forces, their equipment and training, tactics used and kills claimed, against the backdrop of the flow of the Ogaden war. It set numerous aviation records and saw widespread service with a large Show More Show Less. Designed by Sydney Camm as a swept wing, daytime interceptor with excellent maneuverability, the Hunter Update location. By Tom Cooper. Showing However, excellently trained pilots of the Ethiopian Air Force took full advantage of their With Ethiopia in disarray following a period of severe internal unrest and the spread of insurgencies in Eritrea and Tigray, Ethiopia and its armed forces should have offered little opposition to well-equipped Somali armed forces which were unleashed to capture Ogaden, in July In the late s, as the Cold War between the US-led North Atlantic Treaty Organisation NATO and communist states of Central and Eastern Europe grouped within the Soviet dominated Warsaw Pact was heading for its next high point, rumours about an intensive conventional war between Ethiopia and Somalia began spreading through the circles of various military intelligence agencies and academies around the world.
    [Show full text]
  • CHAPTER = SOMALIA for the Past 20 Years, Somali President Mohamed Siad Barre Has Presided Over a One-Party Military Dictatorship
    @CHAPTER = SOMALIA For the past 20 years, Somali president Mohamed Siad Barre has presided over a one-party military dictatorship. His reign has been characterized by vicious discrimination against certain ethnic groups -- currently the Isaaqs in northern Somalia -- as well as political imprisonment, torture and summary executions, in an effort to suppress all dissent in Somalia. A long-simmering war in northern Somalia between the Somali National Movement ("SNM") and government forces erupted in May 1988 when the SNM launched military operations from Ethiopia. The army responded with a savage counterinsurgency campaign. Throughout the rest of 1988 and 1989, the Somali armed forces engaged in extensive efforts to deprive the SNM of civilian support -- members of the Isaaq clam make up most SNM combatants -- by driving Isaaq noncombatants from the country through such means as indiscriminate aerial bombardment, the widespread killings of civilians, the destruction of crops, cattle and food-storage facilities, the poisoning of wells, and the jailing of hundreds of political prisoners. Some 450,000 Somalis fled such attacks for Ethiopia, Djibouti and Kenya, and an additional 600,000 were displaced within Somalia. Until September 1989, the Bush administration's policy toward Somalia was largely a continuation of that of the Reagan administration. That policy was based on interest in the Berbera port as a strategic location -- it is viewed as an important staging area for the Indian Ocean, the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf. That interest provided the rationale to extend economic, military and diplomatic support to the U.S. ally in Mogadishu. At the same time, paradoxically, the administration went to considerable lengths to investigate the human rights situation in Somalia, and U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • The Horn of Africa: Regional Conflict and Super Power Involvement
    CANBERRA TO PERS ON STRATEGY AND DEFENCE "N O . 18 ) / MOHAMMED AYOOB The Horn of Africa: Regional Conflict and Super Power Involvement Canberra Papers on Strategy and Defence The Horn of Africa Regional Conflict and Super Power Involvement Mohammed Ayoob A publication of The Strategic and Defence Studies Centre The Research School of Pacific Studies The Australian National University Canberra 1978 Printed and Published in Australia at the Australian National University 1978 © 1978. Mohammed Ayoob This book is copyright. Apart from any fair dealing for the purposes of private study, research, criticism, or review as permitted under the Copyright Act, no part may be reproduced by any process without written permission. National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Ayoob, Mohammed, 1942- The Horn of Africa: Regional Conflict and Super Power Involvement. (Canberra papers on strategy and defence; no. 18). ISBN 0 909851 19 0 1. East Africa — Foreign relations. 2. Intervention (International law). I. Title. (Series). 327’.67 Designed by ANU Graphic Design Printed by Central Printing The Strategic and Defence Studies Centre, Research School of Pacific Studies, The Australian National University, Box 4 PO, Canberra ACT 2600. Regional rivalries in the Horn of Africa have been intense for many centuries but never has there been such a clash between neighbours as the present full- scale war between Ethiopia and Somalia. However this conflict is more than simply a local war between neighbours because of the involvement of the superpowers, the U.S.A. and the U.S.S.R., and several other regional powers. Furthermore it is a contest replete with dramatic changes and sudden switches of allegiance such as the shattering of the close military relationship between Ethiopia and the U.S.A., the expulsion of the Soviets from Somalia and the substantial military support given by the U.S.S.R.
    [Show full text]