Mohamed Osman Omar Somaliasomalia a Nation Driven to Despair

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Mohamed Osman Omar Somaliasomalia a Nation Driven to Despair SOMALIA : A Nation Driven to Despair Qaran La Jah-Wareeriyay MOHAMED OSMAN OMAR SOMALIASOMALIA A NATION DRIVEN TO DESPAIR A Case of Leadership Failure SOMALI PUBLICATIONS Mogadishu 2002 SOMALIA: A NATION DRIVEN TO DESPAIR Published in 1996 Reprint 2002 SOMALI PUBLICATIONS e-mail: [email protected] mosman [email protected] © Mohamed Osman Omar, 1996 All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy or any information storage and retrieval system, with- out permission in writing from the publishers. Typeset by Digigrafics, D-69 Gulmohar Park, New Delhi, 110049 Printed in India by Somali Publications at Everest Press, New Delhi Sources which have been consulted in the preparation of this book are referenced in footnotes on the appropriate text pages. Cover design: Nirmal Singh, Graphic Designer, New Delhi. Cover photo: Somalis on boat by UNHCR/P. Moumtzis-July 1992 Dedicated To The Somali People Contents Acknowledgement viii Foreword ix Preface xiii Prologue xvii After the Fall of Siad Chapter 1 Djibouti Conferences One & Two 1 Chapter 2 The Destructive War 9 Chapter 3 The World is Horror-Struck 19 Chapter 4 Attempts to End the Crisis 56 Chapter 5 Reconciliation Steps 67 Chapter 6 Addis Ababa Conference 81 Chapter 7 To Say Good-bye 109 Chapter 8 The Aftermath 142 Chapter 9 From Cairo to Nairobi 163 Chapter 10 Leadership Failure in Africa 168 Chapter 11 The African Initiative! 210 Chapter 12 Addis Ababa and Mogadishu: A Comparison 223 Chapter 13 Caught in the Fire 238 Chapter 14 Deepening the Crisis 257 Chapter 15 The Confrontation 278 Chapter 16 Conclusion 294 Songs of a Nomad Son 297 Appendices 299 Addis Ababa Agreements Interview UN Resolutions Index 379 ACKNOWLEDGMENT First and foremost I would like to express my profound gratitude to my mother, Sitey Sharif, my wife Mana Moallim, my children, my brothers and my sister for their moral support, although we are scattered, due to the difficult circumstances, in many places. Without their understanding and blessing I would not have been able to work on this book. My beloved father Osman Omar known by many as Iman Omar passed away in 1990. He was a great man. Allah Bless his soul. My sincere thanks are due to the Indian Ministry of External Affairs for its valuable support to the Somali nationals who live in this great country and particularly to the Somali Embassy in India. To the many African and Arab brothers who help the Somali Embassy in Delhi I tender my heartfelt appreciation. The office which was always ready to provide me with United Nations documents relating to Somalia is UNIC in New Delhi, and I am very grateful to it. My gratitude to Hari Sharan Chhabra for his academic advice.I extend my thanks to Hussein M. Nur Haraco who allowed me to read his collection of personal press cuttings and documents and for reading the proof of my manuscript. Many African colleagues, Ambassadors and High Commissioners in New Delhi with whom I exchanged views on African issues and developments in different African countries deserve my gratitude. I owe special thanks to my colleagues in the Embassy for their cooperation. I thank my My driver, I. Edward, who has always helped me to solve my various problems, particularly my transport problem. Finally, to all my friends, wherever they may be, who keep in touch with me during this hardship period of our life, I say ‘thank you for your friendship and God bless you all’. M.O.O. FOREWORD “Things fall apart; the centre cannot hold Mere anarchy is loosed upon the world”. The tragic situation in Somalia in the past half decade is reflected in the above lines. The state in Somalia has collapsed as a result of intense civil war and power struggle without restraint. It is an irony of fate that this country which became independent over three and a half decades ago with an unenviable advantage over other African countries, having an ethnically homogeneous population, has now become a mere geographical expression. For the past half decade Somalia has had no internationally recognised polity, no national administration exercising real authority, no formal legal system, no civil administration and no public health institutions. All its infrastructure has been destroyed during the civil war. Normal meaningful economic activities have been brought to a standstill, a tragic situation graphically described in Ambassador Mohamed Osman Omar’s earlier book, The Road To Zero: Somalia’s Self-Destruction (1992) and in his present book aptly entitled: Somalia: A Nation Driven To Despair. In the present book the author has presented a panoramic view of developments in Somalia from the fall of Siad Barre in January 1991 to the x Foreword withdrawal of the UN from Somalia in March 1995. As the author rightly points out, the Somali nation, artificially divided by colonialism into five parts (British Somaliland, Italian Somaliland, French Somaliland (now Djibouti), the Ogaden region in Ethiopia and the Northern Frontier District of Kenya), has suffered for over 30 years in one form or another. The corrupt regimes that came to power during the years after independence only created division, malpractices and nepotism which facilitated the military coup led by Mohamed Siad Barre in 1969. The military regime aggravated the problems and deepened the divisions among the people. The people became disgusted with the regime of Siad Barre and thought that any change would be better. Everyone had suffered under Siad Barre’s 21 year old tyrannical rule. Opposition movements promising justice, equality and democracy took over the country and Siad Barre was overthrown in January 1991. But the leaders who came to power in Mogadishu without prior consultation with the different groups who had fought against Siad Barre unilaterally appointed a President, thus paving the way for widespread violence and bloodshed, degenerating into total anarchy. The country has been at war with itself ever since the overthrow of Siad Barre in January 1991. In one year alone (1992) war and drought have taken 350,000 innocent human lives in Somalia. According to reports, as many as 2,000 people, mostly children and women died daily in Somalia in addition to many more thousands who were made hapless refugees in neighbouring countries. The tragedy in Somalia posed one of the greatest humanitarian and political challenges to the international community. Somalia, once known as the Foreword xi problem child of Africa, became the problem child of the international community. No wonder, the otherwise proud people of Somalia widely welcomed the US ‘mercy mission’ code named “Operation Restore Hope” and successive United Nations Operations. Beyond humanitarianism, what the country needs is unity, democracy and development. By tradition and history, the Somalis are a democratic people and semi-direct democracy has marked their normal way of political, social and economic life in the past. Even though the Somalis had suffered grievously under 75 years of colonialism and 35 years of neo-colonialism, they have shown robust resilience repairing and rebuilding their collapsed polity and economy. Following the US intervention in December 1992, many Somalis felt that through “Operation Restore Hope” by facilitating the empowerment of a civil society and pursuing creative diplomatic efforts, they could have enabled the US to play mid-wife in the process of state reconstruction in Somalia. The United Nations had an excellent opportunity in Somalia. It could have built on the solid base created by ORH, initiated soon after the UN took over. It is unfortunate that the UN could not deliver the goods through UNOSOM-I and UNOSOM-II. At any rate Somalia, a part of which (Italian Somaliland) was under the UN Trusteeship System during the 1950s, would still need UN humanitarian and development assistance, including support for local NGOs. The democratic option for Somalia cannot be forgotten. Democracy can find indigenous roots. Historically, Somalis have lived in societies with rules but without rulers as depicted in I.M. Lewis’s study on “Pastoral Democracy” (1969). The democratic xii Foreword state renewal option would have several advantages for Somalia: it is compatible with the traditional consociational structure and mechanisms: it offers a real antithesis to the detested Siad military dictatorship and it situates Somali struggles within the ongoing global democratic movement, also making the country more amenable to international assistance necessary for rapid reconstruction and development. Consociational democracy recognises and acknowledges ethnic, clan and religious cleavages in constituting membership of governments and national commissions. Ambassador Mohamed Osman Omar while succinctly describing the causes and characteristics of the crisis in Somalia rightly points out that the pursuit of narrow self-interests without restraint has brought total anarchy in the country. A handful of the leaders want to rule over the rest. The relentless and unprincipled struggle for power by any means has set the entire nation aflame. The author has lucidly provided a description of developments in Somalia from the vantage point of a participant- observer. The author deserves lavish praise for his enthusiasm, scholarship and emotional involvement which have enabled him to provide the reader with an excellent account of the tragic developments in Somalia in recent years. This well documented and carefully made survey deserves and should receive widest readership and appreciation. Professor K. Mathews, Head of the Department of African Studies, University of Delhi. PREFACE Ever since the early days of our independence, the Somali people have hardly enjoyed the fruits of freedom, peace and development, and scarcely realised the dreams of the freedom fighters against colonialism. From 1960 to 1969 our rulers failed to lay the foundation of the stable democratic system which we tried to adopt.
Recommended publications
  • The Security Bazaar Aisha Ahmad Business Interests and Islamist Power in Civil War Somalia
    The Security Bazaar The Security Bazaar Aisha Ahmad Business Interests and Islamist Power in Civil War Somalia Many intractable civil wars take place in countries with large Muslim populations.1 In these pro- tracted conºicts, Islamists are often just one of many actors ªghting in a com- plex landscape of ethnic, tribal, and political violence. Yet, certain Islamist groups compete exceptionally well in these conºicts. Why do Islamists some- times gain power out of civil war stalemates? Although much of the existing research points to either ethnic or religious motivations, I argue that there are also hard economic reasons behind the rise of Islamist power.2 In this article, I offer a micro-political economy model of Islamist success in civil war that highlights the role of an important, but often-overlooked, class: the local busi- ness community. The convergence of business and Islamist interests is relevant across a wide range of cases of contemporary civil war. In present-day Syria and Iraq, jihadi groups have built strong ties to smuggling and criminal networks to fund their Aisha Ahmad is Assistant Professor at the University of Toronto and a former fellow of the International Se- curity Program at the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs at Harvard University. The author is especially grateful to outstanding colleagues in Kenya and Somalia, including Jabril Abdulle, Sahal Abdulle, Dr. Ibrahim Farah, Dr. Yahya Amir Ibrahim, and Dr. Deqo Mohamed. The author also thanks Theodore McLauchlan, Stephen Saideman, Stuart Soroka, and the anonymous reviewers for comments on earlier drafts, as well seminar and workshop participants at the Belfer Center and McGill University who provided helpful feedback.
    [Show full text]
  • The Gulf Crisis: the Impasse Between Mogadishu and the Regions 4
    ei September-October 2017 Volume 29 Issue 5 The Gulf Engulfing the Horn of Africa? Contents 1. Editor's Note 2. Entre le GCC et l'IGAD, les relations bilatérales priment sur l'aspect régional 3. The Gulf Crisis: The Impasse between Mogadishu and the regions 4. Turkish and UAE Engagement in Horn of Africa and Changing Geo-Politics of the Region 1 Editorial information This publication is produced by the Life & Peace Institute (LPI) with support from the Bread for the World, Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida) and Church of Sweden International Department. The donors are not involved in the production and are not responsible for the contents of the publication. Editorial principles The Horn of Africa Bulletin is a regional policy periodical, monitoring and analysing key peace and security issues in the Horn with a view to inform and provide alternative analysis on on-going debates and generate policy dialogue around matters of conflict transformation and peacebuilding. The material published in HAB represents a variety of sources and does not necessarily express the views of the LPI. Comment policy All comments posted are moderated before publication. Feedback and subscriptions For subscription matters, feedback and suggestions contact LPI’s Horn of Africa Regional Programme at [email protected]. For more LPI publications and resources, please visit: www.life-peace.org/resources/ Life & Peace Institute Kungsängsgatan 17 753 22 Uppsala, Sweden ISSN 2002-1666 About Life & Peace Institute Since its formation, LPI has carried out programmes for conflict transformation in a variety of countries, conducted research, and produced numerous publications on nonviolent conflict transformation and the role of religion in conflict and peacebuilding.
    [Show full text]
  • Clan – Based Federalism in Somalia and Relationship Between The
    T.C. ANKARA YILDIRIM BEYAZIT UNIVERSITY GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES CLAN – BASED FEDERALISM IN SOMALIA AND RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT AND FEDERAL MEMBER STATES MASTER THESIS HAMDİ ALİ MUSSE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION ANKARA 2020 T.C. ANKARA YILDIRIM BEYAZIT UNIVERSITY GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES CLAN – BASED FEDERALISM IN SOMALIA AND RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT AND FEDERAL MEMBER STATES MASTER THESIS HAMDİ ALİ MUSSE DEPARMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION Supervisor Assistant Professor Selcen ÖZKAN ANKARA 2020 ACCEPTATION AND CONFIRMATION PAGE The thesis, prepared by HAMDI ALI MUSSE and titled “CLAN–BASED FEDERALISM IN SOMALIA AND RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT AND FEDERAL MEMBER STATES”, is accepted as a master thesis at Ankara Yildirim Beyazit University, Institute of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science and Public Administration by unanimous vote/majority vote. Tittle Name Surname Institution Signature Ankara Yıldırım Assist. Prof. Dr. Selcen ÖZKAN Beyazıt University Ankara Yıldırım Assoc. Prof. Dr. Ayşe Çolpan YALDIZ Beyazıt University Assist. Prof. Dr. Feriha YILDIRIM Gazi University Thesis Defense Date: 11.11.2020 I approve that the thesis fulfills the necessities to be deemed a master thesis at Ankara Yildirim Beyazit University, Institute of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science and Public Administration. Director of the Graduate School of Social Sciences Title Name Surname DECLARATION I hereby declare that this Master thesis titled Clan–based federalism in Somalia and relationship between the Federal government and Federal member states has been prepared in accordance with the thesis writing of manual of the graduate school of Social science.
    [Show full text]
  • The Chair of the African Union
    Th e Chair of the African Union What prospect for institutionalisation? THE EVOLVING PHENOMENA of the Pan-African organisation to react timeously to OF THE CHAIR continental and international events. Th e Moroccan delegation asserted that when an event occurred on the Th e chair of the Pan-African organisation is one position international scene, member states could fail to react as that can be scrutinised and defi ned with diffi culty. Its they would give priority to their national concerns, or real political and institutional signifi cance can only be would make a diff erent assessment of such continental appraised through a historical analysis because it is an and international events, the reason being that, con- institution that has evolved and acquired its current trary to the United Nations, the OAU did not have any shape and weight through practical engagements. Th e permanent representatives that could be convened at any expansion of the powers of the chairperson is the result time to make a timely decision on a given situation.2 of a process dating back to the era of the Organisation of Th e delegation from Sierra Leone, a former member African Unity (OAU) and continuing under the African of the Monrovia group, considered the hypothesis of Union (AU). the loss of powers of the chairperson3 by alluding to the Indeed, the desirability or otherwise of creating eff ect of the possible political fragility of the continent on a chair position had been debated among members the so-called chair function. since the creation of the Pan-African organisation.
    [Show full text]
  • Interview with the Late Abdullahi Qarshe (1994) at the Residence of Obliqe Carton in Djibouti
    Interview with the late Abdullahi Qarshe (1994) at the Residence of Obliqe Carton in Djibouti Mohamed-Rashid Sheikh Hassan mrsh: Let us start with the basics. When and where were you born? aq: I was born in Moshe, Tanzania, in 1924. mrsh: People know you as Abdullahi Qarshe, but what is your real name? aq: Oh, yes, that is true. My real name is Mahmud Muhammad, and Qarshe was the nickname of my father. He was a businessman and trader in the livestock business in East Africa. He was regarded as a frugal man and was fortunate in business. We were five brothers and one sister. We lived in a big house on the outskirts of Moshe. mrsh: Tell us more about the background of your family and the rea- son your father moved to Tanzania. aq: My father emigrated from Sanaag region in what was at that time called British Somaliland. In those days, emigration (tacabbir) was pop- ular. Men used to travel for work and a better life, but it was not an easy task. Those who emigrated to East Africa, my father included, went through southern Somalia first of all, then proceeded to Tanza- nia. They had to travel by road or foot through harsh and unfriendly territories. Some of the migrants died along the way, and my father was one of the fortunate who survived. In the Sanaag region, my father’s family lived in the Maydh district. They were involved in the fish industry and the exportation of live- stock and animal hides, as well as timber, to the Gulf countries.
    [Show full text]
  • Kenya-Somalia Maritime Row: a Colonial Dispute to Secure Western Masters' Interests
    F Kenya-Somalia Maritime Row: A Colonial Dispute to Secure Western Masters' Interests News: A row over a maritime territorial area in the Indian Ocean between Kenya and Somalia has escalated after Nairobi decided to cut diplomatic relations with Mogadishu over a claim that the latter had auctioned oil blocks located in a disputed border area. At the centre of the dispute is a narrow triangle on the Indian Ocean measuring 62,000 square miles. (standardmedia.co.ke) Comment: Somalia's Federal Government based in Mogadishu and led by Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed "Farmajo" is a pro-US regime. Since Farmajo came to power on 16 February 2017, his regime has been facing hostility from pro-UK regional states of Somalia's Federal member states led by Ahmed Mohamed Islam "Sheikh Ahmed Madobe" who is the leader/president of Jubaland State of Somalia whose capital is Kismayo. The pro-UK regional leaders organized their first meeting on October 2017 and their second meeting on September 2018 which was attended by presidents — Abdiweli Mohamed Ali Gaas (Puntland), Ahmed Duale Gelle (Galmudug), Mohamed Abdi Ware (Hirshabelle), Sharif Hassan Sheikh Aden (South West State) and Sheikh Ahmed Madobe of Jubaland, who hosted the meeting. The common sentiments in both the meetings the leaders called for the suspension of co-operation between regional states and the centre (Mogadishu) on the pretext that President Farmajo’s inability to fight Al Shabaab and his continued interference in the internal affairs of the federal states. Sheikh Ahmed Madobe was the governor of Kismayo from 2006 under the Islamic Union Courts (ICU) before the pro-US Ethiopian invasion disbanded ICU.
    [Show full text]
  • FBI054535 ~~N Diaspora Customs Traditions :··
    ACLURM055018 FBI054535 US Somali Diaspora 8 Clan I0 Islamic Traditions II Flag . 12 Cultural Customs 16 Language ··13 .1ega[.Jssues .. :.... :"'. :·· .•... ;Appendix :,:·.\{ ... ~~N FBI054536 ACLURM055019 ~~ ~A~ History (U) 21 October. 1969: Corruption and a power vacuum in the Somali government Somalia, located at the Horn of Africa (U) culminate in a bloodless coup led by Major near the Arabian Peninsula, has been a General Muhammad Siad Barre. crossroads of civilization for thousands of years. Somalia played an important role in (U) 1969-1991: Siad Barre establishes the commerce of ancient Egyptians, and with a military dictatorship that divides and later Chinese, Greek, and Arab traders. oppresses Somalis. (U) 18th century: Somalis develop a (U) 27 January J99J: Siad Barre flees culture shaped by pastoral nomadism and Mogadishu, and the Somali state collapses~ adherence to Islam. Armed dan-based militias fight for power. (U) 1891-1960: European powers create (U) 1991-199S:The United Nations five separate Somali entities: Operation in Somalia (UNISOM) I and II- initially a US-led, UN-sanctioned multilateral » British Somaliland (north central). intervention-attempts to resolve the » French Somaliland (east and southeast). civil war and provide humanitarian aid. » Italian Somaliland (south). The ambitious UNISOM mandate to rebuild » Ethiopian Somaliland (the Ogaden). a Somali government threatens warlords' >> The Northern Frontier District (NFD) interests and fighting ensues. UN forces of Kenya. depart in 1995, leaving Somalia in a state (U) ., 960: Italian and British colonies of violence and anarchy. Nearly I million merge into the independent Somali Republic. refugees and almost 5 million people risk starvation and disease. Emigration rises (U} 1960-1969: Somalia remains sharply.
    [Show full text]
  • UNPLAN Republic of Congo 2002 English
    UN PLAN 2002 Together... Republic of Congo (Brazzaville) UN COUNTRY TEAM Published by the Office of the United Nations Resident Coordinator and Humanitarian Coordinator BP 465, Avenue Foch, Brazzaville, Republic of Congo Telephone: (242) 81 03 88 Facsimilie: (242) 81 16 79 E-mail: [email protected] REPUBLIC OF CONGO FAO ILO IOM UNDP UNESCO UNFPA UNHCR UNICEF WFP WHO ...from the ground up Congo is located in western central Africa astride the equator. It borders Gabon, Cameroon, the Cen- tral African Republic, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and the Angolan exclave of Cabinda, with a short stretch of coast along the South Atlantic. Congo is divided into 11 administrative regions (Brazzaville, the Capital, constitutes a region). C INTRODUCTION ONTENTS Foreword 4 Executive Summary 5 UN Country Team Goals 6 COUNTRY BRIEF History 9 Civil War 10 Foundations for Peace 11 Building Democratic Institutions 12 Economic Management 13 CROSS-SECTOR THEMES Responding to Emergency 16 Gender Equity 17 HIV/AIDS 19 Human Rights 20 Poverty Reduction 22 SECTORS Agriculture, Food Security and Nutrition 23 Children and Family 25 Culture and Communications 26 Education and Science 27 Employment and Income-Generation 29 Environment 30 Health 31 Refugees 33 Reintegration Ex-Combatants 34 Water, Hygiene and Sanitation 35 UN PROJECTS FOR 2002 UN PROJECTS FOR 2002 Project Index 38 Project Index PARTNERS NGOS 82 FOREWORD This is the second year that we have produced an all-in-one ‘UN Plan’ for our work in Republic of Congo, fusing together the elements of the United Nation’s humanitarian OREWORD appeal, its common assessment, and its development framework into a unitary approach.
    [Show full text]
  • Panellists' Bios
    A Decade after Rwanda: The United Nations and the Responsibility to Protect A Panel Discussion on the tenth anniversary of the Rwanda genocide Biographies of the Panellists ANYIDOHO, Henry Kwami Major-General (retired) Henry Kwami Anyidoho, a graduate of the Ghana Military Academy, is one of Ghana’s most distinguished military officers. During his almost 41 years of service in the Ghana Armed Forces, he held numerous command positions, including Commander of the Army Signal Regiment, Commandant of the Military Academy and Training Schools, Director-General Logistics, Joint Operations and Plans at the General Headquarters of the Ghana Armed Forces and General Officer commanding the Northern Command of the Ghana Army. General Anyidoho’s involvement in international peacekeeping operations includes the UN Emergency Force II (UNEF II) at the Sinai; the UN Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) for which he was the chief military press and information officer in the early 1980s; the ECOMOG forces sent to Liberia in 1990; and the UN Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC). He served as Deputy Force Commander and Chief of Staff of the United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR), where he lived and operated throughout the civil war. Thereafter he was posted to the Ministry of Defence of Ghana, as the Special Assistant to the Minister of Defence and a member of the IPA/OAU task force on the Mechanism for Conflict Prevention Management and Resolution. He was the UN expert that prepared the document for discussion at the first meeting of the Heads of the Armed Forces of the OAU central organ in Addis Ababa in June 1996.
    [Show full text]
  • Refugee Exodus from Somalia: Revisiting the Causes Hassan A
    Refugee Exodus from Somalia: Revisiting the Causes Hassan A. Mohamed Rhmc? needed to be rescued from themselves Cet article se propose d'exarniner les causes du conflit Somalien qui a (Rakia 1992). provoque l'exode de plus de deux millions de rkfugies. Par une approche It is unfortunate that the discourse historique du developpement de la tra@die, l'auteur offre une perspective on the crisis in Somalia has so far ig- plus complexe et tres differente de celle offerte par les medias qui se nored the complex historical develop- cantonnent dans des discussions simplistes et superficielles des symptbmes ment of the tragedy. Abdi Samatar actuels. Pour Hassan Mohammed, les causes de la crise Somalienne sont liees (1992, 626) aptly described the prob- Bun processus de desintegration de la societe civile et de ses valeurs sociales, lem: culturelleset politiques, une desintegration qui resulte de quatre evhements One of the casualties of the gruesome historiques: le decoupage de la nation et du territoire Somalien en plusieurs nightmare that is gripping Somalia entites; l'impact de la guerre froide; l'imposition de systemes politique, has been the capacity to thinkhistori- culture1 et educatif &rangers B la culture Somalienne; et enfin, la manipula- cally and systematically about the nature of the malady, and to find tion et l'exploitation des divisions claniques par l'elite politique afin de practical ways of controlling the demeurer au pouvoir. present in order to build a more sus- tainable future. Introduction stream explanations. The severity of the crisis in Somalia was largely un- The failure of "Operation Restore The most recent and probably the larg- known to the outside world prior to Hope" is an apt illustration of this est refugee exodus in the history of the the televised images of starving multi- point; the good intentionsof the opera- Horn of Africa started in Somalia in tudes and marauding armed young- tion made many innocent Somalis vic- 1988.
    [Show full text]
  • Human Rights and Security in Central and Southern Somalia
    Danish 2/2004 Immigration Service ENG Human rights and security in central and southern Somalia Joint Danish, Finnish, Norwegian and British fact-finding mission to Nairobi, Kenya 7- 21 January 2004 Copenhagen, March 2004 The Danish Immigration Service Ryesgade 53 DK-2100 Copenhagen Ø Phone: + 45 35 36 66 00 Website: www.udlst.dk E-mail: [email protected] List of reports on fact finding missions in 2003 and 2004 Sikkerheds- og beskyttelsesforhold for minoritetsbefolkninger, kvinder og børn i Somalia Marts 2003: 1 Menneskerettighedsforhold i Burundi Maj 2003: 2 Dobbeltstraf mv. i Serbien Maj 2003:3 Joint British-Danish Fact Finding Mission to Damascus, Amman and Geneva on Conditions in Iraq August 2003: 4 Indrejse- og opholdsbetingelser for statsløse palæstinensere i Libanon November 2003: 5 Sikkerheds- og menneskeretsforhold for rohingyaer i Burma og Bangladesh December 2003: 6 Fact-finding mission til Amman vedrørende asylrelevante forhold i Irak Januar 2004: 1 Human rights and security in central and southern Somalia Marts 2004 : 2 Human rights and security in central and southern Somalia Introduction........................................................................................................................5 1 Political developments ...................................................................................................7 1.1 Peace negotiations in Kenya ......................................................................................................7 1.2 Agreement on new Transitional Charter..................................................................................10
    [Show full text]
  • AFRICA Al-Shabaab Down but Not Out
    AFRICA Al-Shabaab Down But Not Out OE Watch Commentary: The fight against al-Shabaab in Somalia has been going on for several years, and there have been reports that the terrorist group has been losing strength and territory. Nevertheless, it is still able to mount significant operations against the Somali National Army, the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), and members of the Somali government. As the accompanying excerpted article from The East African reports, not only does the group extort money from businesses in rural areas, but it also operates in the capital city, Mogadishu (from where it was forced out in 2011). Since President Farmaajo assumed office two years ago, AMISOM has reportedly not liberated any new territory. One reason for this might be that the nations contributing troops to that mission frequently pursue different strategies and interests, thus presenting less than a unified Although al Shabaab has been weakened by AMISOM forces and the Somali National Army, it is still able to launch devastating attacks in the country. front. Still another reason might be, with 2020 elections Source: Skilla1st via Wikimedia, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Djiboutian_forces_artillery_ready_to_fire_on_Al-Shabaab_militants_near_the_town_of_ Buula_Burde,_Somalia.jpg, CC BY-SA 4.0 approaching, Farmaajo’s government is distracted. Additionally, Farmaajo has poor relations with the leaders of three regional states, possibly compounding the central government’s diificulties in combating the terrorists. While Somali domestic politics play out, and AMISOM shows its fractures, al-Shabaab has taken advantage of the situation to infiltrate government agencies. The killing of Mogadishu’s mayor by one of his staff members who turned out to be a suicide bomber bears testament to that.
    [Show full text]