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UGETSUMONOGATARI, KAIDAN, AKINARI: AN EXAMINATION OF THE REALITY OF THE SUPERNATURAL IN EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY JAPAN

DISSERTATION

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University

By

Noriko T. Reider, M.A.

*****

The Ohio State University 1997

Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Shelley F. Quinn, Adviser

Professor Richard Torrance Adviser Professor Fumiko Tôgasaki East Asian Languages and Literatures UMI Mumber: 9801769

Copyright 1997 by Reider, Noriko Tsunoda

All rights reserved.

UMI Microform 9801769 Copyright 1997, by UMI Company. All rights reserved.

This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code.

UMI 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, MI 48103 ABSTRACT

In 1776, Ueda Akinari (1734-1809) published Ugetsu monogatari (Tales of Rain and Moonlight), a collection of nine short stories o f the supernatural that has since been recognized as a master­ piece in the tradition of strange and mysterious tales known as kaidan. My work defines kaidan and its appeal with reference to Mikhail M. Bakhtin’s genre theory. It also explores the meanings of Ugetsu mono-gatari in terms of Akinari's personal experience and beliefs. The popular appeal of Ugetsu monogatari lies in the fascination inherent in strange and mysterious stories, and Akinari skillfully created his classic by incorporating into these stories multiple allusions to Chinese and Japanese literary works, and a sophisticated discourse on such topics as National Learning, as well as his personal convictions and beliefs. Ugetsu monogatari was the result of Akinari’s concerted effort to create kaidan of literary sophistication, and it is my argument that his creation was driven by his desire for literary recognition as well as his yearning for justice to be done in the literary arena, if not in real life. It follows that the greater the reader’s knowledge of literature and o f Akinari’s beliefs, the greater his or her appreciation of Ugetsu monogatari. By incorporating these multiple elements into his text, Akinari greatly contributed to honing the kaidan genre. The first chapter defines kaidan as a genre and situates it and Ugetsu monogatari in Edo period literature. To my knowledge, my work elucidates Japan’s kaidan tradition systematically for the first time in English. Genre is treated as a logical outgrowth of how people perceive the world. From this standpoint, the second chapter delineates the belief of Akinari’s contemporaries in supernatural beings, and that of Akinari. In chapter three, the Japanese fascination with kaidan is discussed. Obsession, one important attribute ofkaidan, is crucial to Ugetsu monogatari, for it is a recurring motif as well as a personal trait of importance to Akinari. The fourth chapter defines the audience of Ugetsu monogatari. And in chapters five through eight, I examine four stories to substantiate how the full appreciation of the text is geared toward the most informed readers, even though the general motif of the stories appeals to a broad audience. The stories analyzed are "Shiramine" (White Peak), "Kikka no chigiri" (Chrysanthemum Tryst), "Kibitsu no kama" (Cauldron o f Kibitsu), and "Aozukin" (Blue Hood).

u i Dedicated to my father

IV ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to express my sincere appreciation to my adviser, Shelley Fenno Quinn, a scholar and a performer of No. Her guidance, patience, and support made this entire endeavor possible. I respect her integrity, kindness, and understanding, and hope to emulate the depth and breadth of her scholarly knowledge. I am also grateful to the other members of the committee. Richard Torrance offered me invaluable advice from his learned perspective. His scholarly attitude toward rigorous research has always been an inspiration to me. Fumiko Togasaki of Wittenberg University gave perceptive comments and suggestions for this thesis. Her encouraging words buttressed my spirits. Timothy Wong of Arizona University provided me with insightful comments on my discussion of Chinese fiction. The Chinese literature classes he taught at the Ohio State University were both very informative and entertaining. John Huntington kindly read my thesis in his busy schedule and gave useful suggestions and references. Also thanks go to Kiyoshi Tachikawa of Naganoken Tanki Daigaku and Shinji Nobuhiro of Tokyo University for their guidance. I thank Timothy Smith for his comments on human psychology, and Thomas Savas and Sally Meckling for proofreading this text. Hashimoto Mari made every effort to obtain materials in Japan whenever I asked her. My appreciation goes to her as well. My families, the Reiders in US and the Tsunodas in Japan, gave me consistent support. They occupy a special place in my heart. Last but not least, I want to thank my husband, Brent Reider, for his great love, encouragement, support, and firm belief in me.

VI VITA

October 18, 1958 ...... Bom - Tokyo, Japan

1982...... B.A. Japanese & Chinese history, Sophia University, Tokyo, Japan

1987 ...... M.A. Japanese history, Sophia University, Tokyo, Japan

1990 ...... M.A. Japanese literature. The Ohio State University.

1989-93 ...... Graduate Teaching and Research Associate, The Ohio State University.

1996-97 ...... Visiting instructor, Kenyon College, Ohio.

FIELDS OF STUDY

Major Field: East Asian Languages and Literatures

YU TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page Abstract...... ii

Dedication...... iv

Acknowledgments ...... v

V ita ...... vii

Introduction...... 1

Chapters:

1. What is k a id a n l ...... 10

1.1 Definition of kaidan ...... 10 1.2 Is kaidan a genre? ...... 13 1.3 Kaidan “as a way of looking at a world”...... 16 1.4 Brief history of kaidan genre until the appearance of Ugetsu monogatari ...... 24 1.4.1 Three prototypes of kaidan fiction...... 24 1.4.2 Saikaku shokoku banashi (Saikaku's Tales from Various Provinces) — parodie kaidan ...... 28 1.4.3 Hanabusa zôshi (Tales o f a Garland) — the appearance of highly sophisticated kaidan fiction .. 30 1.4.4 Flowering of kaidan and appearance of Ugetsu monogatari ...... 35 Notes ...... 40

VUl 2. Akinari and belief in the supernatural ...... 56

2.1 People around Akinari...... 57 2.2 Akinari’s belief in the supernatural ...... 65 N o tes...... 72

3. The appeal of kaid a n ...... 80

3.1 Plausible explanation for everyday occurrences ...... 80 3.2 Attraction to the exotic...... 85 3.3 Fascination with the camivalistic ...... 87 N o tes...... 94

4. The appeal of Ugetsu monogatari to Akinari’s readers...... 100

4.1 Akinari’s readers ...... 100 4.2 Literacy and publishing in the Edo period ...... 101 4.3 Akinari’s views on writing tales ...... 104 4.4 Ugetsu monogatari as a self-consciously Uterary kaidan .... 112 N o tes...... 117

5. Human obsession manifested as the supernatural ...... 122

“White Peak”: a vengeful spirit who changed history ...... 125

5.1 Motif: obsession with power and revenge ...... 125 5.2 Sources and allusions...... 129 5.3 Language ...... 140 5.4 Akinari’s convictions and intellectual discourse...... 144 N o te s...... 146

6. “Chrysanthemum Tryst” : loyalty to the horrific end...... 159

6.1 Motif: obsession with loyalty between men of honor 159

ix 6.2 Sources, allusions, and Aldnari’s convictions and intellectual discourse...... 163 6.3 Language ...... 180 N otes...... 186

7. “Cauldron of Kibitsu” : revenge on the part of a w ife...... 193

7.1 Motif: obsession with exacting revenge on a deceitful husband ...... 193 7.2 Akinari’s convictions and intellectual discourse...... 198 7.3 Sources and allusions...... 205 7.4 Language ...... 210 N otes...... 219

8. “Blue Hood” : obsession with homosexual love and enlightenment .226

8.1 Motif: obsession with love and enlightenment ...... 226 8.2 Homosexuality in the Edo period ...... 227 8.3 Sources and allusions ...... 233 8.4 Akinari’s convictions and intellectual discourse ...... 240 N otes...... 250

Conclusion...... 256

Bibliography ...... 266 INTRODUCTION

From time immemorial, tales of the supernatural with haunting elements have appealed to people from all strata of life. One of the attractions of these tales may be people’s quest for stimulation. Another possibility could be their subconscious longing to associate with nature.' Or it may be the childlike need in man for magjc.^ Whatever the reasons, tales of the supernatural are plentiful all over the world, especially rich in such hterature as myth, rehgjous writings, fables, and folk tales. In Japanese literature, too, supernatural beings are plentiful; Nihon ryôiki H (Miraculous Stories from the Japanese Buddhist Tradition, ca. 823), the episodes of "Yûgao" ("Evening Faces") and "Aoi" # ("Heartvine") inGenji monogatari (The Tale of Genji, ca., 1010), and Konjaku monogatari (Tales of Times Now Past, ca. 1120), just to name a few. Tales which horrify and/or excite by way of reference to the supernatural are generally referred to as kaidan (##). During the Edo period (1600-1867), there was a plethora of kaidan hterature on a scale up until then unknown. Lacking in linear plot or structure, many of these early works were simple accounts of the supernatural. But by the end of the seventeenth century, kaidan authors were adopting stories from Chinese fiction and Buddhist teachings in addition to native folk tales, giving the stories a more literary quaUty. By the latter half of the eighteenth century, between the Hôreki (1751-1763) and the An’ei-Meiwa (1764-1780) eras, the production ofkaidcm literature reached one o f its peaks. In the midst of this burst of creativity, a poet, scholar, sometime physician, and fiction writer named Ueda Akinari (1734-1809) published a collection of nine short stories of the supernatural entitled Kinko kaidan Ugetsu monogatari (Kaidan Present and Past, Tales of Moonlight and Rain, 1776). His work is often credited as the crowning achievement of kaidan? The work is remarkable because Akinari was able to successfiilly meld the native oral tradition of kaidan with literary sources, native and foreign, to transcend the simple tale and open up new perspectives on human nature. Kaidan is still popular today, yet, the scholarly work on the subject remains very limited. My work will elucidate Japan’s kaidan tradition systematically for the first time in Enghsh. Further, the extensive use of western theories in support of my elucidation, mainly that of Mikhail M. Bakhtin, is a new approach for the study of kaidan in Japan. Examination of Ugetsu monogatari, a masterpiece of kaidan, will enrich not only the understanding of the text itself but also the kaidan tradition in general. Chapter one starts with the definition of kaidan. It will be followed by a discussion o f kaidan as a genre. Obviously, the authors of kaidan in the Edo period did not tell or write kaidan pondering whether or not their works constituted a genre. Yet, as Heather Dubrow states, "a well- established genre transmits certain cultural attitudes, attitudes which it is shaped by and in turn helps to shape."'* Or as Bakhtin has written, "genres accumulate experience....genres carry with them the layered record o f their changing use."^ In other words, when an author chooses to write in a given genre, he or she is well aware of the knowledge and experience that inform the genre, and is exploiting its potential. By choosing a certain genre, an author is "not merely responding to the achievements and the pronouncements of others; he himself is issuing certain statements about his art and often about art in general."^ The statement indicates that the author is signaling to his audiences what view or experience he is going to impart. Similarly, readers expect a certain view when they choose to read a specific genre. It is, therefore, important that kaidan be recognized as a genre. To locate where Ugetsu monogatari stands in kaidan tradition, a brief history o f the kaidan will be included. According to Bakhtin, genre is “a horizon of expectation brought to bear on a certain class of text types . . . A genre both unifies and stratifies language.”^ It is the basic structure of how people perceive a world, and what human beings bring to texts. From this standpoint, the second chapter delineates the beliefs in supernatural beings held by Akinari and his contemporaries. Akinari’s concept of the tale, which is discussed in Chapter Four, is strongly related to this issue. In Chapter Three, the general fascination kaidan held for Japanese readership is examined. It will be argued that tales about obsession were particularly popular among readers at that time. Akinari obviously took advantage of the appeal of this theme in his Ugetsu monogatari. Though his stories treat various topics, such as revenge and loyalty, their consistent motif is human obsession. In fact, this obsession is very much a part of Akinari himself. The fourth chapter will discuss the audiences of Ugetsu monogatari. It is my argument that one o f the primary reasons Akinari chose to write kaidan was that he had strong desire for hterary recognition and saw in the popular medium o f kaidan a challenging possibility to integrate sophisticated hterary elements therein creating high hterature. The major self-consciously literary elements of Ugetsu monogatari include multiple allusions to Chinese and Japanese sources, intellectual discourse, and diction called wakan konkô-bun (Japanese Writing Mixed with Chinese Characters). A sophisticated narrative would demonstrate to all readers Akinari’s hterary talent for fiction, which was not yet widely recognized. Takada Mamoni states that there seems to be no other fiction in Japan which alludes to so many sources. Though the method o f using manifold sources does not originate with Akinari, it led to the development o f a unique mode o f exposition in his writing.* Akinari had a substantial knowledge of the Japanese hterary tradition that served as a foundation for his writing. Upon this sohd foundation, he skillfully incorporated various Chinese hterary works, sometimes even following the original plot and diction. As Takada claims, "by means of weaving his own diction and writing style with the vertical thread of Japanese tradition and with the horizontal thread of the Chinese world, Akinari breaks away from the actual daily world, and assures the literariness of his fiction as an independent world o f language."^ Thus, Ugetsu monogatari gave a literary turn to the tradition o f kaidan. In order to fully appreciate the aforementioned elements of the literary quahty in Ugetsu monogatari, i.e., numerous allusions to Chinese and Japanese classics, scholarly discourses, as well as wakan konkô-bun, the reader had to be well-read. The number of those capable of full appreciation of the meaning in his texts was believed to be small. In Japan, the role of the reader’s imagination in bringing meaning to the text has long been recognized as an integral part o f the full appreciation of the work. Take as an example haiku, a seventeen-syllable poem in which the composer carefully arranges a few words, phrases and/or a predicate to make a poem. Since there are only seventeen syllables allowed, the language a poet can use is quite limited. Also, a writer should not exhaust in writing what he or she wishes to describe. Therefore, in appreciating haiku, the reader must function as critic, supplementing the text with great knowledge of the haiku traditions. Another major reason Akinari chose kaidan was that through writing supernatural tales, which was virtual reality to him as well as to many contemporary readers, Akinari sought for justice unattainable in reahty. Once dead, and freed from moral restraint, Akinari’s supernatural characters pursue justice on hterary ground. In Chapters Five to Eight, I closely examine four stories to substantiate how the general motif of the stories would appeal to the broad audience; and how the better informed the reader is, more fascinating the text becomes. The stories are: I) "White Peak" 6 # (Shiramine), which depicts the revenge of a former emperor, now a vengeful spirit; 2) "Chrysanthemum Tryst” (Kikka no chigiri), which explores personal loyalty in its extreme; 3) "Cauldron o f Kibitsu" (Kibitsu no kama), which depicts the revenge of an abandoned wife; 4) "Blue Hood" (Aozukin), the story of a fallen priest because of homosexual love. Akinari was a well-read man who highly respected tradition. Apparently he was well versed in No texts as well. As seen in Chapter Five, one o f the major sources o f naming Ugetsu monogatari is a No text. In fact, the nine stories o f Ugetsu monogatari are arranged according to a single day’s program of No; namely, gods, warriors, women, mad persons (or miscellaneous present plays), and demons. The preceding four stories I selected represent one story from each category of the No program. “White Peak,” whose protagonist is a deity, corresponds to a god play; the description of a warrior’s loyalty and battle in the “Chrysanthemum Tryst” fills the role of a warrior play; the abandoned wife in “Cauldron of Kibitsu” is a women play; and the category of mad persons (or miscellaneous present plays) corresponds to “Blue Hood,” whose protagonist is not supernatural, but a live man gone insane. The last category in a No program is the demon play, and it is upbeat that finishes the day’s program on a lighter note. Though unlike the previous stories, the ending of “Blue Hood” is salvational. and in this sense, “Blue Hood” may be said to represent a demon play as well. Through the discussion, I hope to clarify “the horizons o f expectation” within which those most cathartic and revealing aspects of “human nature” are revealed. Notes

* * According to Miyata Noboni, a folklorist, “a strange and incomprehensible world is filled with the mysterious and fantastic, which, relatively speaking, reflects the imagination of the urban populace rather than the rural. It is deeply rooted in a junction o f nature and civilization; the supernatural phenomena are depicted in the subconscious mind of people belonging to the civilization. Their theme is an interchange with a different world (# # ); it reveals awe and longing o f urban people for another world which they had found in associating with great nature long time ago.” Miyata Noboru, “Dcai to no kôryû — toshi no minzoku kûkan-ron,” inEdo no kaiki, gensô kûkan, Kokubungaku Kaishaku to kyôzai no kenkyû 37. 9 (August 1992): 56.

^ Bruno Bettelheim, The Uses o f Enchantment (New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 1977), pp. 45-53. Bruno Bettelheim, a psychiatrist, states that fairy tales reveal life and human nature to the child “in a manner which conforms to the way a child thinks and experiences the world.” He writes that the fantastic events and/or explanations in the tales are more convincing to the child’s thinking than reahstic and/or scientific explanations. In his imagination, the child finds security which “permits the child to develop the feeling of confidence in life which he needs in order to trust himself.” Bettelheim, p. 50.

^ Yamaguchi Takeshi, ed. Kaidan meisaku shû. Nihon Meicho Zenshû (Tokyo, Nihon Meicho Zenshû Kankôkai, 1927), p. 90.

Heather Dubrow, Genre (London and New York, Methuen, 1982), p. 4.

^ Gary Saul Morson & Caryl Emerson, Mikhail Bakhtin: Creation o f a Prosaics (Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1990), p. 292.

^ Dubrow, p. 10. ^ Mikhail M. Bakhtin, The D ialogic Imagination, trans. Caryl Emerson and Michael Holquist (Austin, University of Texas Press, 1981), p.428.

* Takada Mamoru, “Kaisetsu,” in Nakamura Yukihiko, Takada Mamoru, and Nakamura Hiroyasu, eds., Hanabusa zôshi, Nishiyama monogatari, Ugetsu monogatari, Harusame monogatari. Nihon Koten Bungaku Zenshû 48 (Tokyo, Shôgakukan, 1973), pp. 48-49.

^ Ibid., p. 49. CHAPTER 1

WHAT IS KAIDAN7

I. I Definition of Kaidan Japanese generally consider kaidcm # # as fiightening ghost stories. Though kaidan need not evoke fear in the minds of an audience, frequently there is a revenge motif with an element o f horror. Etymologically, the character of kai # inkaidcm means "strange, mysterious, rare, bewitching apparition, monster, mutation." Dcm UI in kaidcm means "hcmashi # or katari MV" i.e., "talk, or recited narrative." In other words, kaidcm simply means "to talk about the strange."i The appellation kaidan, however, does not appear in extant historical records until the Edo period (1600-1867). “Tales about the strange” came into their own at this time because it became popular for people to get together to relate tales of the supernatural. Prior to the Edo period, written stories that fit the kaidcm mold were included in literature, but as one part of a larger work. Kaidan was not identified apart from the rest. It was only during the Edo period that these stories were collected, compiled and published under the rubric o f kaidan.^ One of the earliest examples is the work written by the Confucian physician, Hayashi Razan (1583-

10 1657), completed in 1627 or 28, entitled Kaidan or more popularly known as (Complete Worics of Strange Tales).^ This work consists of translations of thirty-two mysterious and fantastic tales in five volumes, originally written in classical Chinese/^ While the third Shogun, Tokugawa lemitsu (1604- 1651) was ill, Razan, as a physician, related to the Shogun stories of Chinese and Japanese origin as entertainment. Complete Works of Strange Tales was compiled as a diversion for the Shogun.^ As the character ^ (talk or recite) of We&m indicates, the oral elements in kaidan are important.® One of the reasons for the possible appearance o f the term kaidan in general and its popularity through the Edo period could be attributed to the storytellers of an earlier age. At the end of the Muromachi period (1336-1573), the development of a commercial economy brought enhanced communication throughout Japan. The growing integration o f a national economy exposed Japan's urban culture to rural areas and vice versa. Traveling merchants, performers, travelers, and itinerant priests were popular agents of change spreading the tales fi-om the countryside to old and new urban centers. These tales had wide range of topics, including not only the strange and scary, but also fiinny, silly and exotic stories. Likewise, sources for the tales varied, firom recent events in local areas to classical Chinese texts. The increasing popularity o f diverse stories fi-om different places created the need and demand for professional storytellers. Some of them served as otogi-shû # # # ,? or professional storytellers attending provincial lords. The aforementioned author of

11 Complete Works of Strange Tales, Hayashi Razan, was not an otogi-shû, but his work, submitted to Tokugawa lemitsu, served the same purpose. Also, these tales were popular among all classes at village gatherings, religious events, and other occasions. There were certain ni^ts when ritual prescribed that no one should sleep. The vigil included a night of kôshin (popular religious custom to stay up a night; a division of the sexagenary cycle),» attending the sick, funeral night watches, and the like. And it appears that talks about the strange, weird, and/or frightening served to keep people awake. Kaidan literature was a natural outgrowth of an oral tradition that served the demand for such entertainment and rehgious occasions.» Though the role of the storytellers of a previous age was significant in the formation ofkaidan, clearly, oral traditions are different from literary ones. In an oral tradition, the story is supplemented by the tellers' gestures, falsetto, facial expressions, and the teller’s ability to spontaneously interact with the audience. If a storyteller were so inclined, he could tailor his story to suit each audience, its aptitude, attitude, and atmosphere. Rarely does hterature have this advantage. Extratextual context is lacking for writers who, therefore, must provide the context for the absent readers. In writing a story, the writer has to closely examine the story as a societal phenomenon and give more universahty to itn On the other hand, an advantage of hterature is, as Walter J. Ong writes, “The writer finds his written words accessible for reconsideration, revision, and other manipulation until they are finally released to do their work. Under the

12 author’s eyes the text lays out the beginning, the middle and the end, so that the writer is encouraged to think of his work as a self-contained, discrete unit, defined by closure.”^^ In the Edo period, a writer would have assumed that his readers shared the same background knowledge. Yet, he did not have the advantage o f having his audience in fi'ont o f him. In other words, the author made assumptions about his readers as he wrote. Thus, one can conclude that kaidan is a collection of stories broadly modeled as tales o f the supernatural, sometimes surrealistic, that may strike us as strange, weird, and fiightening, some of which retaining their oral- related heritage. At the same time, more self-consciously literary works began to appear by the end of the seventeenth century. These texts provided more elaborate linear plot sequences than simply retelling episodic events; the language also became more tailored to reading. Among these examples of strange and rare tales that are self-consciously literary, Ugetsu monogatari has long been considered the exemplar.

1.2 Is Kaidan a Genre? As literature, is kaidan considered a genre? The problem regarding a genre is that kaidan does not seem to fit the orthodox formalist ideas of genre that have traditionally held currency in the West. In fact, the criteria of classifying Japanese prose fiction are quite different. Leon Zolbrod writes: “Unlike prose fiction in the West, where one distinguishes simply between the novel and the short story, Japanese scholars employ an unwieldy scheme o f nearly twenty separate categories that arose fi-om Heian

13 to the end of the Tokugawa period. Fifteen of these refer to fiction of the late Tokugawa period alone.”'^ One example is a genre called kanazôshi (tales written in the kana syllabary*^*). Kanazôshi includes the works written in the kana syllabary*^ produced before the appearance of another genre in 1682 called ukiyo zSshi or “Books of the FloatingWorld.The vast range and ambiguity of the content of kanazôshi has caused an early scholar to write, “there is no definition ofk a n a z ô s h i . The content of this grouping varies so much firom essays and fiction to the records o f famous places that scholars are divided as to how kanazôshi should be classified. Fujioka Sakutarô has classified them into the three groups: educational books, fiction, and, finally, mihtary books and records of noted places. On the other hand, Ebara Taizô has categorized kanazôshi into enh^tening works edifying works and entertaining works. For Noda Hisao, it is enlightening-teaching works h (D), entertaining works, and practical works. In addition, certain works in the Edo period such as kusazôshP^ are categorized according to their appearance: the color of the cover (e.g., aka-hon [red books], kurohon [black books], ao-hon [blue books], kibyôshi [yellow-back books]), the type of binding (e.g., gôkan -ê"# [bound books]), or the frequency of illustrations. Obviously these classifications based upon the appearance of the book are not truly generic. Eighteenth-century kaidan prose fiction called kaidan shôsetsu, a sub-category o f broad rubric o f kaidan, has a generic marker that it does not use colloquial language exclusively, but rather, uses a mixture of classical diction and contemporary 14 language. René Welleck and Austin Warren write that geiu’e should be conceived of "as a grouping of literary works based, theoretically, upon both outer form (specific meter or structure) and also upon inner form (attitude, tone,

purpose—more crudely, subject and audience). "21 Yet, when one considers the situation o f Edo Japanese literature seen above, it is clear that this standard does not fit. The outer form of the broad rubric ofkaidan, which is present in oral narratives, dramas, and narrative prose, is difficult to characterize as having a rigorously consistent form. It is clear that Welleck and Warren’s standard does not fit. After all, Japanese literature has contained strange, weird, and frightening stories with elements of the supernatural or the surrealistic since earliest times. Thus, it does not appear fi-uitful to apply the formalist definition o f genre in this case. Something more is required. According to Pavel Medvedev, genre is "a specific way of visualizing a given part o f r e a l i t y . "22 It should not be evaluated through a set of external propositions. Similarly, Bakhtin claims: Genres convey a vision of the world not by explicating a set of propositions but by developing concrete examples. Instead of specifying the characteristics of a world view, as philosophical theories might, they allow the reader to view the world in a specific way... .In short, a genre, understood as a way o f seeing, is best described neither as a "form" (in the usual sense) nor as an "ideology" (which could be paraphrased as a set of tenets) but as "form-shaping ideology " . 23

It should be noted that Bakhtin uses the term, genre, in two different ways.

15 One is a basic notion that genre is “a horizon o f expectation brought to bear on a certain class of text types.”^'* The other is a concept more specific than the first one; genre includes shopping lists and telephone conversations. Genre as “form-shaping ideology” is the first usage, a basic structure o f how people perceive the world, and thus, tell stories. For Bakhtin and Medvedev, “New genres reflect changes in real social life. Those changes lead to new views of experience and to different genres of speech, social behavior, and literature.”^^ When one considers the state of Edo hterature, it would be best to test kaidan as a genre on the basis of such a view.

1.3 Kaidan “As a Way of Looking at a World” According to Bakhtin, every literary genre of the high tradition will of necessity have its satiric, ironic, or humorous counterpart which may be shocking or revolting. In the Japanese tradition, too, the expectation that one brings to supernatural stories is a serious one that spirit of the dead has returned to the terrestrial realm to tell his or her story — the cause of his or her death, an unfulfilled desire, a regret, and a description of what happens after life. But when one examines the plethora of kaidan literature, one notices the secularization of heavily religious or serious tales about the supernatural. In a broad sense, it may be called a conspicuous element of entertainment in the works, as well as in the expectation of readers and audiences. In other words, the primary concern o f the work and the interests of both the author and readers/audiences are geared toward kai, the strange or rare phenomena that happen in the story. It is important to

16 notice that this does not mean that kaidan excludes religious or didactic elements. Rather, it means that the focus of the text and the author's interest in the strange should be the primary factor. Likewise, the works should first invoke pleasure in readers and audiences through the elements of the strange and mysterious. Generally speaking, people’s taste or inclination, whether it be perception of what is desirable, appealing, or fiighening, shifts with social and economic changes. There are a number o f socio-economic changes in the Edo period which may help explain the shift in taste of the supernatural literature in the direction o f entertainment. As mentioned earlier, the development of a commercial economy in the late sixteenth century made nationwide communication possible. Travelers brought interesting stories to intra-inter urban areas. Importantly, having pacified Japan, the Tokugawa military government actively promulgated a civil bureaucracy. The government encouraged learning among the samurai, who had been busy fighting on the battlefields, but who in the new era of peace were told to cultivate their minds as members of the ruling class. The authorities collected classics and were enthusiastic about printing. Though cultural leaders in the early Edo period were aristocrats, priests, and samurai, as a result of the development of commercialism, especially in the cities, commoners also began to participate in cultural development. With the arrival o f peace, an interest in learning spread among the upper class and wealthy townsmen.^^ The greater demand for books made mass printing commercially viable, which made it possible for

17 books to be accessible to readers of all backgrounds. People could enjoy interesting stories orally and in print. The adoption of printing made popular literature possible.^^ Moriyama Shigeo contends that by the Edo period when a commercial economy had rapidly taken hold in urban areas, supernatural spirituality gradually lost its influence. According to Umehara Takeshi, a noted philosopher, the oldest and most fundamental conviction of the Japanese is their belief in "vengeful spirits and the need to appease them."^* For example, in ancient times, a shrine larger than that of Imperial family was built to appease the soul of the Imperial family’s opponent and avoid suffering any calamity from his hands. During the medieval period, many temple and shrines were dedicated to appease the souls of vengefiil spirits. Yet, by the Edo period, Moriyama Shigeo states that the vengeful spirits, shaken by the commercial economy, lost their base in the community. As a result, spirits in literature started to act freely: it became possible for them to present their own existence as deep-seated grudges or obsessions without requiring appeasement. At the same time, supernatural beings were able to stand on their own in literary art .29 Furthermore, the social stability brought about at the beginning o f the seventeenth century made the terror and death associated with civil war a thing of the past. In a time of peace, people could regard strange phenomena and terror as part of entertainment. Also, probably accelerated by the official adoption of Neo-Confucianism, which attempted to explain things by means of li-chi dualism,^® there appeared among the

18 intellectuals an inclination to explain and observe the supernatural rationally. It is Bakhtin’s observation that genre reflects changes in real social life. The aforementioned changes were reflected in the supernatural literature as well, and works treating supernatural elements may have become conspicuously entertaining. One example is a famous kaidan story entitled “Botan dôrô” (Peony Lantern,1666),^^a kaidan prototype which was immensely influential not only as prose fiction but also in various genres such as plays, storytelling, motion pictures, and television. The female protagonist of “Peony Lantern” is a ghost. The story starts on the night of the Festival of Souls in summer, when a beautiful woman accompanied by a young girl holding a peony lantern walks by the house of Ogiwara Shinnojô, a young samurai who has just lost his beloved wife. Enchanted by her beauty, Shinnojô invites her into his house. He learns that she is fi*om a celebrated family now in decline, and that she lives near a temple. On the same night, they swear an eternal relationship. From then on, the beautiful woman visits him every night, only to depart at dawn. An elderly neighbor, suspicious of the young woman’s voice coming nightly firom Shinnojô’s house, peeks into his house at night, and finds that Shinnojô is having an intimate talk with a skeleton. On the following day, the old neighbor tells Shinnojô what he saw and warns him that he will lose his life if he continues to associate with the deceased. Terrified, Shinnojô goes to the temple where the woman said she lived to discover her true identity. There, instead of her house, he

19 finds an ancestral shrine which holds the woman’s coffin. Needing an exorcist, Shinnojô goes to a famous Buddhist priest, who confirms that his life is in great danger. Shinnojô receives a charm to put on his house gate to prevent her fi-om entering. The woman ceases to visit him firom then on. One day, however, Shinnojô becomes intoxicated and carelessly wanders near the temple gate. The woman immediately appears and takes him inside the temple. Later he is found dead inside the woman’s coffin — his body atop the woman’s skeleton. His corpse is buried, but Shinnojô and the woman can be seen occasionally on rainy or cloudy nights, walking hand in hand accompanied by a girl holding a peony lantern. Those who meet them fall seriously ill. The Ogiwara family grieves over this fact and has the priests recite the Lotus Sutra. Thereafter, the ghosts of Shinnojô, his lover and the small girl with the peony lantern never reappear. Clearly the focus of “Peony Lantern” is not religious or ethical. One may claim that it suggests the power o f the Lotus Sutra by which the ghosts cease to appear in this world. But, since this part appears at the very end in one sentence, one can also argue that the use o f the prayer is only an expeditious means of ending the story. The rest of the story has little religious color, and it is hard to claim that the story has an overt Buddhist message. The religious element existing here is assuredly not the main focus of the story. One may then contend that this story is about ethics — warning against association with women because it may lead to one’s misfortune. Certainly, the story may teach such a moral lesson. Yet, again, it is hard to believe that the ethic is the focal point of the tale, for

20 though the man actually dies, he returns to this world to upbraid people with the woman and there is no trace of his suffering for this conduct. The story is more secular and the author’s interest lies in the narration o f how these strange things happened. Written in classical and poetic diction, “Peony Lantern” keeps the reader attentive by focusing on supernatural beings and strange events. Aldnari drew this secularized element or that o f entertainment from the kaidan tradition. However, its secular quality was not the only major appeal o f Ugetsu monogatari. He injected something more. As we shall see in the fourth chapter, Akinari infused sophisticated literary elements and an insight into human nature. Like any other art form, in order to capture and retain the attention of the readers, kaidan has to have a certain artistry. In the case of prose fiction, for example, one would expect kaidan tales to have some literary quality or standard that readers could appreciate. As mentioned above, the Edo period saw an enormous growth in the popularity o f kaidan publications. Though there had been literature incorporating supernatural elements before, the compilations of kaidan, portraying the strange and mysterious as an end in itself and with their high Uterary quality, started to appear around the (1658-1661), Kanbun (1661- 1673), and Enpô (1673-1681) periods. The appearance of such literary production in abundance is evidence that people saw supernatural hterature as something more secular, and read them more for pleasure than for edification.

21 As we shall see, Asai Ryôi's Otogi boko (Hand Puppets, 1666)32 which includes the aforementioned “Peony Lantern,” Suzuki Shôzô's Inga monogatari (Tales of Retribution, 1659) and OgjtaAnsei's Tonoigusa (anothername for this work is Orog//no/iogarar/ # # # # [Nursery Tales, 1660]) are the forerunners of these works. They all treat stories of the strange, weird, and frightening. Both the elements of secularization as well as the literary qualities are obvious. A great many similar works followed their precedents and this trend continued through the Edo period. When one considers these phenomena, one comes to the conclusion that kaidan is a genre that evolved in the early Edo period. Accordingly, the works with supernatural elements produced prior to the Edo period were not self-consciously describing the mysterious as an end in itself, and therefore, should be differentiated from kaidan. In this sense, the oldest extant narrative prose in Japan, Kojiki ^$#2 (Records of Ancient Matters, 712) and Nihonshoki 0 (Chronicles o f Japan, 720), should not be called kaidan, in spite of the rich supernatural elements they contain. Rather, they are collections of myths, legends, and historical anecdotes about Japan. They are not written with a primary interest in the supernatural. Likewise, Nihon ryôiki 0 (Miraculous Stories from the Japanese Buddhist Tradition, ca. 823), which is frequently regarded as the first collection o f tales full o f strange and supernatural elements, would not be included in kaidan because it is a work written and received predominantly for didactic purposes. The renowned classic of Japanese literature, the Tale o f Genji (ca.

22 1010), also possesses many supernatural elements, notably in the episodes o f‘Tiigao” (Evening Faces) and “Aoi” (Heartvine). In both episodes, the spirit of Lady Rokujô, madly in love with the protagonist Genji, kills her rivals. Yet, the whole scheme of the story is about the courtly life of Genji and his love affairs with ladies of various ranks. Whether the readers in the Edo period read it as a didactic book for the teaching of causality, or as a lewd tale, or as the work of the sensitive human feelings and their outcomes, the focus was not on supernatural beings. Although, life in ancient Japan was full of apprehension regarding angry spirits as we know from the contemporaneous sources such as Murasaki Shikibu nikki 0 IS (Diary o f Murasaki Shildbu, ca. 1010),^^ the ghosts were subsumed to broaden aesthetic purposes in the women’s narratives of the Heian period. The art of the No theater, especially the fukushiki mugen no (two part dream No), embraces the supernatural. Plays of the fukushiki mugen no type usually cast the protagonist as a ghost who appears in front of a traveling priest; the ghost asks the priest to pray for his or her salvation. Though a No play is full o f supernatural elements, it is not considered to be kaidan because the humanity of the ghost is emphasized in his or her attempt to find salvation. In other words, whether it is a No performance or the chanting of No texts called utai # , the primary concern is not the development o f the supernatural — how the strange strange happens in the story. Though the aforementioned works, especially Miraculous Stories from the Japanese Buddhist Tradition, Tale of Genji, and No plays, are not

23 considered kaidan, their influence on Ugetsu monogatari is enormous. Akinari made use of various plots from these sources. He admired the diction of the Tale of Genji, and freely incorporated it into his fiction. He not only adopted structural development from N o plays but also their technique for focusing on the lead actor. Thus, Ugetsu monogatari took various elements from outside of the kaidan genre as well. Having estabhshed kaidan as a genre that evolved during the Edo period, the following brief history of kaidan in the Edo period, till the appearance of Ugetsu monogatari, will delineate temporally where the work stands within its tradition.

1.4 Brief History of Kaidan Genre until the Appearance of Ugetsu monogatari

1.4.1 Three prototypes of kaidan fiction

As generally accepted among Japanese scholars, in the early Edo period, around the 1660s, there aheady existed three important self-consciously literary kaidan which had seminal influences on the developing genre. As Noda Hisao expounds, they are the aforementioned Hand Puppets, a type o f kaidan adapted from Chinese fiction; Inga monogatari or Tales of Retribution, a representative kaidan work of Buddhist teaching, written by the Buddhist monk, Suzuki Shôzô; and Tonoigusa or Otogi monogatari (Nursery Tales), a type of kaidan with strong traces of Japanese folk tales, written by the haikai poet Ogita Ansei.^ Among these. Hand Puppets had the greatest influence upon the later

24 kaidan, and is often considered the origin of literary kaidan?^ Hand Puppets contains sixty-eight strange and mysterious stories taken from Chinese fiction. Among them, seventeen stories are taken from Chien-ten hsin-hua (New Tales Under the Lamplight).36 Asai Ryôi artfully adapted Chinese stories to Japanese settings, making them more familiar to Japanese readers. The “Prefece” clarifies the didactic purpose ofHand Puppets: "Generally, [sages] do not talk about the supernatural; however, if it is unavoidable, [they] narrate and write about it in order to show a model ...[these tales] will make women and children mend their ways and will become an expedient for behaving correctly , "s? Yet, as seen in the case o f "Peony Lantern," the contents do not always fully support this attitude. It is considered that Asai Ryôi, being a passionate proponent of Buddhist teaching, attempted to follow the example of the didactic “Preface” inNew Tales Under the Lamplight. In fact, the stories are more in line with his statement in Ryôi’s preface, that the tales of the supernatural will "surprise and excite the ears o f women and children. "38 In this work, rich in poems, one can clearly see Asai Ryôi's effort to describe the stories in a highly literary style of Japanese prose with curious interests as its center .39 His writing style as well as his techniques for adopting Chinese fiction to Japanese contexts were quite successful. Thus, Hand Puppets became popular and many imitative works such as Zoku Otogi boko (Hand Puppets Continued) and Shin otogi boko (N ew Hand Puppets) appeared in succession.^o

25 The second type of kaidan, which was written in a conceptual framework of Buddhism, is Inga monogatari or Tales of Retribution. The title of the work itself indicates didactic elements of Buddhist teaching. In his “Preface,” the author, Suzuki Shôzô, states that "this work was written as an expedient to lead people to rehgious awakening and to record the manifest concept o f cause and effect." With this seemingly didactic purpose, various weird stories, such as the transformation of men into dogs or cows, are related. When Suzuki Shôzô first pubhshed this work, it appears that he had the expectation that his readers would be Buddhist priests who could use the stories for their sermons, for it was written in the katakana syllabary."** The katakana syllabary was used mainly to supplement Chinese characters in those days. The writings with katakana syllabary and Chinese characters required more education, and were not very famihar to the masses. Later, however, the same work was printed in

hiragana, a syllabary more accessible to the general populace.^2 In spite of the title, which implies the purpose of the book, and despite his statement in the “Preface,” the content is not blatantly didactic. On the contrary, as in the case of the Hand Puppets, the author’s major interest apparently lies more in the story itself. That this work was read as entertainment is revealed from the contemporary commentary on this work: "There is a picture-book called Tales o f Retribution, which was written by somebody named Shôzô. Children read it playfully and consider it to be just for flm..."« With its entertaining content, the Tales of Retribution was a commercial success and was followed by a number of similar works.

26 Nursery Tales, written by the haikai poet Ogita Ansei, has more Japanese folkloric elements. This work has its root inhyaku monogatari B"## (One Hundred Tales), a term refeiring to a kind of gathering for telling kaidan.^ "One hundred tales" is an abbreviation o f "hyaku monogatari kaidankai" ("Gathering for one hundred kaidan tales). It was believed that when a hundred kaidan stories were told at a midnight gathering, something strange would happen.^s These kaidan gatherings were very popular and books containing the words, Hyaku monogatari, were pubhshed in rapid succession. Nursery Tales contains sixty-eight folktales about the supernatural, which treat such subjects as tengu (long-nosed flying goblins), foxes, snakes, oni % (goblins), and spiders.'*^ Traces of these three types of kaidan fiction are evident in Akinari's Ugetsu monogatari to various degrees. For example, the adaptation of Chinese fiction is conspicuous in the story o f "Chrysanthemum Tryst." As will be discussed in Chapter Five, Akinari uses not only the plot but also the diction of the Chinese vernacular story, “Fan Chii-ch’ing's Eternal Friendship Buddhist precedents are discernible in the “Blue Hood,” a story of an eminent Buddhist priest who saves a homosexual priest-tumed-goblin. “White Peak,” a story based upon Japanese legend and a native supernatural being called tengu or flying goblin, has strong elements o f a folktale prototype. "Cauldron o f Kibitsu" mixes adaptations of Chinese fiction such as the aforementioned “Peony Lantern” and Japanese folktale and legend.^»

27 1.4.2 Saikaku shokoku banashi (Saikaku's Tales from Various Provinces) — parodie kaidcm

One of the periods which saw the flowering of kaidan is the Genroku epoch (strictly 1688-1703, but broadly referring to the years from the end o f the seventeenth century to the beginning of the eighteenth century). This period is known for the liveliness and exuberance o f its urban culture. Backed by growing commercial wealth, the well-to-do commoners, especially city merchants, actively supported the popular arts .^9 The representative work of this era is Saikaku shokoku banashi # # # (Saikaku’s Tales from Various Provinces, 1685) written by the professional writer, Ihara Saikaku (1642-1693), the author of The Man who Loved Love. His purpose in writing Saikaku's Tales from Various Provinces was to tell interesting stories, which naturally included many o f the kaidan genre. It is now common knowledge that Saikaku was a realist and had an enormous interest in human nature and behavior. With his keen observations, Saikaku states in his “Preface” that "human beings are bevritching apparitions." 5° Reflecting his view, Saikaku's stories of the supernatural do not have any flavor o f didacticism or religious teaching. Saikaku frequently makes fim of people or the supernatural. For example, in "Karakasa no go-takusen" (An Oracle o f an umbrella), though there is a supernatural being, the overall impression is not at all mysterious, but rather, comical. The story goes as follows. An umbrella falls in a remote province where the villagers have never seen an umbrella before. Not knowing what an umbrella is, the villagers worship it as a

28 deity. A spirit then enters in the umbrella and asks for a beautiful maiden to serve him. No maiden wants to go, but a sexually active widow volunteers instead. Though the widow anxiously waits throughout the night, nothing happens. The widow becomes angry and destroys the umbrella. There is also a story derived from the "Peony Lantern" in Hand Puppets. The story is entitled "Murasaki onna" Woman in Purple Dress). A beautiful young woman in purple clothes starts to visit the protagonist’s house and to spend nights with him. As time passes, the protagonist, lori, becomes emaciated. When he consults his doctor, the doctor teUs him that the woman in purple dress could take his life if he continues the relationship. Surprised, lori decides to kill the woman with a sword, but the woman narrowly escapes. The woman is still in love with lori and appears before him. After he had monks to pray for her salvation, she disappears. lori’s life is saved. Unlike the original version, “Woman in Purple” is not very enigmatic or mystical. Unlike Akinari's similar version, "Kibitsu no kama" ("Cauldron of Kibitsu"), there is no horror or fearfulness.si Saikaku's Tales from Various Provinces is a collection o f various stories told like folk tales and arranged at random. This type o f kaidan was widely read and favored by the general population throughout the Edo period.

29 1.4.3 Hanabusa zôshi (Tales of a Garland) — the appearance of highly sophisticated kaidan fiction

The history o f kaidan in the Edo period turns a new page around the Kan'en period (1748-1751) with the appearance of Hanabusa zôshi (Tales of a Garland, 1749). Tales o f a Garland^ consisting of nine stories in five volumes, was written by Tsuga Teishô (1718-1791), an Osaka physician and the person considered to be Akinari's teacher of medical studies as well as fiction writing.sz One major characteristic of Tales of a Garland is that every story is an adaptation fi-om Chinese vernacular fiction. Unlike previous adaptations, which drew firom classical Chinese literature. Tales o f a Garland was the first work to successfully fit Chinese vernacular fiction into Japanese hterature. Akinari learned a great deal fi-om Tales o f a Garland as well as fi-om Teishô’s ensuing fiction entitled Shigeshigeyawa (Tales of the Thriving Field) which was published in 1766. The influence of Teishô’s works on Ugetsu monogatari include the format (nine short stories in five volumes), its intellectual discourse, writing style called wakan konkd-bun (Japanese writing mixed with Chinese characters), and the technique of incorporating Chinese material into Japanese stories. Tales of a Garland is so different fi-om the previous types of hterature that it is considered "the ancestor" of "yomihon" or literally a "book for reading." In fact, works such as Tales of a Garland and Ugetsu monogatari are sometimes referred to as “early”yomihon. The term, yomihon, i.e., "book for reading," was originally used to refer to books whose primary concern was

30 "written text" for “reading,” in contrast tokusazôshi, which lay importance on illustrations.54 This explains the few illustrations in Ugetsu monogatari, which only has one illustration per story. (But the vivid visual and aural images created by Akinari’s language hardly require any illustration.) In contrast to yomihon, which were written in profusion during the Bunka- Bunsei eras ( 1804-1818) in the Edo region, “early” were published in the Kyoto-Osaka areas between the Meiwa (1764-1771) and Tenmei eras (1781-1788). Importantly, “early” are short stories which seek their sources in vernacular Chinese short stories.^^ In order to understand the significance of Tales o f a Garland, one must first turn to the vogue in Chinese vernacular fiction among intellectuals at that time. From the beginning of the Edo period, Chinese vernacular fiction was gradually imported to Japan, but it was around the Kyôhô period (1716- 1736) that Chinese vernacular fiction started to gain the serious attention of Japanese intellectuals. There are many reasons for this phenomenon. Some of Japanese were interested in studying the regulations of the Ming Dynasty in China, in practicing the Chinese writing style, and in studying contemporary Chinese society. Chinese vernacular fiction was read to satisfy these demands, as language textbooks, cultural guide books, and more importantly, for entertainment, Thus, Chinese vernacular fiction spread rapidly among Japanese intellectuals. Among those who were actively involved in spreading knowledge of vernacular written Chinese was Okajima Kanzan (1675-1728), a former interpreter of Chinese language at Nagasaki, and pioneer in the study

31 of Chinese vernacular fiction. 57 In the city of Edo, Kanzan met the philosopher Ogyû Sorai (1666-1728) who welcomed Kanzan to

the Society for Translating Chinese Language (lRf±). He then moved to

Kyoto, where he continued to promote interest in contemporary Chinese. The study o f Chinese vernacular language rapidly spread among the students of Kogidô a school established by the Confucian scholar ItôTôgai (1670-1736). Kanzan's greatest achievement in the Japanese literary scene was the partial transhteration of Water Margin IS into a Japanese syllabary mixed with Chinese characters in 1728. Water Margin, one o f the most popular works of vernacular fiction in China, is a story about a band of outlaws who gather to fight against the evils of society.^* The influence of this work is so significant that a number of Japanese variations were produced such as Takebe Ayatari's # ^ # 3 : {\1 \9AllHoncho suiko-den (Japanese Water Margin). Kanzan and those interested in spoken Chinese, especially the students of the Kogidô school, continued their study, some translating Chinese fiction into Japanese. 59 Kanzan’s student. Oka Hakku (1692-1767) and Hakku's fiiend, Sawada Issai iRffl—^ (1701-1782) translated several stories fi'om the famous Chinese short-story anthologies San-yen Z # (The Three Narratives), namely, Yü-shih ming-yen # # # # (Illustrious Words to Instruct the World, a later name for Ku~chin hsiao-shuo (Stories Old and New, 1620), Ching-shih t'ung-yen ##@#(Comprehensive Words to Admonish the World, 1624), and Hsing-shih heng-yen

32 (Lasting Words to Awaken the World, 1627).6° The fourteen translations selected from San-yen as well as from P'o-an ching-ch'i % ### (Striking the Table in Amazement at the Wonders, 1628), Chin-ku ch'i-kuan M (The Wonders of the Present and the Past), and Xi-hu Jia-hua (Beautiful Stories of West Lake) were published in Kanzan’s successors’ Shôsetsu seigen d ' # # #{11 A3), Shôsetsu kigen (1753), and Shôsetsu suigen (1758), the so-called Japanese Among the nine stories of Tales of a Garland, all but one is taken from the Chinese San-yen. According to Nakamura Yuldhiko, there were several reasons why Japanese intellectuals were struck by Chinese vernacular fiction. The first one is its superior storyline and structure. In the contemporary world of Japanese fiction, the popularity o f the fUppant hachimonjiya-bon (Books of Figure-Eight Publishing House), variations of ukiyo zôshi, was in decline.es The storylines, if there were any, were stereotyped and had fallen into mannerism. The structure was quite loose. The second reason for the popularity o f Chinese vernacular fiction is that, unlike the inconsistent or exaggerated personalities o f the characters in hachimonjiya-bon, those in Chinese vernacular fiction had clear and consistent personalities. They participated fidly in the story development. One should be careful, however, that personality here should not be compared with the term used in modem fiction. Rather, the term should be understood relative to earlier precedents. Thirdly, ninjômi A lf ^ or the humane feelings of Chinese fiction

33 moved the heart of the Japanese intellectuals. Though intellectuals were at that time heavily influenced and affected by Confucian ethics, they also were aware of the fact that not everything in the world could be explained by the rationalism o f didactic Confucianism. They expected literature to have something beyond the ethics o f encouraging good and punishing evil (kanzen chôaku # # # # ) and found it in Chinese vernacular fiction. Another reason was the usage of vernacular language which enabled descriptions and expressions to be in detail, and show the "reality" of life. Again, like personahty, this means that they had more verisimilitude than had previously been seen in Japanese fiction. As a rule, in Japan as well as in native China, colloquial language was considered an incomplete language in comparison to the classical language, and therefore, lowly regarded. Yet still, unlike hachimonjiya-bon, Japanese intellectuals found Chinese vernacular language not too vulgar, stereotyped, or formulaic. Lastly, there was something ideological in the works. Compared with Japanese hachimonjiya-bon, Chinese vernacular fiction seemed to offer some ideological and intellectual elements. The characters in the stories fi’equently exchange intellectual arguments, and various elements of history are described in detail .«3 Tsuga Teishô had a vast knowledge o f Chinese. He proofi-ead Honkoku Kôki jiten (the Reprint of Dictionary of Chinese Characters Compiled in the Reign of the Emperor K’ang-hsi), an excellent Chinese dictionary covering 40,545 characters in 42 volumes. In its appendix, Teishô wrote a number of corrections to the dictionary. He was

34 also fascinated by Chinese vernacular fiction and spoken Chinese, translating several Japanese plays into Chinese vernacular.^ There is no doubt he was familiar with the Water Margin as well as other noted Chinese fictional works, and vdien he adapted Chinese vernacular fiction to his stories, the aforementioned features of Chinese vernacular fiction were also incorporated. Though in Tales o f a Garland, Teishô adapted Chinese vernacular fiction to Japanese settings ( i.e., he Japanized the fiction), he purposely left some of the Chinese original in his text to be seen and appreciated by the readers. For example, the Chinese style of portraying hell as a mixture of Taoist and Buddhist elements, which was exotic to most Japanese, appears in one of the stories. Also, Teishô used a great number of Chinese characters and words in the text. In the middle of the popularity of Chinese vernacular fiction, writing Tales of a Garland was an intellectual exercise for Teishô; it appeared he enjoyed showing his erudition and the readers in turn savored its exotic atmosphere. Thus, he opened a new road for the Japanese tradition o fkaidan.

1.4.4 Flowering of kaidan and appearance of Ugetsu monogatari Soon after the publication of Tales o f a Garland, around the Hôreki era (1751-1763), the popularity of kaidan greatly expanded. Books on kaidan appeared one after another on the shelves of bookstores: Kaidan toshiotoko (Kaidan Lucky Bean Scatter, 1750), Seiban kaidan jikki M # # (True Records of Kaidan in the Western Province of Harima, 1754),

35 just to name a few. The popularity of kaidan at this time is not without reason. The first year of the Hôreki era was the time when the eighth Shogun, Tokugawa Yoshimune, died. Yoshimune had initiated the strict Kyôhô Reform. Weakening of the Reform had already appeared while Yoshimune was still alive, but Hôreki was a period of reaction against the strictness of the Reform. A yearning for something strange, mysterious, or imaginative had grown s t r o n g .^ s This tide lasted throu^ the An'ei and Meiwa eras (1764-1780). As mentioned earher, Teishô published another fictional work entitled Tales of the Thriving Field in 1766. Like Tales of a Garland, this work is an adaptation of Chinese vernacular fiction, consisting of nine stories. Two yQdislàX&t:, Nishiyama monogatari (Tale of Nishiyama) appeared. Ta/e was written by Takebe Ayatari (1719-1774), a poet and writer toward whom Akinari had a strong consciousness o f rivalry throughout his life. Akinari followed Takebe with the publication of Ugetsu monogatari. Akinari was certainly riding the kaidan wave o f popularity of that time. It should be noted here that the authors of such noteworthy works as Tales o f a Garland, Tales o f the Thriving Field, and Tale of Nishiyama were bunjin X A or literati. By the early eighteenth century, Japanese society, which was based upon class and an hereditary system, made it difficult for the individual to develop and utilize his ability in society. Among the well-educated and talented Japanese, those who liked literature found consolation there, similar to what their Chinese predecessors had

36 done. In China during the late Ming Dynasty (1368-1644), many wenren jcA or Chinese literati could not exercise their will due to social and economic constraints.^ The wenren, some of whom had lost their hope for success because they repeatedly failed national examinations,^^ found consolation and a hvelihood in the act of artistic creation such as writing prose, poetry or commentary on the classical works. Their literature, including Chinese vernacular fiction, was introduced to Japan during the Edo period, and as discussed earlier, rapidly became popular among well- educated Japanese. Sympathizing with the content of the poetry and prose written by Chinese wenren in the late Ming and early Ch’ing (1644-1911), bunjin-shumi (hteratus taste) diffused quickly among hterati in Edo Japan.^* “Literatus taste is,” Nakamura Yukihiko writes, “literary production pursued as avocation while having a main profession for making one’s livelihood or leading a hfe of retirement.”^^ Tsuga Teishô, the author o f Tales o f a Garland and Tales o f the Thriving Field, was a physician; and Takebe Ayatari was a poet and a painter. Akinari, whose name was not recognized beyond a limited number of the haikai circle prior to writing Ugetsu monogatari in 1768, certainly had the tastes of a literatus. In fact, during Akinari’s time in the Kyoto-Osaka region, the number of those with “literatus taste” blossomed, and Akinari is one of the lastbunjin fiction writers of the Kyoto-Osaka region before the region conceded its literary supremacy to Edo.^^ Among Akinari’s fiiends and acquaintances are Takai Kitô JL#( 1741 -1789), a well known haikai poet who recognized Akinari’s talent as “unrivaled,”^^ and Kitô’s haikai teacher.

37 Yosa Buson 4 ^ # # # (1716-1783), a famous haikai poet and painter of the middle of the Edo period. Yosa Buson later became acquainted with Akinari and wrote a preface to Akinari’s book about haikai words entitled Yakanashô 6 # # (Commentary on and “Aono,” 1774). Katsube Seigyo (1712-1788), a physician who studied Confucianism, and Fujitani Nariakira (1738-79), a scholar of National Learning and a waka poet, were also good friends of Akinari. Both Seigyo and Nariakira were very fond o f Chinese vernacular fiction and are said to have introduced it to Akinari.^ A noted waka poet, Ozawa Roan d'iR ( 1723-1801), recommended that Akinari be a teacher of waka. Roan was a close fiiend who respected Akinari’s talent and lifestyle. Other lifelong firiends of Akinari were Kimura Kenkadô (1736-1802) and Hosoai Hansai (1727-1803), who were also Osaka literati. Kenkadô, a wealthy brewery merchant, was famous for his collection of books, paintings, maps, and curios. Akinari, who must have borrowed rare books from Kenkadô, cherished him above all for their shared love o f tea. Hosoai Hansai was a scholar of Chinese writings, a composer of Chinese verse, and a calligrapher. The self-expression these bunjin put into their art was very much embedded in tradition. Dennis Washburn writes: Expression of the self was tied to a knowledge of the tradition, to a concern with style and structure, but it did not depend on technical proficiency alone...for the literati, connoisseurship and amateurism were far more important. Connoisseurship was the bridge between personal preference and established canons. It defined the individual in relation to the tradition.^^

38 Akinari adapted a great deal from his kaidan predecessors — the narrative framework, the narrator’s attitude toward the supernatural, and the plot just to name a few. Hctnd Puppet, Tales of Retribution, Nursery Tales and Tales o f a Garland are some of the noteworthy kaidan works that influenced him. Ugetsu monogatari, which came after these works and at the peak of kaidan productivity, had the advantage of adapting the merits of its predecessors. Importantly, Ugetsu monogatari was, as will be seen from Chapter Four through Chapter Eight, written in accord with tradition.

39 Notes

1 This interpretation is based on readings of kaidan-shû ("collections of kaidan") of the Edo period as well as recent works such as Yamaguchi Takeshi, ed., Kaidan meisaku shû (Tokyo, Nihon Meicho Zenshû Kankôkai, 1927); Takada Mamoru, ed., Edo Kaidan-shû, 3 vols. (Tokyo, Iwanami Shoten, 1989-90); Kurashima Sesshô ed, Kinsei kaikidan (Tokyo, Koten Bunko, 1992); Kokusho Kankôkai éd., Tokugawa bungei niishû, vol.4 (Tokyo, Kokusho Kankôkai, 1970) and Konno Ensuke, Nihon kaidan-shû: Yûrei-hen (Tokyo, Shakai Shisdsha, 1969). For those who read EngUsh, the term, kaidan, may remind one of Lafcadio Hearn's masterful collection of stories entitled Kwaidan: Stories and Studies of Strange Things (Boston, Houghton Mifflin Company, 1904). In his preface, Hearn translates Kwaidan as "weird tales" (iii.) Although Hearn wrote in the modem period, the stories he collected come from Japan's long past. He collected the strange tales and wrote them down while the traces of the past still abounded. His usage and translation of the term kaidan seems quite valid when we consider kaidan of the Edo period (1600-1867).

2 Takada Mamoru, "Kaisetsu," in Takada Mamoru, ed. Edo Kaidan-shû, vol. 1 (Tokyo, Iwanami Shoten, 1989), pp. 391-92.

3 Tachikawa Kiyoshi to Noriko T. Reider, 23 February 1995.

4 The work was completed in 1627 or 28 by Hayashi Razan with the title Kaidan. But it was published by a Kyoto bookseller in 1703, forty-one years after the death of Razan, under the title Complete Works o f Strange Tales. The bookseller/ publisher probably rode the wave of popularity of kaidan at the time and printed the work for commercial sale. See, Fuji Akio, “Hayashi Razan, Kaidan zensho,’’' in Edo no kaiki, gensô kûkan, Kokubungaku Kaishaku to kyôzai no kenkyû 37. 9 (August 1992): 67.

5 Ibid., pp. 65-67.

6 Tachikawa, correspondence.

40 7 Togi in otogi-shû means "to attend at night."

8 According to Taoist belief, on the night of kôshin, worms that reside in the human body go to heaven while their hosts sleep, and tell God about the crimes of their hosts. In order to prevent this, villagers gathered to spend the night without sleeping. This was a good opportunity for them to tell various tales. Hence, a proverb says: "The night of kôshin is for tales."

9 Takada, "Kaisetsu," in Edo Kaidan-shû, vol. I, pp. 394-95.

10 Walter J. Ong, Orality and Literacy (London, Methuen & Co., 1982), p. 102.

Moriyama Shigeo, "Hanashi no dentô to Saikaku," in Chûsei to kinsei no genzd (Tokyo, Shindokushosha, 1965), p. 39.

12 Ong, p. 148.

13 Leon M. Zolbrod, “Yomihon: The Appearance of the Historical Novel in Late Eighteenth Century and Early Nineteenth Century Japan," Journal of Asian Studies 25 (1966): 485.

1-* The Japanese writing system is comprised of two types of writing: kanji, which are Chinese characters, and kana, the Japanese syllabary. The latter is further divided into katakana and hiragana. Before the Second World War, katakana was generally used to supplement kanji, which generally requires more education to read. Hiragana was traditionally gendered as female, and considered more accessible for less-educated people.

15 Though some academic texts and reprinted classics are written in the the kana syllabary, they are excluded from kanazdshi. Noda Hisao, Kinsei shdsetsushi ronkô (Tokyo, Haniwa Shobo, 1961), p. 25.

15 The book entitled Kdshoku ichidai otoko ftl§ (The Man who Loved Love) written by Ihara Saikaku (1642-1693) in 1682 marks the

41 begiiming of the genre, ukiyo zôshi-, and Shogei Hitori Jiman ( Self- Satisfaction in the Various Arts, 1783) written by a writer named Fukugûken marks the end. For a discussion of Ukiyo, see Donald Keene, World Within Walls: Japanese Literature of the Pre-Modem Era, 1600- 1867 (New York, Grove Press, 1976), p. 216.] Ukiyo zôshi means the “tales ofukiyo ^ The term ukiyo originally meant ukiyo $ # # , transience or uncertainty of life, of Buddhist concept. But by the mid-sixteenth century, the word acquired more than the Buddhist use — it came to signify ‘modem,’ ‘up to date,’ and ‘fashionable’ as well. The writer, Asai Ryoi, defined ukiyo in his Tales o f the Floating World (c. 1661) as “hving for the moment, gazing at the moon, snow, blossoms, and autumn leaves, enjoying wine, women, and song, and, in general, drifting with the current o f life ‘like a gourd floating downstream’.” Thus, ukiyo was interpreted as “floating world” (homonym of # # # ). It meant the life of pleasure, accepted without thinking what might lie ahead.” As such, “the people of theukiyo disliked vdiatever they thought to be outmoded.” [Howard Hibbett,The Floating World in Japanese Fiction (Tokyo, Charles E. Tuttle Co., 1959; reprint, 1986), p. 11.] By the time o f the appearance of Saikaku’s The Man who Loved Love in 1682, the term ukiyo as “floating world” was famihar. But ukiyo acquired another new meaning under the influence of Saikaku’s The Man who Loved Love. That is, by the protagonist’s devotion to the “various hcensed quarters, the floating world par excellence,” the term ukiyo came to mean “amorousness.” [Keene, p. 168 ] The characters in ukiyo zôshi are energetic. The protagonist of The Man who Loved Love, for example, represents “the ideals of the new society . . .an exemplar of how a man can exploit his own potentiahties; he is above all the man of the ukiyo.” [Ibid., 170 ] Thus, uldyo zôshi, or tales of floating world described contemporary life in new view. With its entertaining content written in detached and analytical manner, and its flowing diction — contemporary language mixed with classical writing — Saikaku’s work met immediate success and was followed by many imitative works. Ukiyo zôshi is usually categorized into four major types: I) kôshoku- mono, or amorous pieces centered around the activities in the pleasure quarters; 2) chônin-mono, or townsmen works that focus on urban 42 economic life; 3) setsiiwa-mono, which contain curious and strange tales from various provinces; 4) buke-mono, or samurai pieces which describes various aspects o f samurai life. "Ukiyo-zoshi," in Encyclopedia of Japan, vol. 8 (Tokyo, Kôdansha International, 1983), p. 144.

17 Mizutani Futô, Shinsen retsudentai shdsetsushi quoted in Noma Kôshin, “Kanazdshi kenkyûshi monogatari” in Kinsei sakka denkô (Tokyo, Chûô Kôronsha, 1985), p. 32.

18 Ebara Taizô, Kana zôshi, Iwanami kdza 19 (Tokyo, Iwanami Shoten, 1933), pp. 20-35.

18 Noda Hisao, ed., Kana Zôshishû 1, Nihon koten zensho (Tokyo, Asahi Shinbunsha, 1960), p. 27.

20 Kusazôshi are inexpensive illustrated books pubhshed mainly in Edo (present-day Tokyo) between 1678-1888. Its origin traces back to emakimono # # # (picture scroll) in the Heian period (794-1185). Kusazôshi's development goes, chronologically, aka-hon (red books, published between 1678 and 1749), kurohon-aohon (black books & blue books, \l^-\115),kibyôshi # # # (yellow-back books, 1775-1806), and finally, gôkan (bound books. 1806-1869) which dissolved into serialized fiction in newspaper during the Meiji period (1868- 1912). For the dates of each books and its development, see Tôgasaki Fumiko, “Santo Kyôden’s Kibyôshi; Visual/Vertical and Contemporary/Classical Intercommunication,” Ph.D. dissertation (Indiana University, 1995), p. 9. Also, see Leon M. Zolbrod, '^Kusazôshi. Chapbooks of Japan,”The Transactions of the Asiatic Society o f Japan 10 (August 1968): 117-18, and “Yomihon: The Appearance of the Historical Novel in Late Eighteenth Century and Early Nineteenth Century Japan,” p. 485.

21 René Welleck and Austin Warren, Theory o f Literature (New York,

43 Harcourt, Brace & World, Inc, 1956), p. 231.

22 Gary Saul Morson and Caryl Emerson, Mikhail Bakhtin: Creation o f a Prosaics (Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1990), p. 275.

23 Ibid., p. 282-83.

24 Mikhail M. Bakhtin, The Dialogic Imagination, tr. Caryl Emerson and Michael Holquist (Austin, University of Texas Press, 1981), p.428.

2? Ibid., p. 277.

26 Noda, Kinsei bungaku no haikei (Tokyo, Haniwa Shobo, 1964), pp. 112-17.

27 Keene Donald, World Within Walls: Japanese Literature of the Pre- Modem Era, 1600-1867 (New York, Grove Press, 1976), p. 2.

28 Umehara Takeshi, "Onryô to chinkon no shisô" in Tamura Yoshirô and Minamoto Ryôen, éd., Nihon ni okeru sei to shi no shisô (Tokyo, Yûhikaku, 1977), pp. 24-25.

29 Moriyama Shigeo, Chûsei to kinsei no genzd (Tokyo, Shin dokushosha, 1965), p. 282.

30 A Neo-Confucian theory which holds that there is first // M between the heaven and earth. Later, with the movement of chi % o f yin and yang, an entity (# ) is bom. Li is the substance (essence) of the universe and chi is its phenomenon. Daijiten vol. 25, 26 (Tokyo, Heibonsha, 1954), p. 402.

31 Written by Asai Ryoi (7-1691), a masterless samurai, Buddhist monk, and a fiction writer, “Peony Lantern" is an adaptation o f a Chinese story entitled “Mudan dengji” (“Tale of Peony Lantern"). Though the original Chinese text and other previous Japanese 44 adaptations and translations of it are entertaining, Asai Ryôi’s “Peony Lantern” reveals more elements of secularization than its predecessors. The original Chinese story, “Tale of Peony Lantern,” is situated in China, with Chinese characters and customs, hnportantly, the plot of the original text is much longer. In the Japanese version, when harm is a consequence of the ghosts’ visits, the Ogiwara family has the priests pray for the ghosts’ exorcism and as a result, the apparitions never return, and the story ends. On the other hand, in the original text, the family of the male protagonist does not appear at all, but instead, the local people appeal to Wei, a Taoist priest, [in the Japanese story, a Buddhist priest] who had previously given the male protagonist two charms [in Japanese version, one charm] to prevent the ghosts from visiting him. From that point, the Chinese story continues to its end, nearly doubling the volume of the text, and this latter half strongly reveals teaching on ethical conduct. Wei, claiming that his power is not strong enough, suggests that they ask the renowned Taoist, Tie kuan, who Hves in a remote mountain, for help. In the deep mountain. Tie kuan reluctantly accepts the people’s wish and summons the ofiBcials o f the underworld. Ordered by Tie kuan, the underworld officials bring the ghosts in front of Tie kuan. The party, in pillory and chained, is bleeding from flogging. After being further flogged, each of them writes a confession. Tie kuan makes a long speech on the heavenly punishment of the wrong-doers, and sentences them to hell, where they are accordingly dragged. On the following morning, the people go to the mountain to thank Tie kuan, but he is nowhere to be found. On their return, they ask Wei to explain Tie kuan’s disappearance, but find that he has lost his abihty to speak. “Tale of Peony Lantern” is included in CA/en-reM Aj/M-Az/j M (New Tales Under the Lamplight), an influential work for kaidan dealing with strange and mysterious materials written in classical Chinese by Ch'u Yii (1341-1427). In the preface to Chten-ten hsin-hua, the narrator states that “Sages wrote Books o f Odes, Records, Change, and Spring and Autumn Annals in order to regulate life and the world...I edited this book to teach people to encourage the good, punish the bad, pity the poor and console the less fortunate.” [Tachikawa, Kinsei kaiishôsetsu kenkyû, p. 8.] The “Tales of Peony Lantern” is beautifully written in classical Chinese and is quite entertaining. But the confessions of the ghosts, as well as the act 45 of the renowned Taoist who preaches and executes the punishment of the ghosts, are examples of the didacticism articulated in the preface. As early as 1648, Annotated New Tales Under the Lamplight was printed in Japan in kanbun or Chinese writing. {Kanbun literally means Chinese writings. But Japanese did not read kanbun as Chinese writings in Chinese. Rather, they devised a Japanese way of reading Chinese writings by changing the word order and adding Japanese particles and inflections.) When people, that is to say, a limited number o f intellectuals who could understand classical Chinese or kanbun, read New Tales Written Under the Lamplight either in the original or the annotated version, they were struck by its strangeness of events in a different, revered culture. The unknown author of Kii zôtanshû (Collection of Miscellaneous Strange Tales, ca. 1650s) writes: “There is a newly-imported book entitled New Tales Under the Lamplight. This is a book which collected strange and weird tales. I shall take two or three tales from the work and write them here. Under the Lamplight signifies cutting the wick of a candle. It connotes to talk until late at night Here I shall soften the language of classical Chinese and record it in Japanese.” [Yamaguchi Takeshi, "Kaisetsu" in Kaidan meisaku shû. Nihon meicho zenshû, ed.,Yamaguchi Takeshi, p. 28.] This author seems to have been impressed by the fantastic events and strange customs in New Tales Under the L am pligh t. One o f his three translations from New Tales Under the Lamplight was “Tales of Peony Lantern,” though he changed its title to “A Woman, After her Death, Drags a Man into the CofiSn and Kills Him.” This version of the story is a translation sometimes executed rather freely. Interestingly, in this version, the unknown author greatly abbreviated the didactic part of stoiy. The Taoist’s long speech is simply put: “The Taoist verbally persecuted them [the ghosts] for a while.” Similarly, the ghosts’ confession statement is summarized in one sentence: “We [the ghosts] w ill not cast evil spells any more, and there wiU not be any harm to people.” Apparently the author’s interest resided more in the secular part of the story, which is the first half. Still, one may see an element of didacticism in “A Woman, After her Death, Drags a Man into 46 the Coffin and Kills” by the act of the ghosts’ being physically punished and sent to hell. In Ryôi’s “Peony Lantern,” however, this part is completely eliminated. It could be because Ryoi thought the scene of the underworld not very effective for the story, for Taoism was unfamihar to many Japanese. Whatever the reason(s), when Ryoi chose to omit the underground section fi*om his “Peony Lantern,” the major didacticism was taken away, too.

32 The title, Otogi boko, comes firom this "Botan dôrô." In the story, when the main character Ogiwara Shinnojô visits the temple associated with his lover, he finds the cofiBn o f his lover and beside it, an otogi boko. Otogi boko is Ryoi's translation of the Chinese, (an unglazed maid-puppet who accompanies the dead.) Tachikawa Kiyoshi, Kinsei kaii shôsetsu kenkyû (Tokyo, Kazama Shoin, 1979), p. 5.

33 It was written by Murasaki Shdabu (9737-1016?), the author of the Tale o f Genji and a lady-in-waiting to the empress Shôshi. The first half of the diary depicts the events surrounding the birth o f Prince Atsuhira (later Emperor Ichijô) as reported to her mistress. Empress Shôshi at the mansion of her father, Fujiwara no Michinaga. The second half describes her critical views on art, colleagues, and life. For the complete translation of Diary of Murasaki Shikibu, see Richard Bowring's Murasaki Shikibu: Her Diary and Poetic Memoirs (Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1982).

34 Noda Hisao, "Kaiishôsetsu no keifu to Akinari," in Kôza nihon bungaku: Kinsei-hen 2, ed., Zenkoku Daigaku Kokugo Bungakkai (Tokyo, Sanseidô, 1970), pp. 38-39.

35 See Yamaguchi Takeshi, "Kaisetsu," in Kaidan meisaku shû: Nihon meicho zenshû, ed. Yamaguchi Takeshi; Yamaguchi Takeshi, "Kaii shôsetsu no kenkyû," in Edo bungaku kenkyû (Tokyo, Tokyodô, 1933); Ebara Taizô, "Kinsei kaii shôsetsu no ichi genryû," in Ebara Taizô chosaku shû, vol. 17 (Tokyo, Chûô Kôron sha, 1980).

47 3« New Tales Under the Lamplight is believed to have been introduced to Japan sometime during the Muromachi period (1336-1573). At that time, however, readership was very limited. The work was probably read by a limited number of educated Zen priests who could read classical Chinese and avidly imitated Chinese lifestyles. Watanabe Morikuni, "Asai Ryoi Togi boko," in Edo no kaiki, gensô kûkan, Kokubungaku Kaishaku to kyôzai no kenkyû 37. 9 (August 1992): 62. Also, see Note 31. In Hand Puppets, other than New Tales Under the Lamplight, two stories are taken from Chien-tengyii-hua (More Tales Under the Lamphght), two from Korean author, Kim Sisup’s AB##'s and others from various Chinese fictional works. Watanabe Morikuni, "Asai Ryoi Togi bôko," in Edo no kaiki, gensô kûkan, Kokubungaku Kaishaku to kyôzai no kenkyû 37.9 (August 1992): 64. See also Matsuda Osamu, Nihon kinsei bungaku no seiritsu (Tokyo, Hôsei daigaku Shuppan, 1972), p. 151.

37 Kinsei bungei sôsho, vol. 3 (Tokyo, Tosho Kankôkai, 1910), p. 1. Hôjô Hideo states commenting on the motive for Ryôi’s writing fiction, “It seems that Ryôi wanted to end his life as a preacher o f the Ôtani school of True Pure Land sect of Buddhism. Therefore, it is considered that his kaii (strange and different) fiction was written as an expedient for sermon.” Hôjô Hideo, Shinshû Asai Ryôi (Tokyo, Kazama Shoin, 1974), P. 45. However, the assumption that Ryôi wanted to be a Buddhist preacher does not necessarily mean that his kaii fiction, such as Otogi bôko, was written solely for didactic purposes. It could have been written out of creative impulse. Or he could have been asked by a bookseller. Rather, it is more finitfiil to look at how the readers read his fiction. Genroku taiheiki (Record of Great Peace in Genroku Era, 1672) writes that “From the ancient time to the present, the interesting tales without wakening are Otogi bôko, Kashôki, and Iguchi monogatari.... these are the ever lasting fiction,” p. 78. Apparently, people read Otogi bôko because it was an interesting, entertaining book.

38 Kinsei bungei sôsho, p. 1.

39 Ebara, p. 93. 48 ^0 Aoki Masaru, AokiMasaru zenshû, vol. 2 (Tokyo, Shunju-sha, 1970), p. 382.

41 Some of the tales may have been written with Buddhist priests as the ultimate target readers, because the plot and tone seem to proselytize against bad behavior by priests.

42 "Inga monogatari," in Hitani Akihiko, Nihon koten bungaku daijiten, ed. Nihon Koten Bungaku Daijiten Henshû linkai (Tokyo, Iwatami Shoten, 1983), p. 244.

43 Sano Shoeki, "Nigiwaigusa," (1682) quoted in Noda, "Kaiishôsetsu no keifu to Akinari," p. 39.

44 Noda Hisao, “Preface,”Kinsei kaii shôsetsu kenkyû by Tachikawa Kiyoshi (Tokyo, Kazama Shoin, 1979).

45 About its form, the author o f Otogi bôko, Asai Ryôi, writes: When Narrating The Strange, The Strange Will Happen. From ancient times, it was said that when people repeat tales of horror or strangeness one hundred times, a strange thing will come to pass. There is a format for telling these tales. On the dark night, one puts a hght on an andon (paper-covered lamp stand). The paper for the andon should be pale-colored. One-hundred wicks are placed in the lamp, and every time a tale is told, one wick is pulled out. Gradually the room becomes darker and darker. The pale- color of the andon flickers in the room, and the atmosphere becomes ghastly. If the stories continue to be told, it is claimed that a horrible and/or mysterious thing would happen without fail. Kinsei bungei sôsho, p. 145.

46 Noda, "Kaiishôsetsu no keifu to Akinari," p. 38.

47 “ ■Fan Chii-ch’ing's Eternal Friendship”is included in Ku-chin hsiao-shuo

49 {Stories Old and New, 1620) compiled by Feng Meng-limg (1574- 1646). Regarding the compiler and Stones Old and New, see Note 60.

48 Based on Noda Hisao, "Kaiishôsetsu no keifu to Akinari," p. 41.

49 Paul H. Varley, Japanese Culture (Honolulu, University of Hawaii Press, 1973), p. 150.

“ Munemasa Isoo, Matsuda Osamu, and Teruoka Yasuo, eds., Ihara Saikaku-shû [Works by Ihara Saikaku]. Nihon koten bungaku zenshû [Complete Works of Classical Japanese Literature] 39, (Tokyo, Shogakukan, 1973), p. 66.

51 Regarding the comparison between Saikaku’s "Murasaki onna" and Akinari's "Kibitsu no kama," see Shigetomo Ki, "Saikaku to Akinari," Koten kenkyû 4 (October 1939): 15-28.

52 Nakamura Yukihiko assumes that Ugetsu monogatari was written under the direct supervision of Teishô. Nakamura Yukihiko, "Ueda Akinari no shi, Tsuga Teishô," Rekishi to Jinbutsu 27 (February 1974): 124-135.

53 Nakamura Yukihiko, "Ueda Akinari no shi, Tsuga Teishô," pp. 128-131. See also Goto Tanji, "Eihan nisho to Ugetsu monogatari no kankei," Kokugo kokubun 25 (March 1956): 1-16.

54 This theory was propounded by Kimura Mokurô (1774-1856) and Takizawa Bakin (1768-1848), quoted in Nakamura Yukihiko, Kinsei shdsetsushi no kenkyû, p. 251. Regarding kusazôshi, see Note 20. Yet, in Japanese Uterary history, this term is used for a group of works which have the following characteristics: 1) an interesting storyline; 2) the writers' consciousness of artistic verisimihtude; 3) wakan konkd -bun-, 4) some historical elements; 5) characters in the works that have consistent personalities; 5) purporting the concept of kanzen chdaku (encouraging good and punishing evil). Nakamura Yukihiko, Kinsei shdsetsushi no kenkyû, 259-261. Yomihon became very popular during the Bunka-Bunsei 50 eras ( 1804-1818) in the Edo region. The representative author of yomihon is Takizawa Bakin (1767-1848).

55 Asô Isoji, Kinsei shôsetsu (Tokyo, Shibundô, 1952), pp. 114-118.

56 Nakamura Yukihiko, "Kaisetsu," in Hcmabusa zôshi, Nishiyama monogatari, Ugetsu monogatari, Harusame monogatari. Nihon Koten Bungaku Zenshû 48, eds., Nakamura Yukihiko, T^ada Mamoru, and Nakamura Hiroyasu (Tokyo, Shogakukan, 1973), p. 9; Nakamura Yukihiko, Kinsei shôsetsushi no kenkyû (Tokyo, Ôfusha, 1961), p. 261. With regard to the element o f "entertainment" in Chinese vernacular fiction, Yoshikawa Kôjirô states that Chinese vernacular fiction was primarily developed in China as "entertainment." Yoshikawa Kôjirô, Yoshikawa Kôjirô zenshû [Complete Works of Yoshikawa Kôjirô], vol.l (Tokyo, Chikuma Shobo, 1968), pp. 181- 229. Yoshikawa claims that Chinese vernacular fiction was traditionally considered marginal in Chinese society, and gives the following reasons: "Chinese were ardent in the study of human law in the form of poUtics and ethics, and esteemed the following two entities as the foundation of that law: common sense and the fact of the past. Because the product of imagination tended to be beyond common sense and it did not exist on earth, Chinese vernacular fiction was not respected." Another reason he gives is its language, i.e., the works are in principle written in the vernacular. As a rule, colloquial language was considered an incomplete language in comparison to the classical language. The similar "entertainment" theory is expounded by Timothy C. Wong. See Wong's "Entertainment as Art: An Approach to the Ku'Chin Hsiao- Shuo" Chinese Literature: Essays, Articles, Reviews, 3.2 (July, 1981): 235-250.

57 See Aoki Masaru's "Okajima Kanzan to Shina hakuwa bungaku" [Okajima Kanzan and Chinese vernacular fiction] in Aoki Masaru zenshû. vol. 2 (Tokyo, Shunju-sha, 1970); Ishizaki Matazô, Kinsei nihon ni okeru Shina zokugo bungaku shi, [History of Chinese Vernacular Literature in Pre-modem Japan] (Tokyo, Shimizu Kôbundô Shobô, 1967).

58 The story is based upon historical events that took place in the early

51 twelfth century. According to oral accounts, a group of thirty-six bandits gathered in 111 5 at a location in a marshy area called Mt. Liang in the Shangtong district. There the gang leader. Sung Shang, established his headquarters. In 1117 the band was forced to surrender to government forces. After the surrender, the bandits become agents of the governmental army and were used to put down another rebeUion. As time passed in the recounting of the story, the number of bandits increased to one hundred eight and they became characters who represented righteousness and commitment. The story was told through the mouths of storytellers, and these bandits became popular in art, verse, and drama. Authorship is attributed to Shih Nai-an (ca.forteenth century) and Lo Kuan-chung (1330-1400). There are several editions of Water Margin, each with a different number of chapters. The major editions are those in seventy, one hundred, and one hundred twenty chapters. Kanzan transliterated Li Zhou-wu’s ^ ^ 5 one hundred chapter edition of The complete transUteration o f Water Margin was not pubhshed at one time. Rather, the first ten chapters were printed in 1728, and then, the next ten in 1759. Succeeded by another translator, the translation was completed in 1790. Nakano Mitsutoshi, “Atarashii shôsetsu no hassei,” in Nakamura Yukihiko and Nishiyama Matsunosuke, ed., Bmka ryôran, Nihon bungaku no rekishi 8 (Tokyo, Kadokawa Shoten, 1967), p. 82.

59 See Aoki Masaru's "Zoku bungaku no eikyd [Edo ki]" in Aoki Masaru zenshû, vol. 2, pp. 381-392.

60 Since all three anthologies contain the character yen w(words), they are collectively called San-yen 5#(The Three Words). Each volume contains forty stories. San-yen was edited by Feng Meng-lung ^ ô (1574-1646). He selected these stories fi’om his large hbrary. San-yen are regarded as the finest examples of early Chinese fiction in the vernacular, and as such, exercise influence over all subsequent Chinese fiction. Timothy C. Wong, "Morahty as Entertainment: Altruistic Friendship in the Ku-chin hsiao-shuo," reprinted from Tamkang Review 8.1 (Fall 1982): 57. The compiler, Feng Meng-lung (1574-1646) was bom to a wealthy

52 artistic Soochow family. Like other authors of fiction, his early life is little known. Also, like many other writers, he was not successful in his examination for entry into the revered Chinese bureaucracy. But in the beginning o f the Ch'ung-chen period (1628-1644), he became a senior hcentiate and later was appointed to magistrate of Shou-ning in Fukien province. He was socially active and after the fall of the Ming dynasty in 1644, he was an active member of the loyahst movement. Without his effort, most of the San-yen stories would not have survived.

Ishizaki Matazô, Kinsei nihon ni okeru Shina zokugo bungaku shi, pp. 215-17.

62 Hachimonjiya or Figure-Eight Publishing House was the estabhshed pubhsher in Kyoto which had long been printing various types o f ukiyo zôshi. (Regarding Ukiyo zôshi, see Note 16 of this chapter.) This publisher was so famous for printing ukiyo zd^/jz-type hterature that even ukiyo zôshi published between 1700 and 1767, when the house was not publishing, are called/jûfc/j//wo«/7>a-don A:&:^#;$:, or “Books of Figure- Eight Pubhshing House.” One form of hachimonjiya-bon at this time was a "character book." When ukiyo zôshi fell into mannerism and stagnated, Ejima Kiseki (1667-1736) appeared and opened this new field to ukiyo zôshi. Kiseki assembled the characters depicted up to then and categorized them into certain types according to similar status, professions, or age. Katagi means human characteristic or disposition. Kiseki described the features or personaUties of these classified characters in an exaggerated and fi*equently satirical fashion. His books became very popular and were imitated by many. But again, this form fell into mannerism. Hachimonjiya-bon, which includes “character book” as well as those books heavily influenced by the Kabuki plays, employed plain and formulaic language. This fiction was the only original fiction being pubhshed in the Early eighteen century until the appearance of yomihon in 1749. Sakai Kochi, Ueda Akinari, pp. 37-38; Young, Ueda Akinari, p. 18.

63 Nakamura Yukihiko, "Kaisetsu," in Hanabusa zôshi, Nishiyama monogatari, Ugetsu monogatari, Harusame monogatari, p. 11; Nakamura

53 Yukihiko, Kinsei shôsetsushi no kenkyû, pp. 259-267; Shigetomo Ki, Kinsei bungakushi no shomondai (Tokyo, Meiji Shoin, 1963), pp. 194-95. Shigetomo stresses that an author's moral intentions are another feature o f Chinese vernacular fiction. This is a common view among the scholars of Japanese hterature. However, I question whether Chinese authors had singular intent. I beUeve that the Chinese intellectuals recorded the vernacular fiction predominantly for entertainment. See Note 56.

Nakamura Yukihiko, "Kaisetsu," in Hanabusa zôshi, Nishiyama monogatari, Ugetsu monogatari, Harusame monogatari, 14.

65 Noda Hisao, "Kaiishôsetsu no keifu to Akinari," pp. 49-50.

66 Robert E. Hegel, The Novel in Seventeenth-century China (Columbian University Press, 1981), p. 56.

67 In China, one became an official by taking the oflBcial examinations. Passing the examinations, especially the higher levels, was extremely difficult and prestigious. If one were successful, one could then hold pubhc office, which brought material wealth and fame. Also, see the section of “Sources, Allusions, and Akinari’s convictions and intellectual discourse” in Chapter Six.

68 Nakamura Yukihiko, "Kaisetsu," in Hanabusa zôshi, Nishiyama monogatari, Ugetsu monogatari, Harusame monogatari, pp. 5-10. Ju-lin wai-shih (The Scholars) written by Wu Ching-tzu (1701-1754) well depicts the contradictions of the examination system and the hardship encountered by students who try to pass the examinations.

69 Nakamura Yukihiko, "Kaisetsu," in Hanabusa zôshi, Nishiyama monogatari, Ugetsu monogatari, Harusame monogatari, p. 7.

70 It is generally accepted in the history of Edo literature that the 1770s are a border line, when the center of the hterary production shifts from Kyoto-

54 Osaka region to Edo, present-day Tokyo.

71 A letter from Kitô to Tôsai, quoted in Takada Mamoru, Ueda Akinari nempu kôsetsu (Tokyo, Meizendô Shoten, 1964), p. 97.

72 Ueda Akinari shû, p. 3; Nakamura Yukihiko, "Ueda Akinari no shi, Tsuga Teishô," Rekishi to jinbutsu 27 (February 1974): 131.

73 Dennis Washburn, "Ghostwriters and Literary Haunts: Subordinating Ethics to Art in Ugetu monogatari," M N 45. 1 (Spring 1990): 52.

55 CHAPTER 2

AKINARI AND BELIEF IN THE SUPERNATURAL

According to Bakhtin, genre is the basic structure of how people perceive their world and therein tell stories. Bakhtin considers chronotope the palpable linguistic indication of the unity of time and space, to be the determining mark of genre. “It is precisely the chronotope,” he writes, “that defines genre and generic distinctions.”* Chronotope is “the organizing center for the fimdamental narrative events of the novel.”^ Regarding the chronotopes o f the author and the reader, Bakhtin states: the reality reflected in the text, the authors creating the text, the performers of the text (if they exist) and finally the listeners or readers who recreate and in so doing renew the text — participate equally in the creation of the represented world in the text. Out of the actual chronotopes o f our world (which serve as the source of representation) emerge the reflected and created chronotopes of the world represented in the world (in the text).^

What people bring to the text is, thus, an integral part of the social and ideological trend governing people at that time. Accordingly, kaidan literature is inseparable fi'om the contemporary environment in which it was written. How, then, did people hving in Edo Japan, especially those around

56 Akinari, regard supernatural beings? Did they believe in kai, the strange and weird? How about Akinari’s belief in supernatural beings? This chapter will consider the questions o f belief in the supernatural.

2.1 People Around Akinari In the Thriving Field, Tsuga Teishô (1718-1791), an Osaka physician and the person considered to be Akinari's medical teacher as well as his writing teacher, writes: As a rule, all living beings and sentient creatures have shin # (soul or spirit), which enables them to possess and/or serve others. Their spiritual power is stronger than that o f the dead and o f goblins. Yet, the living human and sentient creatures consider their own profit first, which is the nature of the hving, and inevitable for many human beings ...In remote antiquity, when mountains, rivers, grasses, and trees were not touched by human beings and people were sparsely populated, baboons felt close to humankind, revealing themselves and associating with humans. Humans all knew baboon’s doings. In a later period, however, people have thrived, reclaiming mountains and seas for food,... Dragons, snakes, rhinoceros, and wolves keep a distance fi'om humans for fear. Because baboons and long-eared red dwarves have more spiritual power, all the more they avoid the humans... Many of the people of the later period consider the spirit of the dead and a baboon to be the same, not knowing the difference between them because people do not see the creatures with their eyes. Also, listening to the telling of strange phenomena of the past, people suspect their truth, for they do not see them in the present. . .How can one not consider the possibihty that there are supernatural beings in remote mountains and great marshes (i^lii,

Teishô was an intellectual who proofi-ead the excellent Chinese dictionary. Reprint of Dictionary o f Chinese Characters Compiled in the Reign of the

57 Emperor K 'ang-hsi. With his intellect, he attempted to give a logical explanation to the existence of supernatural beings. Teishô’s discussion assumed the very existence of the subject matter, i.e., baboons, goblins, and spirits of the dead. He considered that it was absurd to suppose their non­ existence just because humans could not see them. He seems to have been strongly convinced of the existence of the supernatural, especially in remote areas. Though firmly beUeving in the existence o f deities, some of those who studied kolcugaku IS#, or National Learning, based their theories on different ground. National Learning, which began in the seventeenth century, is the philological and exegetical study of Japanese classical hterature for the purpose of clarifying the cultural and spiritual uniqueness of Japan. Motoori Norinaga (1730-1801) was an eminent scholar of National Learning, and systematized its philosophy. For Norinaga, empirical evidence for supernatural beings was contained in classical literature, especially in Kojiki (Records of Ancient Matters, 712), the oldest extant historical prose in Japan. His strong behef in the language of the Records of Ancient Matters compelled him to beUeve that all the deities mentioned in the text were real. This belief was in not only personified deities, but “anything — birds, animals, trees, grasses, mountains, seas and etc. — which is not common but is an extraordinary, awesome being, is a deity.”^ He states that “even the most intelhgent and adept human beings are no match for foxes which have mysterious power.”^ Unlike Confucian scholars who rationalized the existence of the

58 supernatural by means o f li-chi dualism^ or the theory oïyin-yang Norinaga rejected any rational or ethical interpretation of these deities.^ The world of divine time may look mysterious from the point of view of human beings, Norinaga explained, but there existed provident law which was beyond human intelligence, and it was not at all irrational from the divine standpoint.*® For him, there was no demarcation between the divine age and the age of humans. Japan was superior to any other country because its divinity made it so. He claimed that there were many traces and sites from the divine period, and wrote: “deities of the divine period may not be visible in the present-day, but in those days, they were tangible. Among them, people of our time still can see Amaterasu Ômikami, the Sun Goddess [who is the sun in the sky].”** It should be noted that not everyone who was engaged in National Learning accepted his view. Akinari, for one, argued against Norinaga’s interpretation. The debate between Norinaga and Akinari attracted a lot of attention among intellectuals at that time. Since the topic concerns the supernatural, and importantly, reveals the thought processes of people who were regarded as scholars, I shall briefly describe the diflering viewpoints of Norinaga and Akinari. The controversy had its beginnings in the way each respected author regarded the hteral meaning of Japanese historical literature written in the ancient period. Norinaga's supposition was that Japanese legend should be regarded as historical fact. Furthermore, Norinaga extended this interpretation to include the accounts o f other nations. As mentioned, he

59 believed that Amaterasu Omikami, the Sun goddess, was still ahve as the sun and shone over the world and he considered Japan superior to any other nation. Akinari, however, did not accept Norinaga's interpretation of Japanese mythology, arguing that it should not be imposed upon other countries. The fundamental difference in their dispute lay in their attitude toward the treatment o f ancient Japanese classics. Norinaga spent thirty- four years studying the Records of Ancient Matters, and came to believe that it was the supreme classic in which the facts of divine and ancient times were recorded in ancient Japanese. Norinaga believed that through an accurate interpretation of the ancient language, one could understand the truth and the ideology of the divine and ancient periods. Hence, Norinaga felt that the world of the Records of Ancient Matters, especially the divine period, must be accepted as absolute fact and must be revered as the ultimate set of values. He had unshakable faith in the Records o f Ancient Matters, and would tolerate no criticism or doubt towards this sacred classic. On the other hand, Akinari was skeptical o f language in general. He believed language was forever undergoing change. He wrote, “with the passage of time, things change. Language [also] changes. Uncertain words are plentiful."''* He felt ancient documents, often the subject of “tendentious editing,”'^ were the accumulation of language which could have been fictional or metaphorical as well as truthful.'^ Like his predecessors of national learning such as Keichû # # (1640-1701 ) and

60 Kamo no Mabuchi (1697-1769), Akinari considered AToy/A:/and Nihonshoki to be legend, not fact. One of the most controversial issues was their "dispute over the Sun goddess." Akinari raised the question in response to Norinaga's statement that "Amaterasu Onukami illuminates the four seas and all the countries. .. Because Japan is superior to any other nation, things about the beginning of the heavens and earth, and the matters of the divine period are accurately conveyed in detail." Akinari pointed out how small Japan was in comparison to other countries using a map made in the Netherlands. Akinari held that any legend (or the record of the legend) of a country had its own version of heavens and earth and argued that the mythology of Japan should not be imposed upon other nations. Norinaga responded to Akinari's questions with a deaf ear. Not only did Norinaga refuse to accept Akinari's criticism, but he also denounced Akinari's criticism as the work o f a "Chinese mind." It is widely accepted that Norinaga was influenced by Ogyû Sorai's (1666-1728) school for kogaku or “study of ancient language.” As Nakamura Hiroyasu points out, the center of this school's methodology was to recognize the "truth" in mythology. The process of Norinaga’s dialectic went from "documents" to "truth" to "facts" rather than "documents" to "facts" to "truth."'* In the eighteenth century, within a homogeneous society under Tokugawa military government, this dispute was a serious intellectual confrontation.’’ By the time Ugetsu monogatari was pubhshed, Akinari

61 had already begun to study National Learning seriously under Katô Umaki (1721-77), one of the four great disciples of Kamo no Mabuchi. Akinari’s knowledge of National Learning is revealed in Ugetsu monogatari, especially in the first tale entitled “White Peak.” After the completion of Ugetsu monogatari, Akinari devoted his writings to the study of National Learning and he became knowledgeable enough to create a serious controversy with Norinaga.^® Clearly, the supernatural was treated very seriously in this time. Among Akinari’s acquaintances, there was Yosa Buson (1716- 1783),^' a painter and a representative haikai poet of the middle of the Edo period. He, too, seemed to have a proclivity for behef in the supernatural. According to his collection of haikai prose entitled Shin-hanatsumi (New Flower-picking, 1797), when he was staying at Yûki in Shimofusa province (present-day Ibaragi prefecture), Buson heard a strange sound of banging on a raindoor one night. When he opened the door to see what it was, there was nothing to be seen. Therefore he retreated to his bedroom. Then the sound began again. An old man who was in charge of the house said that it was tanukfs (raccoon) doing. It lasted five days until a native shot an old tanuki dead at dawn o f the sixth day. The strange sound was not heard any more. Buson composed a haiku of his experience; Autumn evening/ transforming to Buddha/ it was a tanuki. And he added that "they say that when a tanuki comes to the door, it hits the door with its tail. That's not true. It is the sound the tanuki makes with his back."^ Evidently Buson wrote this story feeling his experience to be very odd. He

62 must have thought that weird events do happen in the country. In the province o f Izumo (present-day Shimane prefecture), where Akinari located one o f his stories, there had long been a strong belief in kitsme-mochi people who presumably manipulate foxes on their behalf. Those who were suspected ofkitsum-mochi had no prospect for marriage and/or participation in the transaction of property. The folklorist, Yanagjta Kunio, relays a story about a family of kitsune-mochi whose house was burned to the ground by v illa g ers.T h e Matsue clan in Izumo province had issued the ban against such superstition of kitsune-mochi as o f 1790, but to no avail. They executed the leading exorcists of kitsune- mochi, but even in 1844, the Matsue clan still had to tell people to report for punishment if anyone talked of severing one's relation because of the rumor o f kitsune-mochi. Superstitions die hard and mahcious customs relating to kitsune-mochi lasted well into the modem period.^'* Whether it is through ancient Japanese hterature, or personal experience, the chronotopic determinants o f supernatural space and time created a genre as real to many readers as a study in one of today’s scientific journals. There were certainly people who rejected supernatural phenomena, like Nakayama Riken f (1732-1817), a Confiician who taught at the renowned Confiician academy Kaitokudô in Osaka. He insisted that fox-possession was merely a symptom of neuropathy. However, people like Nakayama Riken were a minority.^^ Not many people were prepared to deny the supernatural in its entirety. Negjshi Yasumori (1737-1815), Magistrate of Edo city, writes down in his

63 Mimibukuro (Ear Bags, 1784-1814)^^ strange and mysterious stories which he heard from his friends and acquaintances. Among them are various stories about fox possession. Just one of them goes: “my colleague has said that the magic of foxes and raccoon dogs is seen and heard repeatedly from ancient times to the present. Ghostly creatures are often associated with darkness. The tales of the Hyaku monogatari, or one-hundred tales of the strange, are told at night.^* Motoori Norinaga writes: “in comparison of day to night, daytime is this world and night is the other world oxyomi no kuni Taking advantage of the darkness, yôkai (unworshiped supernatural beings) appear at night.^° It may be because at night or in the darkness, one of our sources of sensory input, sight, is impaired, and that sensory deprivation causes us fear. The society in question here did not yet have the technology to bathe the darkness with l i g h t .Sanyûtei Enchô 5 # ^ (1839-1900), a famous storyteller of the modem age, also thought darkness was a fertile environment for the supernatural. In fact, he resisted the use of gaslight to fully illuminate the stage. The intellectuals of the Age of Enhghtenment during the Meiji period, 1868-1912, were diametrically opposed to Enchô’s romantic position. Enchô commented that “the teachers of the Age of Enlighterunent thought that the supernatural was the product of the mind/neuropathy, and kaidan, an extension o f that neuropathy. Presumably supernatural beings were widely beheved in prior to the Age of Enlightenment. Above, I have raised only a few examples of the many that might be

64 cited as evidence of broad based belief in the supernatural. In the 1830s, Japan witnessed another wave o f supernatural occurrence. Hirata Atsutane (1776-1843), scholar of National Learning and Shinto practitioner, for example, documented hundreds of sightings in encyclopedias of yôkai P By the end of the Edo period, then, the chronotopic structure o f belief in the supernatural had been established widely throughout the public.

2.2 Akinari’s B elief in the Supernatural How do Akinari’s ideas about the supernatural compare to those of Norinaga? For Akinari, the controversy with Norinaga was strictly intellectual — concerning the interpretation of classical texts. Fortunately, his personal view of the supernatural is revealed in a collection of his essays entitled Tandai Shdshinroku (A Record of a Daring but Timid Mind)34. His mention of animal possession, especially by foxes is noteworthy. Though long, I quote one example below:

The Confiician Riken says: "A fox does not approach men. Of course, there is no such a thing as being bewitched by a fox.”.... When I was living at an inn alongside the Kamo River, I tried to reach the Jôdo Temple in front of the Silver Pavihon by traveling first around the north o f Yoshida hill and then to the east. The road was not narrow, but somehow, I arrived at Shirakawa village, having gone too far north. I assumed that I had become lost in deep thought and then walked southeast all the way to Jôdo village. In talking with En'nan, the temple monk, I told him about the experience I had just had. The monk said: "It's an illness. Be careful." On my return, I was going back to the north of Yoshida hill again 65 and intended to return to my inn by the large street back to the west. But somehow, I arrived in front of the Chion'in temple. Then, I realized that a fox made me lose my way! Still, I was in control of my faculties and returned home safe in the afternoon. On another day when I visited Kitano Shrine, I left early in the morning and after praying at the shrine, on my way home to the east, a spring rain began to sadly fall. As my old legs were weak, and I was troubled by my eyes, I stopped by Taiga Iga’s house and had lunch there. The rain poured harder and harder, and I could not go out. While I was thinking, 'T shall either stay here tonight or call a palanquin," the rain grew less intense. I was only about fifteen hundred yards away from home. Since it was a familiar route and it wasn't any trouble at all, I left the Taiga's house for the east, thinking, "Rain is also amusing." I came to the junction of the First Street and Horikawa Avenue, and the rain started to pour again [I must have mistakenly gone south]. I trod on with my umbrella against the rain, but it was hard. Yet, I thought I couldn't lose my way now as [the only route] I was staying on was on a large street. The rain was pouring, and I reached Sawaragichô Street, finther south of First Street. I suddenly realized that I might have made a mistake in the direction of south and east because of my umbrella's tilt. So I set out for the east, but unintentionally I was walking west from Horikawa Avenue. I should know this place; how could I be mistaken. I calmed myself and finally I walked single- mindedly to the east on Marutachô Street and returned home. .. Was this again the fox's mischief to make me lose my way? Neither Hansai [Akinari’s close fiiend] nor I went insane, yet it was as if we had lost our minds for a whole day. This proves the fox bewitches men. The man at the academy, ignorant of the world, hardly ventures beyond the school's gate, yet he has determined that the fox can't bewitch men. A laughing matter, a laughing matterlas

In this essay, Akinari argues against the aforementioned Confiician

66 scholar, Nakayama Riken, who stated that fox-possession was non-existent. In refutation, Akinari wrote of his own experience in which he beheved he experienced fox-possession. Twice, Akinari said, he lost his way in famihar environments. He does not give any empirical evidence other than to claim that it was his realization that fox-possession had occurred that made Akinari lose his way. Yet, Akinari firmly beÜeves that it was the act of a fox. He expresses the same opinion about animal-possession in the following:

A long time ago, I was impoverished and hved close to Kashima Inari Shrine. The priest of the Shrine was famous for exorcising people possessed by foxes by only staring at the victim; when I saw him glare at a possessed man in the hallway who was carried to the priest in a palanquin, the fox which possessed the man immediately said, T'll leave. I'll leave." A scholar who says that foxes do not possess men must be bewitched.a^

Confident in the existence o f fox-possession, Akinari in return sarcastically calls the one who does not beheve in animal-possession as truly "bewitched." Not only does he write about animal-possession, Akinari also opines on the nature of animals. He believes that they do not have a sense of morality or justice. If a man is good to them, simply they are good to the man. Conversely, when a man does something wrong to them, intentionally or unintentionally, the animals return the same to the man. Akinari's conviction about animal nature is illustrated in the following essay:

In a village of Harima province, at noon, a maid cleaned her

67 feet soiled by the mud of a rice paddy. After cleaning her feet, she was going to discard the dirty water onto a hedge, not knowing a fox was lying there. She poured the hot water onto the fox. Frightened, the fox awoke, and ran off, turning in its flight to scow l at the maid. The maid was not aware o f the fox's presence. That night, the maid talked in delirium: "I was taking a nap. Why did you pour the dirty water on me." She scowled angrily all through the night. Her possession by the fox was simply horrid. On the following morning, a village monk came and remonstrated with the fox, saying: "The place you took a nap is not your house. The maid didn't know you were there when she poured the water on you. If one commits a fault without premeditation, it is the fault of the one who punishes him. A human being doesn't consider it a feult when he commits an error unknowingly. You didn't know this up until now. The foUy of beasts should be pitied." The fox finally became silent and left. This story reflects the nature of dogs as well . 37

The fox possessed the maid because she, though unintentionally, harmed the fox. As the following writing reveals, similar to Norinaga’s opinion, Akinari considers animals to have superior power to men, and sees in them the same nature as in deities. In other words, he seems to have beheved that deities protect those who worship the deities and punish those who neglect them: A certain Confiician is stubborn, and beheves that there is no such thing as supernatural beings. After I told a story of ghosts, he has embarrassed me by saying: "Fox-possession is a symptom o f neuropathy. It makes a neuropath say: T am a fox of so and so.' [But] how can foxes possibly possess people." This outlook is incorrect and is a result of adhering too much to Confucianism, and is wrong. There are many examples of possession by foxes and raccoon dogs. Whether it's a fox or any other animal, their superiority over men is a 68 natural endowment. Nor do they possess a good or bad morality and that's their nature. They protect those who are good to them, and cast evil spells upon people who are mean to them ... It seems the nature o f cause and effect is applicable to deities as well. Think about what they do; deities give happiness to those who beheve them and cast evil on those who neglect the prescribed rituals for them.s»

Akinari writes about the deities' dearth ofjustice in another essay in the same collection.s» Both animals and deities, according to Akinari, follow primitive instincts and exist in a world of pre-culture where no human ethics abide, no good/bad dichotomy exists.^o This simple sense of morality or justice held by animals and deities is important when we later analyze Akinari's supernatural stories. His belief in the deities' dearth of morality is incorporated into the actions of his main characters. Whether it is a priest who turns into an oni (goblin) for his obsession with his dead lover, as in "Blue Hood," or the ghost of Isora who dauntlessly pursues revenge in "Cauldron of Kibitsu," the supernatural protagonists all follow the primitive instincts attributed to the deities of Japan. Unrestrained by human ethics, Akinari’s supernatural characters act atrociously which helps intensify the fright in the reader. Similar to his contention regarding animal power, Akinari was convinced of the efficacy of divine forces. This propensity is likely rooted in a childhood experience. When Akinari was five years old, he contracted smallpox and fell dangerously ill. His parents went to Kashima Inari Shrine (present-day Kaguwashi Shrine in Osaka) at midnight to pray for his recovery. Akinari writes about the circumstances in the “Kashima

69 Inari-sha ken’ei waka jo” (Preface to Waka Offered to the Deity of Kashima Shrine/^ as follows. In his parent’s dream that night, the deity o f Kashima Inari appeared and said that their child's illness was serious; however, he was moved by their ardent love for the child so he would spare Akinari. The deity then promised to give Akinari a lifespan of sixty-eight years. To the surprise of many, Akinari recovered from his illness and his parents thanked the deity with profound humihty. Following his remarkable recovery, his parents took Akinari to the shrine to worship every month, and told him that his life was a gift from the deity and he should never forget divine virtue.^ Throughout his Ufe, Akinari kept an affection for Kashima Inari Shrine and when Akinari reached sixty-eight years of age in 1801, his maximum age promised by the Kashima Inari deity, he offered sixty-eight waka poems to the deity.« Told that he had been saved by a deity since his childhood, it is not difficult to imagine that Akinari nurtured a strong affinity for deities and the supernatural. From these writings, one may say that similar to Norinaga, Akinari did beheve in the existence and the power of the supernatural beings. But unlike Norinaga who had a nationalist perspective, Akinari did not feel that the Japanese supernatural was the most superior in the world. A number of scholars consider Ugetsu monogatari an outstanding kaidan because Akinari beheved in the supernatural. For example, Shigetomo Ki writes that Akinari’s belief in the supernatural was his strongest asset as a kaidan fiction writer. Without it, even an accomplished author would write in vain. The story would appear as

70 artificial as the writer’s belief.''^ However, Young Morgan writes; One should be wary of accounting for Ugetsu simply in the hght o f its author’s acceptance o f such things. True, it is beyond dispute that Akinari did beheve in a world beyond the one he lived in, but in this respect he was no different firom the average person of his time. Not every believer in the supernatural produces a masterpiece of hterature about it. . .Nor should an actual behef in ghosts and demons even be necessary in order to write vivid stories about them. A keen imagination and a gift for expression are far more important.... His actual behef in the other world, thou^ perhaps helpful, was surely not the decisive factor.'’^

The importance o f Akinari’s behef in the supernatural in Ugetsu monogatari, to me, is more fundamental. Critics have failed to take into account Akinari’s viewpoint as it affects the writing of monogatari, or tales. As will be discussed in the section of “Akinari’s View on Writing Tales” in Chapter Four, Akinari clearly states that tales describe things as they are without omission, to depict “people’s hves in this world exhaustively.”^^ And to Akinari, the supernatural was an important part o f people’s everyday hves — reahty. Akinari’s behef in the supernatural was a driving force in his decision to undertake Ugetsu monogatari, and was also decisive in his decision to write “realistic” and “behevable” stories.

71 Notes

1 Bakhtin, “Forms of Time and Chronotope in the Novel,” inThe Dialogic Imagination, p. 85.

2 Ibid., p. 250.

3 Ibid., p. 253.

4 Tsuga Teishô, Shigeshigeyama, in Tokuda Takeshi and Yokoyama Kuniharu, eds., Shigeshigeyawa, Kyokutei denki hanaJcanzashi, Saibara kidan, Toribeyama shirabe no itomichi. Shin Nihon Koten Bungaku Taikei, 80 (Tokyo, Iwanami Shoten, 1992), pp. 46-47.

5 Motoori Norinaga, Kojiki-den vol. 3, in Ôno Shin, ed. Motoori Norinaga zenshu, vol. 9 ( Tokyo, Chikuma Shobô, 1968), p. 125.

« Ibid., p. 125.

7 Regarding li-chi dualism, see Note 30 of Chapter One.

8 According to the theory of ym-yong natural order is maintained by the dynamics o f harmony, i.e., the ebb and flow o f the complementary energies of yin (negative elements) and yang (positive elements). Similarly, all the endeavors of human beings, such as politics, ethics, and everyday life, adapt themselves to the changes ofy/« and yang.

9 Motoori Norinaga, Kojiki-den vol. 3, p. 126; Maruyama Masao, Nihon seiji sisô shi kenkyû (Tokyo, Tokyo Daigaku Shuppan, 1952), p. 161.

10 Motoyama Yukihiko, Motoori Norinaga (Tokyo, Shimizu Shorn, 1978), p. 147.

11 Motoori Norinaga, “Kuzu no hana,” in Ôkubo Tadashi, ed.,Motoori Norinaga zenshu, vol. 8 (Tokyo, Chikuma Shobô, 1972), p. 160. 72 12 Motoori Norinaga, “Kenkyôjin,” in Ôkubo Tadashi, éd., Motoori Norinaga zenshu, vol. 8 (Tokyo, Chikuma Shobô, 1972), p. 274.

13 Motoyama, pp. 137-40.

14 “Yasumigoto” (Consolation Words) in Ueda Akinari Zenshu Henshû linkai, ed., Ueda Akinari zenshu, vol. 1 (Tokyo, Chûô Kôronsha, 1990), p. 21. The translation is my own unless otherwise indicated.

15 “In the conflagration in the year of 960, in the reign of Emperor Murakami, not only the palace but also rare treasures and books were destroyed. Since there no longer exists an original historical text, tendentious editing has been made to the oflScially recognized text.” Tandai shdshinroku in Nakamura Yukihiko, ed., Ueda Akinari shû. Nihon Koten Bungaku Taikei 56 (Tokyo, Iwanami Shoten, 1959), p. 255. Akinari also wrote: “EvenNihongi [or Nihonshoki 0 Chronicles of Japan, 720], which is respected as an official history of Japan, was frequently supplemented by adulators until the middle of the ninth century...,” “Odaegoto” (Harp Without String) in Ueda Akinari Zenshu Henshû linkai, ed., Ueda Akinari zenshu, vol. 1, p. 56.

16 Hino Tatsuo, Norinaga to Akinari (Tokyo, Chikuma Shobô, 1984), p. 235.

17 Kenkyôjin in Motoori Norinaga zenshu, vol. 8, p. 274.

18 Nakamura Hiroyasu,” Yûkôna honshitsu, mukûna honshitsu—hi no kami' ronsô ni tsuite—," in Nihon Bungaku Kenkyû Shiryô Kankôkai, ed. Nihon bungaku kenkyû shiryô sôsho: Akinari (Tokyo, Yûseidô Shuppan, 1972), p. 163.

18 Takada Mamoru points out that the significance of this dispute lies in the polarization of two ideologies, namely, value-cognizance' and fact- 73 recognition.' Norinaga argued against the narrowness o f fact-recognition' with a theory of value-cognizance,' and Akinari demands the correction of blind value-cognizance' with a theory o f ' fact-recognition. Takada, Ueda Akinari kenkyû josetsu, p. 367.

20 Aside from a behef in the Record o f Ancient Matters, there is a story which shows Norinaga's prochvity for the supernatural. Soon after his father, wishing to have a child, had prayed at the Yoshino Mimakuni Shrine, Norinaga was bom. As a result, both Norinaga and his parents beheved that Norinaga was a godsent child. Motoyama Yukihiko, Motoori Norinaga (Tokyo, Shimizu Shoin, 1978), pp. 19-20.

21 Buson writes a preface to Akinari’s book entitled Yakanashô (Commentary on “>'a” and “Æowût,” 1774).

22 Teruoka Yasutaka and Kawashima Tsuyu eds., Buson shû, Issa shû. Nihon Koten Bungaku Taikei 58 (To Iq ^o , Iwanami Shoten, 1964), pp. 279- 280. In the same work, Buson writes about a family whose fortune fell into decline when they began to experience strange visits from old foxes, who walked through walls and closed doors.

23 Yanagita Kunio, Yanagita Kunio shû. Nihon Kindai Bungaku Taikei 45 (Tokyo, Kadokawa Shoten, 1973), p. 381.

24 Fujioka Daisetsu, ed., Kyôdo shi jiten: Shimane-ken (Tokyo, Shôheisha, 1981), pp. 116-117.

25 Ihara Saikaku (1642-1693), who wrote about urban life during the Edo period, declared that "human beings are bewitching apparitions." [Ihara Saikaku shû, p. 66.] As we saw in Chapter One, he frequently described supernatural beings in humorous or comical ways. He caricatures not only the supernatural but also the humans who react to seemingly mysterious situations. He was, after all, a reahst who was interested in the behavior of human beings. From Saikaku’s positive views

74 on human beings, one may think that people of the exuberant Genroku epoch, the years from the end of the seventeenth century to the beginning of the ei^teenth century, did not beheve in the supernatural beings at all, or even defied such mysterious phenomena. But I would rather think that majority of the people in urban areas still recognized and beheved, if not entirely, at least somewhat, in the existence of the supernatural. Saikaku’s way of treating mysterious phenomena, such as tearing the divine umbrella and throwing it away, is so novel that it is different from people’s expectations, and hence, is startling. This surprise reaction of the readers reflects, in reverse, a general behef in the supernatural. Saikaku himself probably did not beheve in the supernatural, or rather, he was quite indifferent to the subject. But many o f his readers still maintained popular behefs in the supernatural to varying degrees. A narrator o f a tale included in Tamahahaki (Jeweled Broom, 1696), a collection of kaidan written by the Kyoto bookseUer/publisher, Hayashi Gitan, seems to endorse such an interpretation. A young samurai named Katagiri, who does not beheve in the supernatural or any such realm of existence, goes to Mt. Konpira in Sanuki province (present-day Kagawa prefecture) to test his bravery. With its high peaks and deep valleys, Mt. Konpira was considered to be a place for supernatural creatures. Katagiri stays one night on the peak. Near dawn, as he is about to descend, he hears a creature’s panting, immediately followed by the sound of something being thrown into the grass. Shortly afterwards, Katagiri find a freshly decapitated head upon the grass. Katagiri throws the head under the verandah of a temple, and leaves the mountain as if nothing had happened. Forty years later, recounting this strange experience to his colleagues, one old samurai said that it was Katagiri’s doing. The old samurai explained that he had beheaded his enemy and threw the head onto the grass at the peak of Mt. Konpira. He had left the place, but soon fearing somebody might find the head, he returned to the place to hide the head. But he was unable to find it anywhere, and thought it very mysterious. Then, the narrator comments that “by and large, supernatural beings or such phenomena which have been told from generation to generation since ancient times are all considered to come from man’s timid and misguided mind (# # (r L T ^ J: ^ S There is nothing to feel strange about. For forty years, both Katagiri and the old samurai had thought the events on 75 Mt. Konpira were bizarre. Then, in one night, for the first time, they understand that it was a coincidence, not the result o f some supernatural being. When [I] said that this incident was one more bit of evidence [to prove the non-existence of the supernatural], everyone who was hstening to the story felt that it was indeed so.” {Tamahahaki in Tokugawa Bungei Ruishû vol.4, ed. Kokusho Kankôkai (Tokyo, Kokusho Kankôkai, 1970), pp. 175-77.) From the way the tale is narrated, the term “everyone” in the last line may be interpreted to mean the samurai in the story, but it can also mean the readers of the tale. In turn, the audience can be constructed to represent the readers of this work as well. In either case, (but especially in the latter case), the narrator’s conclusion seems to signify a contemporary ambivalence; that is to say, though the general populace was not reluctant to consider the non-existence o f supernatural beings, they were not entirely certain without empirical evidence.

26 Negishi states in the “Preface” that among many stories which he heard, he wrote down the strange stories and those which were beneficial to people. He started to document these in 1784 while he was a magistrate on Sado, an island located off Niigata prefecture, and continued his documentation till a year before his death. Altogether there are one thousand articles in ten volumes.

27 Negishi Yasumori, Mimibukuro vol. 2, Yanagita Kunio and Ozaki Tsuneo eds. (Tokyo, Iwanami Shoten, 1939), p. 15.

28 See p. 27 of Chapter One and Note 44

29 Motoori Norinaga, Kojiki-den vol. 9, p. 388.

30 An anthropologist, Komatsu Kazuhiko, defines yôkai as follows: “people in an ethnic society, who desire to understand and systematize all the phenomena and beings in the world, have their explanation system (&%% #:^). When the phenomena or beings which cannot be fully explained by

76 that system of thought appear, those incomprehensible, and/or unorderly things are termed yôkai?' Yôkai includes not only strange creatures like a one-eyed boy, but also ghosts, vengeful spirits, goblins, and animal possessions. He explains that, to Japanese, a “spiritual being” is rich in variable capacity. It is important to recognize that a deity is a supernatural being which is worshiped (and enshrined #$6 è ti/c) by people, and yôkai is a deity which is not worshiped. By cursing or doing harm, yôkai send signals to people so as to inform them o f their desire to.be worshiped and become deities. Thus, it is possible that a deity (# ) may change to a yôkai, and & yôkai to a deity. Komatsu Kazuhiko, “Ma to Yôkai,” in Kami to hotoke. Nihon Minzoku Bunka Taikei 4, Miyata Noboru, ed. (Tokyo, Shôgakukan, 1983), pp. 339-414.

31 In Japan, gaslight was used for the first time in Yokohama City in 1872, and in Tokyo, in 1875.

32 Maeda Ai, "Kaidan Botan dôrô made," Kokubmgaku: Kaishaku to Kyôzai no kenkyû 19. 9 (August 1974): 136.

33 Ôsawa Hideki ed., Dôdô nihonshi: ÔEdo yôkai boomu, produced by Nihon HÔSÔ Kyôkai, 60 min., Nihon Hôsô Kyôkai, 1996, Television.

34 Tandai Shôshinroku was written over the years and was finally completed in 1808. Blake M. Young, Ueda Akinari (Vancouver, University of British Columbia Press, 1982), p. 128.

35 Tandai shôshinroku in Ueda Akinari shû, pp. 270-72.

36 Tandai shôshinroku in Ueda Akinari shû, p. 276.

37 Tandai shôshinroku in Ueda Akinari shû, p. 269.

38 Tandai shôshinroku in Ueda Akinari shû, p. 258.

77 39 Regarding the nature of deities, Akinari writes as follows: "In 981, Mt. Fuji erupted and its summit crumbled; it burnt the valleys, turned the ocean's edge into a field, and caused casualties. The calamity affected neighboring provinces. Later the governor of the neighboring Kai province reported to the court, the priests of the Sengen Shrine on the top of Mr. Fuji neglected their ritual on behalf o f the deity. The deity's wrath caused the calamity.' The Imperial court issued the note to admonish the priest. I wonder why the deity punished only the priests. What was the point of causing this great calamity?" Tandai shôshinroku in Ueda Akinari shû, p. 274. In Akinari's opinion, if the deity had any moral concept, he would not have caused such a calamity, damaging the land and hurting innocent villagers. The deity must have committed this act because, like animals, he had a simple sense of morality.

<0 Nakamura Hiroyasu, "Ueda Akinari no shimpi shisô," Kokubungaku kenkyû 16 (1962): 98-99.

The “Preface” to the collection ofwaka was written by Akinari in 1801. Other than Akinari, who composed sixty-eight waka in commemoration of Akinari’s age, three aristocrats and seven shintô priests contributed to the collection.

<2 Fujita Gyô, "Kashima Inari-sha ken’ei waka jo," p. 149.

<3 Young, p. 5.

« Shigetomo Ki, Ugetsu monogatari no kenkyû (Kyoto, Daiyaesu Shuppan, 1946), p. 19.

« Young, pp. 49-50.

46 "Nubatama no maid," in Ueda Akinari zenshû, vol. 5, p. 75. Wolfgang Iser similarly writes on the merit o f the reader’s participating in the text’s meaning with: “The reader discovers the meaning of the text, taking negation as his starting-point; he discovers a new reality through a

78 fiction which, at least in part, is different fi’om the world he himself is used to; and he discovers the deficiencies inherent in prevalent norms and in his own restricted behavior.” Wolfgang Iser, The Implied Reader (Baltimore and London, The John Hopkins University Press, 1974), xiii.

79 CHAPTERS

THE APPEAL OF KAIDAN

Numerous kaidan, including Ugetsu monogatari, are produced in a society in which the supernatural was considered entirely plausible. Under these circumstances, what was the fascination kaidan held for Japanese readers? Many reasons can be thought of, for each individual with a different socio-economic background and experience would have varied reasons and expectations for kaidan. Overall, however, the general appeal o f kaidan is threefold.

3.1 Plausible Explanation for Everyday Occurrences First, these stories were a plausible explanation for everyday occurrences. Readers found in the stories cogent explanations for inexplicable events that they encountered in daily life, such as the experience of disorientation in a completely familiar environment. Even today, for example, in one’s own home, one may mistakenly open a kitchen closet, instead of the refrigerator, to get a glass of milk. In those days people still believed in the magic of the supernatural, and such simple disorientation was often attributed to mischief of tricksters like foxes and

80 raccoons. In the book entitled Hyaku monogatari fiyôban (Explanations to the Strange and Weird Tales, 1686),' Yamaoka Genrin (ij (1631-1672), a widely recognized intellectual of the day, observes the supernatural scientifically and gives reasons as to why and how strange events happen. Genrin considers that “foxes are the chief of magical animals” who possess the power of transformation. With regard to fox possession (tewne-f5MÂ7 # # # ) , he takes it for granted. He admits that he does not know why it happens, and asserts that even a thousand year-old fox cannot possess people who are in their right minds (:$:'b(7)IE L # A).^ As seen in the previous section, Akinari also had such an experience when he visited Jôdo Temple, and explained his disorientation as a trick perpetrated by mischievous foxes. So, too, in kaidan, characters do not realize they have been the victims of mischief until the very end of the story. The stories had enough o f what was perceived as reality in them that the supernatural was a plausible extension o f that reahty. In a collection o f kaidan entitled Taihei hyakumonogatah A 4^ S '# M (One-hundred Tales in the Great Peace, 1732),^ there is a tale about a monk’s disorientation. One night, a man who said he was Kunoya Kajûrô’s servant came to Junkô Temple in Lower Kyoto. The servant asked the head priest to send one of his disciples to Kunoya with the servant, for one of Kunoya’s maids had just died. The head priest sent Shuntoku. Time passed w ell beyond midnight, but Shuntoku did not return. The head priest became worried and sent someone to Kunoya to investigate.

81 But Kunoya replied that nobody had died that night nor had he sent any of his servants to Junkô Temple. Hearing the news, the head priest became agitated and organized a search for Shuntoku. Around dawn, Shuntoku was found in Upper Kyoto. Asked where he had gone, Shuntoku answered that while not yet reaching Kunoya’s, dawn broke, and with it the spell. They thouj^t it was a fox’s trick.'* In this story, neither the head priest nor Shuntoku was considered senile or insane. It was simply concluded without any empirical evidence that a fox had cast a spell on Shuntoku — a conclusion consistent with Akinari’s regarding similar incidents. Tricksters do not have to be foxes. Whatever the mischievous spirit — fox, raccoon, snake, spider, cat or aged being, kaidan explained in a interesting manner how (and sometimes why) these tricksters beguiled people.^ Supernatural explanations were also sought for extremely gifted people. In the case of heroes similar to Hercules, superhuman abilities were attributed to their paternity or maternity. In Nursery Tales, there is a tale about a protagonist named Hazama, who is an excellent side actor (yvaki) of No. He was bom fi*om the stupa of his dead mother. Before he was bom, his father went to a different province to make a living. While Hazama’s father was absent, his mother died fi’om loneliness and the hard work of farming. Her ghost, in her living shape, appeared at her husband’s place to Uve with him and gave birth to Hazama. Three years after her death, a servant visited Hazama’s father to inform him of his wife’s death. Hazama’s father was angered by the

82 information, saying that she was living with him and had had a child. When Hazama’s father looked for his wife, however, she had disappeared and only her stupa was left in the room. The servant recognized the stupa as that of his mistress. Hazama’s father then realized that it was her ghost he had been hving with and who had given birth to a child.^ Similarly, in Hand Puppets, a chief samurai named Masatoshi was equipped with a fantastic sense of geography. He was bom from the ^ ost of his dead mother. While his mother was alive, she was a pious believer in Jizô (the guardian deity o f children). One hundred days after she died in childbirth, the mother was resurrected by the power o f Jizô. She lived with her husband just as before, though she disliked bright hght. The following year after her resurrection, she gave birth to Masatoshi. At the end of three years, she revealed that she was not a human being and disappeared.^ If someone has supernatural origins, it is understandable that he possesses incredible abihty. The aforementioned examples, especially the last one, may strike one as very similar to medieval literature about religious power.* Yet, in kaidan, the narrative emphasis is not on the rehgious power and praise for religious efficacy, but on how a human being changed to a supernatural being and did something strange and mysterious. Kaidan also explained strange phenomena such as ghosts and strange fires at the site of a battle ground. The aforementioned Genrin gives an account for such events: When a person’s energy (M) declines, its shape (# ) withers, and he dies of illness; it is like fire disappearing in due course and no warm energy (^ ) remaining in its ashes. Those who die with a grudge or

83 by the sword are perishing while both energy and shape (# ) are still active. Their death is so sudden that it is like pouring water into the flaming fire, and there remains energy (M).^

In the collection entitled Nursery Tales (1660), the narrator recounts how in 1634, when he went on a moon viewing to Wakae ( in present-day Eastern Osaka city) in the company of four or five other men, he saw several brilliant flames, about five feet high in fi-ont o f them. Yet, the closer the party approached the flames, the further the fires receded, maintaining their distance. The sight of the flames was just like the waves in the ocean. The man who led the party to this place explained that many dutiful and brave warriors had died there during the Battle of Osaka in the summer of 1615,'*^ and their souls were still burning. Perhaps to help create a still more plausible atmosphere by exploiting widely held beliefs in the supernatural, the narrator comments that “it has been over twenty years since then, but because their souls still remain here, they continue flaring so brightly like that.... [I] returned home praying to the name of Buddha. I indeed saw this with my own eyes.”'' It should be noted that there is a certain reciprocity between the fiction depicting contemporary life and the reahty thereof. As Bakhtin states, “The work and the world represented in it enter the real world and enrich it, and the real world enters the work and its world as part of the process of its creation, as well as part of its subsequent life, in a continual renewing of the work through the creative perception of listeners and readers.”'^ This was the society in which the supernatural was quite

84 familiar in their belief. With such a plausible and believable explanation, readers found the kaidan materials interesting, and to some extent realistic.

3.2 Attraction to the Exotic Another reason for the popularity of kaidan was the attraction to the exotic, especially elements from China. Yamaguchi Takeshi states that “Chinese culture and books were revered in those days [the Edo period]... For the people living in the Edo Japan, China was unknown, profound, and remote. There was a general feeling that China’s many mysteries were not easily rationalized and comprehended by Japan’s standard of reality.”*^ A number o f kaidan support this observation. One example is a siovy m Otogi atsugeshô (Nursery Make-up, 1734), a collection ofkaidan. The protagonist is the owner of an estabhshed sake shop, who has a treasured type o f sake called “one-thousand days sake.’’’’ This sake was brought to Japan from China by his ancestor generations ago. If a man drank this sake, it intoxicated him for 1000 days.^'* In order for the prized sake in this story to have a special aura, its origins had to be either Chinese, or a gift from a supernatural being. In his Explanations to the Strange and Weird Tales, Yamaoka Genrin cited various examples from Chinese sources to substantiate his point. Likewise, his student cited an example of a supernatural phenomenon from the Chinese classic, Tso-chuan Æfë (Tso Commentary, ca. third century B.C.), and called the source authentic. A great number o f translations from Chinese supernatural literature

85 are manifestations of such exoticism. As mentioned in Chapter One, the tales in Complete Works o f Strange Tales compiled by Hayashi Razan are translations of Chinese texts. The depiction of Earthly Paradise ( # # # ) in an unfamihar Chinese setting where nobody ages, must have been quite appealing to the sick Shogun lemitsu as well as to Razan himself. Also previously mentioned was the Collection of Miscellaneous Strange Tales, which contains three translations from the Chinese work. New Tales Under the Lamplight. The author incorporated an explanation of exotic Chinese customs into his own text. For example, in the original Chinese text, the opening o f “Tales of a Peony Lantem” goes: “When Fang Kuo-zhen had occupied Eastern Chechiang province, every year on the day oïyuan hsi, a lantem festival was held for five days. People in the city could go and watch these lanterns.”**^ Since neither the Chinese lantem festival nor the word yuan hsi was familiar to Japanese readers, the author of Collection of Miscellaneous Strange Tales translates as follows: In Tang China, on the fifteenth day of the first month, there is the custom of fighting a fire and hanging lanterns of various shapes about the gate. [Chinese] men and women enjoy watching [the lanterns] and loitering till dawn like the Japanese at their Bon festival. There are three times a year when Heaven [^ # ] descends from above to record the good and bad deeds of humans. These are called ‘the days of three yuan (tc)’ descent. The fifteenth day of the first month is called shang yuan Jitc. It is also called yuaM hsiao ÆW or yuan hsi . . . .Therefore, in Tang China, people fight a fire at the gate and worship Heaven...

The conscientious explanation helps make an unfamiliar custom comprehensible to many Japanese readers, and remains tme to the exotic

86 atmosphere o f the story.

3.3 Fascination with the Camivalistic The third major cause for the popularity of kaidan is the fascination with the camivalistic. People find scary tales appealing. According to Mikhail Bakhtin, carnival festivities were very important in the life of medieval man. The life based upon camivalistic laughter long existed in medieval Europe, and it was sharply “distinct fi’om the serious official, ecclesiastical, feudal, and political cult forms and ceremonials.” Carnival experience of the people “demanded ever changing, playful, undefined forms.... It is to a certain extent a parody of the extracamival life, a ‘world inside out.’” He stresses that laughter or folk humor denies, but it revives and renews at the same time.** One of the legacies of medieval European folk humor is what Bakhtin conditionally calls grotesque realism — “the images of the material bodily principle.” Bakhtin explains the fundamental principle of grotesque realism as follows: The essential principle of grotesque realism is degradation, that is, the lowering of all that is high, spiritual, ideal, abstract; it is a transfer to the material level, to the sphere o f earth and body in their indissoluble unity...Degradation here means coming down to earth, the contact with earth as an element that swallows up and gives birth at the same time...it has not only a destmctive, negative aspect, but also a regenerating one.*^

Though Bakhtin deals with medieval European tradition, it is useful and applicable here as a description of the experience of much popular culture in

87 the Edo period. Needless to say, the degree of parody and intensity of fright vary according to the tale. For example, in Collection of Miscellaneous Strange Tales, there is a kind of parody of the deity of fortune Usually, the image of the fortune deity, who brings fortune and blessings into a house, is that of a plump, smiling old man. Yet, the man who brings wealth in this story has neither a nose nor eyes.^® The story goes as follows. A monk went to a wealthy farmer’s house. After a maid served him a meal, the wife of the house came out and told the monk: “Though we are well-off, my husband is mysterious and handicapped. [But] he is the good luck charm o f this house and we are prosperous like this.” She then guided the monk to her husband’s place, where everything was brilhantly decorated. Like a fortune deity enshrined in a special place, her husband was situated in a specifically bedecked quarter. In the room, her husband was dressed in gorgeous clothes. His built was slender and his skin color resembled that of cherry blossoms. His head, however, had a gourd like shape with no eyes, nose, or mouth. Since there were no eyes, the monk considered that the splendid dress has no meaning to her husband. There were very small ears with big ear-holes on both sides of the face. On top of the head was a mouth like that o f a crab. When the wife put rice into the mouth on the top of his head, the rice fell into the mouth while the mouth moved with a nervous tick (V '

88 mysterious man was wearing are of no use to the strange man because he does not have eyes to see them. In this sense the story could be taken as a parody of the rich who decorate themselves without appreciating real value. Though the husband is not a typical fortune diety, he is a positive being who generates wealth. It symbolizes regeneration or renewal through the grotesque. The same work contains tales in which a monk transforms into a woman. A young monk, who stayed one night at a house in a village, had a dream in which he became a woman. He awoke to find that he had indeed become a woman. The owner of the house who let the monk stay on the previous night asked the monk-tumed-into-nun to many him. The “nun” accepted. She grew her hair and eventually gave birth to a healthy son. Normally a monk strives for enlightenment, avoiding the secular life, but instead, the monk in this story becomes heavily involved in worldly life. Furthermore, for a monk to change into a woman is retrogressive firom a Buddhist viewpoint. As revealed in the Buddhist expression, henjô nanshi or changing from a female to a male to attain Buddhahood, a woman cannot attain Buddhahood unless she is reborn as a man first. By transforming into a woman, the monk has taken one step back. In this sense, the story is a parody of rehgious ideology and/or text. Yet, it is not entirely negative because after changing to a woman, the monk gives birth to a son, who grows up to be a fine boy. Again, it is grotesque reahsm, symbohc o f regeneration.^* Furthermore, in relation to the aforementioned grotesque reahsm,

89 Bakhtin writes about the Romantic grotesque that “All that is ordinary, commonplace, belonging to everyday life, and recognized by all suddenly becomes meaningless, dubious and hostile. Our own world becomes an alien world. Something frightening is revealed in that which was habitual and secure...The images of Romantic grotesque usually express fear of the world and seek to inspire their reader with this fear.”^ Fear caused by a sudden change in ordinary things is firequently dealt with in kaidan as well. One example is spatial orientation. One of the places common to human experience is the toilet. In one tale ofShokoku hyakumonogatari (One-hundred Tales from Various Provinces, 1677), a collection ofkaidan, this ordinary and indispensable place turned into a frightening realm. A man went to a toilet which was, as often the case in those days, an outhouse. A page came in his direction and smiled at him uncannily. Surprised, the man immediately returned to the main building and told people what had just happened. No sooner was the laughter o f the page heard from outside the toilet than the man died.^^ According to Uchida Tadayoshi, a scholar of Cultural Geography (A the people living in the Edo Japan considered that within a building, mysterious occurrences frequently happened in such ordinary places as toilets, walk-in closets (^ p ), sheds, and kitchen ranges (%).^"^ The sudden change or alienation of the ordinary was frightening perhaps because people were unprepared to see anything ghostly in a routine place. Intangible entities such as shmen (obsessions) are also frightening. Obsession could make the ordinary suddenly horrible by

90 means of excessiveness. Love is one example. A story in Collection of Miscellaneous Strange Tales describes a woman who loves a monk so much that her obsession with him results in a horrid end. The story goes as follows. One summer a woman of thirty falls in love with a monk. Since the woman takes care o f the monk intimately, rumors start about their relationship. Regretting the situation, he absconds. The woman immediately spots him and runs after him. While running, her sandal strap string is broken. Yet, she keeps running barefoot. The sash around her waist becomes untied, then her hair becomes undone. Still, she keeps running. Realizing that the distance between the woman and the monk is lessening, the monk starts to walk fast and then run. Going through major cities, he is about to pass by a large bridge. But thinking that he will not be able to escape her if he goes straight along the road, he turns around toward the bridge and jumps into the river. The woman jumps after him without a moment of hesitation. Several on-lookers who are good at swimming also jump into the river to see what is happening. The woman turns into a giant serpent and coils around the monk. Terrified, the swimmers come back to the surface.^^ Love, which should be all embracing, suddenly becomes a frightening obsession, changes the woman into a serpent, and kills the lover. Similarly, a collection o f kaidan entitled New Hand Puppets (1683) contains a story about two women whose obsessive love for the same man ends in his gruesome death. It’s a tale about a man in Kyoto who has a wife and a son. Because of his business, the man spends only one-fifth of

91 each year in Kyoto, and spends the rest of the year in Edo, where he secretly has another wife and son. Neither Kyoto or Edo wife knows of each other’s existence. One day, when the man leaves for Edo, the wife in Kyoto complains to him that he does not spend enough time with her and that he should come back as soon as he can. He agrees. Arriving in Edo, his Edo wife grumbles that she has heard he keeps a woman in Kyoto. While she complains that he should not go to Kyoto any more, her face becomes like a demon. Fearing her, the man assures her that the rumor is wrong and runs back to Kyoto. On his way, he realizes that the Edo wife and her child are coming after him, and the wife is shouting that she will never let him go. The man tries to escape from her but she soon catchs up with him and grabs his right arm. Suddenly, his Kyoto wife appears and grabs his left arm. The angry Kyoto wife, who also looks like a demon, tries to drag him in the direction of Kyoto, at the same time the Edo wife pulls him toward Edo. Neither woman gives up, and finally, the man is physically tom in half. The women, each carrying half the man’s body, depart in their respective directions and disappear.^^ Again, obsessive love turns the women’s appearance into that of demons. Their obssession to be with the husband leads to his fiightening end. Obsession is a common human trait. In fact, it is a trait of Akinari’s as well. On literary ground, obsession is a theme common in earlier literature about the supernatural and is one o f the most popular themes in kaidan. As will be seen in Chapter Five, Akinari makes this obsession a consistent thread in the nine stories o f Ugetsu monogatah.

92 Obviously there are great many reasons for people’s fascination in kaidan. But in addition to explanations for the inexplicable events in daily hfe, exoticism, and/or frightening parody, kaidan also provided entertainment to people.

93 Notes

1 This book was compiled by either a student or the eldest son of Yamaoka Genrin and printed fourteen years after Genrin’s death. The work is in the form of a question and answer session between Genrin and his students. The questions set by the students reveal contemporary views on the supernatural and the nature of their interests. Its topics concern supernatural beings such as ghosts, oni (goblins), and tengu (flying goblins), and phenomena such as kamaitachi (splittings of the skin caused by a whirlwind, said to be the doing of weasels). Genrin’s explanations are rational, frequently employing the theory of yin-yang. (Regarding the theory o f yin- yang^ see Note 8 of Chapter Two.) For example, when a student asks Genrin to comment on the truth of a story about a servant from the north who received a kamaitachi, Genrin explains as follows: South is yang ^ (positive element) and warm, therefore, things grow. North is yin # (negative element) and cold, therefore, things diminish. This is an ongoing truth. Since a kamaitachi happened in the far north where (the energy) of killing the grass with cold air gathers, it must be the doing of (goblins and apparitions) in the mountains and valleys. They do so by borrowing the power of the strong wind and cold air. {Hyaku monogatari hyôban in Tokugawa bungei ruishû, vol.4, ed. Kokusho Kankôkai (Tokyo, Kokusho Kankôkai, 1970), pp. 3-4. By offering a rational explanation for this case, Genrin is endorsing the popular belief in kamaitachi. Explanations to the Strange and Weird Tales gave later kaidan and their authors the basic rationale for the existence of supernatural beings. Tachikawa, Kinsei kaii shosetsu kenkyû, pp. 5 8 ,6 1 , and 71.

2 Hyaku monogatari hyôban, 12-13.

3 Authored by the work contains fifty short stories o f the kaidan type. Many of them deal with strange events related to animals.

94 < Taihei hyakumonogatari in Tokugawa bungei ruishû, vol.4, ed. Kokusho Kankôkai (Tokyo, Kokusho Kankôkai, 1970), p. 324.

3 Similarly, consider the tale of how a greedy quack doctor was tricked by foxes in a graveyard late at night. In a year when cold and measles were prevalent, a quack doctor named Matsuoka Dôsetsu was visited at night. The visitor asked Dôsetsu to come with him to examine his son, who, the visitor said, had a terrible case of measles. Dôsetsu said that he would require five silver coins if the worst symptoms were gone that night, and then got in the palanquin prepared by the visitor. The visitor’s house was a splendid mansion. As soon as Dôsetsu saw the mansion, he regretted asking for such a small amount of money. While Dôsetsu was examining the son, the son died. Yet, people attending the son begged Dôsetsu for medicine. So, Dôsetsu looked down to compound some medicine. When he looked up to hand out the medicine he had just mixed, there was nobody around him. Thinking it very odd, Dôsetsu went to examine his deceased patient again and found a stone image of Buddha, and instead of a mansion, he was in a grave yard with many stupas. Dôsetsu thought it must have been a foxe’s trick and ran home quickly. From then on, he decided that whatever emergency it was, he would never go to a patient’s house. Taihei hyakumonogatari in Tokugawa bungei ruishû, vol. 4, pp. 320-21. There are many such tales with varying degrees of disorientation, and very frequently, it was considered to be a trickster’s mischief.

6 Nursery Tales in Takada Mamoru, ed. Edo Kaidan shû vol. 1 (Tokyo, Iwanami Shoten, 1989), pp. 82-85.

7 Hand Puppets in Takada Mamoru, ed. Edo Kaidan shû vol.2, pp. 271-75.

8 One story from Ujishûi monogatari (Tales from Uji, early thirteenth century) may help for a comparison: The chief of a temple called together craftsmen to make an image of Jizô in the temple. Yet, 95 during the construction, the c h ie fs wife ran away with another man. The chief was flustered and looked for his wife everywhere, completely neglecting the craftsmen’s welfare. Having lost their patron, the craftsmen stopped working. Looking at the sad situation, a low-ranking priest managed to collect food for the craftsmen, and had them somehow make the image o f Jizô. Soon after, the low-ranking priest died of illness. But six days after his death, he was resurrected. He said that in the underworld, he was sent off by the two goblins. But Jizô appeared and told the goblins to release the low-ranking priest, for the priest had faith in Jizô and successfully had the craftsmen make //zd’s image. Therein, the goblins gave the priest detailed instructions on how to return to this world. Kobayashi Chishô, éd., Ujishûi monogatari. Nihon Koten Bungaku Zenshû 28 (Tokyo, Shôgakukan, 1973), pp. 151-53.

9 Hyaku monogatari hyôban, pp. \7-lS.

10 The battle was between the Toyotomi family, whose deceased head, Hideyoshi, helped unify Japan, and the Tokugawa family, who had founded the Shogunate in Edo in 1603. The Toyotomi family was eradicated in this battle.

11 “Tonoigusa,” pp. 145-46. The form “I really saw (heard) this (fi’om so and so)” is repeatedly used as a formulaic language pattern in Tales o f Retribution (1659). Such diction may be employed to make the reader believe the stories and, more importantly, the law of retribution pertaining to them. Yet, many times, the tales do not convey any law of cause and effect. The author, Suzuki Shôzô is said to have collected tales of retribution from various provinces. It is conceivable that the author as well as the readers beheved the tales to be true.

12 Bakhtin, “Forms of Time and Chronotope in the Novel,” p. 254.

13 Yamaguchi Takeshi, Edo bungaku kenkyû (Tokyo, Tokyodô, 1933), p. 318. 96 " Otogi atsugeshô in Tolmgawa bungei ruishû, vol. 4, pp. 383-85.

15 His student asks: “How do you explain things such as the wailing sounds of humans at the site of a battleground? Such happenings are seen in the authentic sources. In Tso-chuan, for example, it records the story of Peng sheng who, after his death, became an avenging ghost.” Hyaku­ monogatari hyôban, 17-18.

16 Yamaguchi Takeshi, ed. Kaidan meisaku shû. Nihon meicho zenshû. p. 31

17 Hand Puppets in Takada Mamoru, ed. Edo Kaidan shû vol. 1, p. 271.

18 Mikhail M. Bakhtin, Rablelais and His World, trans. Helene Iswolsky (Bloomington, Indiana University Press, 1984), pp. 5-11.

19 Bakhtin, Rablelais and His World, pp. 19-21.

20 Matsuda Osamu writes that “Physically deformed persons were, because of the very reasons that they were deformed, considered to be deities and spirits. They were both sacred and profane beings.” Matsuda Osamu, “Fugu no kôzô, kikei no bigaku,” in Edo itan bungaku nooto (Tokyo, Seidosha, 1993), p. 303.

21 One more example of the same theme makes its point by being explicitly descriptive. When a certain monk named Bunchô was thirty-two years old, he felt his phallus to be terribly itchy. So he put a hot compress over it many times. While doing so, his phallus fell off with the scrotum. The monk said: “1 picked them up and saw them. But as 1 found them useless, 1 threw them away. After that, a vulva formed, just like that of an ordinary woman. 1 then married and had two children.” [Collection of Miscellaneous Strange Tales in Takada Mamoru, ed. Edo Kaidan-shû vol.

97 I, p. 185.] The monk-tumed-woman ran a sake shop with her husband. Needless to say, drinking alcohol is prohibited in monastic life, let alone running a shop for profit. In both cases, the monks are studious, neither crooked nor lustful. There is no cause and effect principle for them to change into women. Also m both stories, changing to a woman leads to procreation — renewal or regeneration. The stories, especially the latter, are somewhat humorous and grotesque at the same time. It is quite plausible that, like Bakhtin's explanation for European popular culture, the people of Edo Japan were also fascinated by this type of camivalistic story.

22 Bakhtin, Rablelais and His World, p. 39.

23 Tales o f Retributions in Takada Mamoru, ed. Edo Kaidan-shû vol., p. 15.

24 Uchida Tadayoshi, “Edojin no fiishigi no basho,”Shirin 73. 6 (November 1990): 129. He also writes that in the city of Edo (presentday Tokyo), the occurrence of miraculous happenings concentrated in the downtown Asakusa area, and strange phenomena related to foxes and raccoon dogs centered in uptown, especially around the artificial hills o f the garden in the lords’ ) mansions. He concludes that Edoites considered those places strange and mysterious. Uchida Tadayoshi, “Edojin no fiishigi no basho,” pp. 115-142. According to Miyata Noboru, a folklorist, Japanese living in Edo Japan considered that some kind of special power existed where several spaces overlap. Such places include crossroads (i±), roadsides, ridges, slopes, bridges, beaches, and riverbeds. Miyata Noboru, “Ikai to no kôryû — toshi no minzoku kûkan-ron,” inEdo no kaiki, gensô kûkan: Kokubungaku Kaishaku to kyôzai no kenkyû 37. 9 (August 1992): 56.

25 Collection o f Miscellaneous Strange Tales in Takada Mamoru, ed. Edo Kaidan-shû vol. 1, pp. 201-204.

26 New Hand Puppets in Takada Mamoru, ed. Edo Kaidan-shû vol. 3

98 (Tokyo, Iwanami Shoten, 1989), pp. 260-65.

99 CHAPTER 4

THE APPEAL OF UGETSU MONOGATARI TO AKINARI’S READERS

4.1 Akinari’s Readers The explanations for the general appeal of kaidan discussed in the previous chapter, especially in the topic of obsession, apply to Ugetsu monogatah. Yet, Ugetsu monogatari also has other attractions which, together with the points elucidated earlier, contribute to make it a classic of kaidan. The appreciation o f this text required a more sophisticated Uterary background than general readers of the time were expected to have. One source of appeal is in Akinari’s numerous allusions to Chinese and Japanese classics, which allowed readers to create not only the imagined world explicitly described by the text but also the world to which the language was alluding. By superimposing multiple imaginary worlds, a rich and expanded world full of resonance was created in the readers’ mind. The pleasure o f having such a world in mind was possible only for those who knew the original sources. A second source were the discourses on classics and ideology. Again, in order to be fully engaged in one of the discussions of classical literature or contemporary ideology held in the text, readers were expected to be knowledgeable of the subject matter. In

100 addition, the language used in Ugetsu monogatari called wakan konkô-bun (Japanese Writing Mixed with Chinese Characters) would also have fascinated the educated reader. As will be discussed later in this chapter, wakan konkô-bun is more difficult to read than plain, vernacular Japanese, and readers must have had years of education to understand it fully. Undoubtedly, Ugetsu monogatari appealed to a broader audience, but the appearance of such sophisticated elements in the text indicates that Akinari had well-informed readers in mind for the full appreciation of his text. Understanding Akinari’s audience helps project the potential meaning o f Ugetsu monogatari. In other words, mapping out Akinari’s audience and studying their relationship to the text would help carve out various meanings and causes of appeal of the work. Whether coming directly from the written symbols in the text or sought out by readers from the layers of meaning stored in the reader’s fertile imagination, the potential in the text would further enrich the understanding of Ugetsu monogatari.

4.2 Literacy and Publishing in the Edo Period An overview of education and accessibility to fictional books in the Edo period will help better understand Akinari’s readers. As described in Chapter One, the Tokugawa government encouraged learning among samurai. In accord with the official policy of the government, the local lords built fie f schools, and paid ardent attention to teaching culture. However, commoners were generally excluded from the fief schools, although they were by far the vast majority of the populace.

101 From the official point o f view , all the samurai and their children had to be literate and well-educated. Yet, the samurai class made up only about five or six percent of the whole population (at the end of the period).' There were private schools for commoners called terakoya, but they were much smaller in scale and less formal in content than fief schools. This terakoya education expanded rapidly beginning in the late 1700s, and it is said that there were “two or three teachers in every ward” in Edo in 1810.^ R. P. Dore writes that “gakumon (study, learning) was far firom universal among the non-samurai, but it was far fi-om being a rarity either, and among the richer merchants and the headman class of villagers it was a common accomphshment.” ^ Students with basic reading skills could read Ugetsu monogatari, but without full comprehension. In order to fully appreciate Akmari’s text, one had to have a broad knowledge of literature, both serious and light. That required both fi’ee time and wealth. Relatively well-to-do merchants around Akinari and samurai with literary inclinations would have been fully capable of understanding allusions and discourse in Akinari’s fiction, but that number seems to be limited. The business of publishing was one fector which affected the readers of fictional works such as Ugetsu monogatari. Regarding access to entertaining fiction and sales, the aforementioned well-to-do merchants around Akinari and samurai with literary inclinations could have bought the books firom bookstores. Unlike the twentieth century, booksellers also served as publishers, too, and there were plenty of commercial booksellers/publishers around; in Kyoto in 1814 there were as many as

102 1 8 3 / PiCcoï^g to Edo hanjôki rXF?^^sE (Essays on Thriving Edo, 1832-35), in the city of Edo (present-day Tokyo), there were 50 established booksellers with thousands of branch stores; in addition, another 50 booksellers dealt with picture books/ Since the book business was conducted as a commercial undertaking, booksellers were concentrated in the major cities of the time, Kyoto, Osaka, and Edo. By and large, expensive books had a lower circulation, since the middle and lower classes could not afford them. For example, yomihon, a genre in which Ugetsu monogatari is included, cost ten times more than relatively inexpensive illustrated books categorized as gôkan (bound books). The popular yomihon fiction entitled Ncmsô Satomi hakkenden # (Eight dog heroes, 1824-1841) cost about twenty/won/we, which was the price for about 45 to 60 liters of rice), whereas gokan cost firom one monme to one monme five bu (the price for 4.6 liters o f rice).^ Since the high price of yomihon made it difiicult for the general populace to acquire, many people relied on lending libraries. In 1808, there were about 656 such hbraries in Edo, and in 1813, approximately 300 in Osaka.^ The volume of sales varied according to the type of book. A representative yomihon book entitled Bishônen-roku vol. 3 (Stories of good looking boys, 1831) sold only 300 copies whereas a representative gâkan work entitled Nise Murasaki inaka Genji (An Impostor Murasaki and a Rustic Genji, 1829-42) is said to have sold 10,000 copies in one month.* According to Kairoku # # (1837), a collection of comments and anecdotes on various historical matters,

103 in the beginning, sales oiyomihon were low, generally 300; but around 1837, they increased to about 3,000.^ Unfortunately, such data for Ugetsu monogatari^ an edi\y yomihon, is not known to exist. But apparently, the first publication of Ugetsu monogatari met a successful reception because it led to three subsequent printings: one in the first year of publication [according to the information written in the back of the book], another, sometime during the Tenmei period (1781-1788), and the last around 1801.'° From the booksellers/ pubhshers and the lending hbraries, a good number of people, both sophisticated and unpolished, enjoyed Ugetsu monogatari.

4. 3 Akinari’s Views on Writing Tales Many readers will understand the storyline of Ugetsu monogatari., but fewer will understand the situations derived from classic works, and still fewer will recognize Akinari’s own personal connection to the story plot in the text. For each level, the experiences they have with the chronotopic structure Ugetsu monogatari presents may differ. But generally speaking, extraliterary information such as allusions and Akinari’s personal beliefs give added depth to Akinari’s text, enhancing its plausibihty. The question may be raised why Akinari chose to incorporate the aforementioned sophisticated elements to attract well-informed readers and to bring greater degree of believability of the text. A key to answering this question may he in his view on writing tales. 1779, three years after the publication of Ugetsu monogatari.

104 Akinari wrote Nubatama no maki ^ cD#, a short tale in which he criticized the Tale o f Genji. * * Like his other contemporary intellectuals, especially among the scholars of National Learning such as Motoori Norinaga, he cast away didactic interpretations of literature and recognized instead its artistic autonomy. Akinari thought that “monogatari” was tantamount to falsehood or fiction (^ 6 solely for entertainment, yet, he considers that it could be read allegorically (% #) as a form of social criticism. He writes as follows; What are monogatari’ (tales)? In China, too, its equivalent solely concerns itself with allegory. Although there is no truth in it, an author’s concern is expressed without fail. Sometimes an author laments the insincerity of the world, other times the nation’s extravagance. However, considering the force of current time, and fearing the displeasure of the people of high rank, an author would set the story as the affair of the past to veil the present.

Hence, though set in the past, the tales actually refer to the present. It should be noticed that the setting of Ugetsu monogatari is situated in the past. Akinari writes that “by and large, writings are produced from ikidôri #"9 or resentment.”'^ Other than his great interest in the supernatural itself, Akmari’s concern underlying Ugetsu monogatari could have been his resentment, which was probably directed against his own life and society. His bitterness about his life and society can be explained as follows. Akinari was an illegitimate child. In his own words, Akinari writes: "I didn't have a father, and I don't know why."''* Furthermore, he was abandoned by his natural mother at the age of four. Smallpox, which he

105 had at the age of five, left his fingers deformed and may have been the cause of suspected epileptic fits as well. Akinari wrote:

When I was five years old, I was struck with smallpox, and as a result, the middle finger of my right hand was as small as my little finger. Also, the index finger of my left hand became short and was not of any use. When I took up a pen, it was the same as not having my middle finger at all and I was sad not having enough strength to hold the pen correctly. A calligrapher said: You shouldn’t learn calligraphy whatever you do. Even though you may be able to copy the shape of the character w ell, you will never master the essential technique.' Following his advice, I haven’t been enthusiastic about calligraphy since the age of twenty-three or four, and I didn’t write my name satisfactorily. I thought that my writing would be good enough to keep a diary since I was a merchant. Hence, my handwriting was as poor as everyone knows.

It is not a mere coincidence that when he wrote Ugetsu monogatari, he used the pen-name Senshi kijin (Pruned Branch Eccentric) referring to his deformed fingers.'^ Nor did the misfortune of young Akinari stop there. After suffering firom smallpox, he was subject to fi-equent illness and occasionally suffered convulsions.^^ Akinari described his convulsions in Chinese characters as # # or 01Ë (irritability, neuropathy), and some scholars such as Sakai Kôichi, Ôba Shunsuke, and Kayanuma Noriko believe that Akinari was an epileptic. From around the age of forty (1773), Akinari started to use the pen-name Muchô # # (another name for crab),'* and sometimes compared himself with a crab. It is widely recognized that Akinari adopted the name “crab” for a number of reasons: its pincers suggested his deformed hands; its

106 appearance was suggestive of his character, i.e. he looked hard and difficult from outside, but inside was soft and sensitive; and a crab crawls sideways, implying Akinari’s unorthodox way of living. But Kayanuma Noriko notes that one o f the most common features o f a crab is to froth at the mouth; and by calling himself a crab, he was also alluding to his epilepsy and its recurrent violent fits. She asserts that this epilepsy was his biggest complex and surmises that from his childhood, Akinari was taunted by his peers for his chronic disease.^® At any rate, violent convulsions or neuropathy were to torment him throughout his life. Akinari was a talented man who followed a strict moral code. Regarding his character, the inscription on Akinari's tomb tells us that he was "obstinate and perfectly upri^t." According to his disciple, Fujita Gyô, Akinari was "honest," and "when Akinari associated with a person, if the man was unjust, he immediately severed his acquaintance. For this reason, he was not accepted in his hometown. He grieved and said, ‘People in thriving Osaka do not understand my naoki kokoro (honest and upright mind); on the contrary, they believe that I am crooked.Yet, intelligent and upright men like him were not always rewarded or recognized; on the contrary, sycophants with low intellect but fortunate birth were frequently rewarded. This tendency is true in any society of any period. Yet, it was all the more so in his time, during the Edo period when the class system imposed on the people by the shogunal government made it apparent that a talented man of low birth would stay in his low status, while a mediocre man of high birth could enjoy high position and benefit

107 lucratively. There were many cases where Akinari felt men o f mediocre qualities were treated like celebrities, while he remained a largely unknown townsman. For example, he did not have a favorable opinion of Takebe Ayatari, the author of the Tale ofNishiyama (1768), whom he considered "a moron who could not read Chinese, and whenever I inquired about something, he did not know the answer."^ In spite of Akmari’s low estimation, Ayatari was widely recognized as a talented man and advertised himself as such. In his later years, in Masurao monogatari $-#-6 (Tale of Brave Man, 1806), Akinari describes Ayatari as "namasakashiki hito" (smartish fellow) whose Tale of Nishiyama is "a useless and playful work which misleads good people." This strong rivalry with Takebe Ayatari persisted throughout Akinari’s life.^^ As a man with an honest and upright mind, Akinari had a great desire for justice to prevail. As we shall see in the following chapters, many of the supernatural characters in Ugetsu monogatari also hold grudges against society or individual(s). Those characters are often oppressed by the powerful. Perhaps Akinari wished to hberate the weak and oppressed, those like himself, in the worlds of the supernatural. What he could not do in reahty, he did in fiction. Thus, oppressors in Ugetsu monogatari meet their deserved ends. Bruno Betteüieim writes of children’s favorable reaction to the traditional fairy tales as follows: “In the traditional fairy tale, the hero is rewarded and the evil person meets his well-deserved fate, thus satisfying the child’s deep need for justice. How else can a child hope that justice will be done to him.

108 who so often feels unfairly treated? And how else can he convince himself that he must act correctly, when he is so sorely tempted to give in to the asocial prodding of his desires?”^'* Akinari’s desire for writing such stories was a deepseated need in Akinari for justice. Furthermore, Akinari writes that “Because ‘monogatari’ describe people’s hves in this world exhaustively, readers will feel as if their dishonest minds are exposed and will, from then on, behave themselves. For Akinari, tales were to describe things as they were without leaving out anything. He highly valued verisimilitude in stories and also thought it could be beneficial to the readers. It may sound odd to us living at the end of the twentieth century that the tales in Ugetsu monogatari were intended to be depictions of things as they are. After all, the main characters o f these tales are supernatural beings. Yet, as noted in Chapter Two, in his time, supernatural beings were not considered the products o f imagination or illness. Akinari w as himself a believer in their existence. In other words, supernatural beings were far more realistic for him and his readers than, for example, a sudden change of one’s character or the sudden acquisition of political power. For instance, in “Cauldron of Kibitsu,” a faithful wife dies from her husband’s cruel treatment. Physically and ethically freed from this world, the dead wife gains force to punish her deceitful husband and bring about his death. If the exemplary wife had abruptly changed her character and become powerful enou^ to avenge her husband while she was still alive, the story may have become a successful comedy but would not have served Akinari’s

109 intention. In order for the weak and oppressed to acquire force, they have to be liberated from all the restrictions of this world. Similarly the protagonist o f “White Peak,” a character modeled on the former emperor Sutoku # # (1119-64), is a famous vengeful spirit in Japanese hterature. According to legend, Sutoku had become an evil spirit while he was still ahve and became a king of Darkness after his death. One may think that being an evil spirit before his death, Sutoku could not have to die in the story to avenge his enemy, that Akinari could have kept Sutoku ahve throughout his tale. Yet, such a plot is contrary to the belief widely held about his legend among the general pubUc. Sutoku died and became a demonic king, whose mystic force was so colossal that it changed the course of history. The dead Sutoku’s vengeful spirit was feared in contemporary society, and an individual writer should not precariously change Sutoku’s legend. Akinari considered artistic expression essential to “monogatari.” Unlike oral stories, he was able to edit Ugetsu monogatari repeatedly before publication. In the prefaces to Ugetsu monogatari and Nubatama no maki, Akinari praises the superiority o f structure and the beautiful diction of the Tale o f Genji. He writes: “The work comparable to this kind of superb literature [i.e.. Tales o f Genji] would be very rare even in China. The beautiftil language to which he refers means classic beauty Yet, he did not choose to write Ugetsu monogatari solely in the classical, poetic language. Rather, he employed wakan konkô-bun (Japanese writing mixed with Chinese characters), following the example of his teacher, Tsuga

1 1 0 Teishô, in his fictional works. Teishô writes about his choice of language in the preface of Tales o f a Garland?^

. . .

>9 T . c lÆfêfr#. .... K(DXmi^ mW(7)îiW^L6To #(CL-C#

Since ancient times, [there have been such precedents that] the gasping o f the cows foretelling the state of the government; a priest becoming enlightened by the sound of a horse being washed. One perceives deep autumn by the wind, and the sound of the fulling cloth reveals that winter is approaching. Likewise, plain (colloquial) language is an effective tool for admonition. Encouraged by the work written in plain language, one may practice righteousness. It may create a habit of reading a book until late at night. This is the intention o f Kinro Gyôja and Senri Rôshi.^°... [Sjince w e are not familiar with humorous literature, [the language of this work] won’t be so interesting to listen to. But because we are unaccustomed to elegant diction, the writing style [of this work] is not very far firom vulgar (colloquial) language. We grew up in the countryside, we don’t know the fashionable expressions of the city. And therefore, fortunately, [the writing style used here] is not similar to the kabuki-like books, either.

In this “Preface,” Tsuga Teishô states that he prefers plain language to an elegant style because people are more famihar with the former, and it is therefore, a more effective tool for giving admonition. Yet, at the same

111 time, he claims that his writing style is not completely plain (colloquial), either. “Humorous literature” in the above statement refers to the “character books ”ofhachimonjiya-bon^^ which employed the plain language style. “Elegant diction” refers to the language of waka as well as neoclassical writing similar to that used in the Tale o f Genjf^— it is classical, poetic and suitable for creating a refined romantic atmosphere. ^'"Kabuki- like book” is also a type ofhachimonjiya-bon whose writing style incorporates kabuki style diction and structure and is rich in fashionable city expressions. Teishô declares that his writing style is none of these. Its elegant style allows the lyrical and romantic atmosphere of the past, while the plain element vividly permits detailed and emotion-filled descriptions.^^ By writing in a mixture of colloquial and elegant style, Akinari was able to have both a poetic atmosphere and emotional intensity in his text. But to appreciate his diction, neither plain nor colloquial, and to understand the sophisticated concepts in his fiction, readers must have a certain level of education.

4.4 Ugetsu monogatari as a Self-Consciously Literary Kaidan Akmari’s conscious effort to write epoch-making fiction and his confidence in Ugetsu monogatari are understood firom the “Prefece” to Ugetsu monogatari, written in Chinese:

Lo Kuan-chung compiled Water Margin and his family sired deaf mutes for three generations.^ Lady Murasaki wrote Tale of Genji and she fell to hell. They were punished for what

112 they had done. However, read their works. They describe rare scenes and contents, their expressions have such verisimilitude, and yet so graceful and fluent are their rhythms. They touch a chord of feeling in the hearts of the readers, and mirror reahties of one thousand years ago in the present. I, too, happen to have idle tales which came from my mouth. These are the tales like crying pheasants and fighting dragons.^^ As slipshod as they are, needless to say, nobody would take them to be true. Certainly my talents are insufficient to condemn my descendants to be punished with harelips or missing noses...

According to the Sequel to the Record of Tour o f West Lake because Lo described such immoral acts as adultery, theft, and deceit in his romance in detail. Thereby destroying human morals, he was condemned to have deaf mutes as his descendants for three generations.^® Also, according to a Buddhist legend. Lady Murasaki fell to hell because she used falsehoods in The Tale o f Genji.^^ In this “Preface,” Akinari writes that his work is not described with such a high degree of forcefulness and verisimilitude as Water Margin or Tale of Genji, and no one would mistake Ugetsu monogatari for reahty; and therefore, he would not be cursed with the punishment those authors suffered. Yet, one cannot take his words too literally. Akinari uses the pen-name, "Senshi kijin" only once in his life, for Ugetsu monogatari, and as mentioned earlier, this name alludes to his deformed hands. Perhaps Akinari wanted to insinuate that not only posthumously in his lifetime, he had already suffered from punishment o f those great authors because his Ugetsu monogatari w as as great as, or even greater than. Water Margin and Tale o f Genji. N eedless

113 to say, both romances are representative works from the two countries: Water Margin from China and Tale o f Genji from Japan. It is not difficult to imagine that Akinari, by aligning them with his own work, had great confidence in Ugetsu monogatari. hi fact, the “Preface” written inChinese indicates how enthusiastic Akinari was about his work. Adding a Chinese preface to a Japanese text has been practiced since ancient times. But during the Edo period, it was the vogue as a manifestation of intelligence. The “Prefaces” of the aforementioned Tales of Garland and Stories o f a Thriving Fieldhy Tsuga Teishô are written in Chinese writing; Tale o f Nishiyama authored by Takebe Ayatari also has a Chinese preface."*® Akinari was probably prompted by such precedents to write his “Preface” in Chinese. Furthermore, he may have tried his hand at it to challenge Ayatari’s ability in Chinese. As already mentioned, Akinari had a strong rivalry with Ayatari. The “Preface” ofNishiyama monogatari was written not by Ayatari himself but by Kiniyû (d. 1782), a monk of the Tendai Buddhist sect and well known hteratus in Kyoto. Though Akinari’s Chinese is far from satisfying, this “Preface” written by himself, shows his intellectual inclination. In his later years, Akinari writes the following:

What is it that a wise man in the ancient times says of a man who left his homeland, is disliked by his relatives, and who does not attend his family business and plays without returning home? He is a "kyôtô no hito" (crazy and prodigal man). What about a man who is proud of his talent, and focuses exclusively on making his name? He is a scheming man. Both of them lose "the Way. " I am not exempt from either of

114 these faults. But, I would rather be called "kyôtô no hito" and have a good time rather than suffer from limited talent

Akinari admits that he possessed vanity and ambition. He may have been famous among haikai circles,'*^ but by and large, in the prime o f his manhood, he had not yet made his name w idely known. When Akinari was young, he had a strong desire to make his talent widely known to the people, especially among well-read readers. According to Nakamura Hiroyasu, sources of Ugetsu monogatari related to Chinese hterature number more than sixty, and those related to Japanese hterature are over one hundred.'*^ Akinari had a substantial knowledge o f the Japanese hterary tradition to form a foundation for his writing. Upon the sohd foundation of this Japanese worldview, he skillfully incorporated various Chinese literary works, sometimes even following the original plot and diction. Kaidan with strong hterary elements such as multiple sources, scholarly arguments, and the diction of wakan konkô-bun, would certainly help to realize his ambition. In other words, I want to argue that Akinari attempted to prove his hterary talents by incorporating sophisticated hterary elements into his stories of the kaidan type, a popular genre. This is an indication that he had ambition to invest kaidan with hterary quality that has hardly existed in the genre before. Kaidan, to him, was a vehicle to gain hterary recognition and to satisfy an intensely personal sense of justice on hterary ground. In the following chapters, I shall elucidate how the general motif of the stories would appeal to the audience; and, how the better informed the

115 reader is, more engrossing the text becomes.

116 Notes

' R.P. Dore, Education in Tokugawa Japan (Berkeley and Los Angeles, University of California Press, 1965), pp. 11 and 179.

^ Ibid.. p. 253.

3 Ibid., p. 266.

4 Mimemasa Isoo, Kinsei Kyoto shuppan bunka no kenkyû (Kyoto, Dôhôsha Shuppan, 1982), p. 48.

5 Terakado Seiken, Edo hanjôki, trans. Taketani Chôjirô (Tokyo, Kyôikusha, 1980), pp. 53-54.

6 Hamada Keisuki, “Shuppan jânarizumu tanjô,” in Nakamura Yukihiko and Nishiyama Matsunosuke, eds., Bunka ryôran. Nihon Bungaku no Rekishi 8 (Tokyo, Kadokawa Shoten, 1967). pp. 54-55.

7 Nagatomo Chiyoji. Kinsei no dokusho (Tokyo, Seimodô, 1987), pp. 2 and 10.

8 Hamada, “Shuppan jânarizumu tanjô,” pp. 52-53. Also, see Hamada Keisuke’s “Bakin ni okeru shoshi, sakusha, dokusha no mondai,” in Nihon Bungaku Kenkyû Shiryô Kankôkai, éd., Nihon bungaku kenkyû shiryô sôsho: Bakin (Tokyo, Yûseidô, 1974). pp. 233-246.

9 Nagatomo, p. 19.

10 Nakamura Yukihiko, “Kaisetsu,” inHanabusa zôshi, Nishiyama monogatari, Ugetsu monogatari, Harusame monogatari, pp. 9-10.

* * ^ As for a detailed account of Akinari’s concept of “monogatari,” see Nakamura Yukihiko’s article, “Akinari no bungakukan” in his Kinsei bungei shichôkô (Tokyo, Iwanami Shoten, 1975); Nakano Mitsutoshi’s “Akinari no 117 bungakukan” in Nakamura Yukihiko and Mizuno Minoru, ed., Akinari, Bakin. Kanshô Nihon Koten Bungaku 35 (Tokyo, Kadokawa Shoten, 1977).

12 "Nubatama no maki," in Ueda Akinari zenshu, vol. 5, p. 65. This was also a standard form in Kabuki. The playwrights of Kabuki displace the story in time so that its commentary on the present is hidden.

"Nubatama no maki," in Ueda Akinari zenshti, vol. 5, p. 67. The same statement is seen in " Yoshiya ashiya," in Ueda Akinari zenshii, vol. 5, p 511. According to Takada Mamoru, Akinari’s resentment concept originates from the “Preface” toShih Chi {The Records o f the Grand //wronûOTyl by Ssu-ma Ch’ien (BC 145-86). TdkàBsL, Ueda Akinari kenkyû josetsu, pp. 324-325

“Jizô hakogaki,” in Fujii Otoo, ed.,Akinari Ibun (Tokyo, Shûbunkan, 1919), p. 489.

Tandai shôshinroku in Ueda Akinari shu, p. 305.

Shigetomo Ki, "Senshi Idjin no gigô to sono yurai" in Akinari no kenkyû [Study on Akinari] (Tokyo, Bunri Shoin, 1971), pp. 161-68.

“Jizô hakogaki,” inAkinari Ibun, pp. 489-99.

Takada, Ueda Akinari nempu kôsetsu, p. 76.

19 Kayanuma Noriko quotes from Akinari’s writing, a variant of A Record of A Daring but Timid Mind, the following sentences which depict Akinari himself; “There is an old crab man. He has not only an ugly appearance but also a vile heart. He considers his sideward walk straight....He stutters, constantly foams at the mouth, and his language is unintelligible....” Kayanuma Noriko, “Kanshô to in byôseki,” in Takada Mamoru, ed., Kyôdô kenkyû Akinari to sono jidai (Tokyo, Benseisha, 1994), p. 539.

118 20 Kayanuma, “Kanshô to iu byôseki,” pp. 526-541.

Fujita Gyd, "Kashima Inari-sha ken'ei waka jo,” in Iwasaki Koyata, ed., Ueda Akinan zenshu, vol. 1 (Tokyo, Kokusho Kankôkai, 1970), p. 149.

22 Ihon tandai shôshinroku in Ueda Akinari shû, p. 373.

Shigetomo Ki speculates that one of the reasons why the date 1768 is signed in the “Preface” to Ugetsu monogatari, rather than its pubUcation date of 1776, is that Akinari was very conscious of Ayatari's Nishiyama monogatari which was pubhshed in 1768. Shigetomo Ki, Ugetsu monogatari no kenkyû, p. 137.

2^ Betteiheim, The Uses o f Enchantment, p. 144.

25 "Nubatama no maki," in Ueda Akinari zenshu, vol. 5, p. 75. Wolfgang Iser similarly writes on the merit of the reader’s participating in the text’s meaning as: “The reader discovers the meaning o f the text, taking negation as his starting-point; he discovers a new reality through a fiction which, at least in part, is different fi’om the world he himself is used to; and he discovers the deficiencies inherent in prevalent norms and in his own restricted behavior.” Wolfgang Iser, The Implied Reader (Baltimore and London, The John Hopkins University Press, 1974), xiii.

26 "Nubatama no maki," in Ueda Akinari zenshu, vol. 5, p. 75.

27 Nakamura Yukihiko, “Akinari no bungakukan ”in Kinsei bungei shichôkô (Tokyo, Iwanami Shoten, 1975), p. 300.

28 Tsuga Teishô was so successful in his wakan konkô-bun that it later became the standard style in the yomihon genre. Nakamura Yukihiko, “Kaisetsu,” inHanabusa zôshi, Nishiyama monogatari, Ugetsu monogatari, Harusame monogatari, p. 37.

119 29 Kokin kidan hanabusa zôshi, p. 74.

3 0 Both Kinro Gyôja and Senri Rôshi refer to the author, Tsuga Teishô.

31 See Note 62 o f Chapter One on hachimonjiya-bon.

3 2 At the time of its writing, the language of the Tale o f Genji was considered vernacular, not classical. But by Akinari’s time, it had become an example of the classical.

33 Nakamura Yukihiko, Kinsei shdsetsu-shi no kenkyû, p. 288. Leon Zolbrod gives the diiBference between wakan konkô-bun and neo-classical style as follows: “First of all, being more straightforward, it {wakan konkô- bun] lacked some of the elegant, poetic, and suggestive qualities of classical poetry and romance. Secondly, it permitted additional Chinese constructions, which allowed for more rigor and precision but which also demanded greater learning for its mastery. Lastly, it admitted as much colloquial grammar and vocabulary as the author fancied.” Leon M. Zolbrod, Ugetsu monogatari: Tales o f Moonlight and Rain (Vancouver, University of British Columbia Press, 1974), p. 57.

^ Lo Kuan-chung ca. 1300) is credited as the author of such Chinese vernacular fiction and drama as Water Margin, Three Kingdoms, and Pin Yao Chuan (Pacification of Spirits).

"Crying pheasants" originally appears in Shih-ching; "fighting dragons" in the I-ching. They are also used in the “Preface” o fChien-ten hsin-hua, and then, adopted in the “Preface” of Asai Ryôi's Hand Puppets. See Chapter 1. Uzuki, Nihon koten hyôshaku: Ugetsu monogatari hyôshaku, p. 14.

Ugetsu monogatari in Ueda Akinari shû, pp. 35-36.

37 Compiled by Tien Rucheng during the Ming dynasty (1368-

12 0 1644), it describes in twenty-six volumes the various matters of the Southern Sung hitherto unknown to the pubUc.

38 Nakamura Yukihiko, notes to Ugetsu monogatari in Ueda Akinari shû, p. 35.

The legend appears in such works as Ima monogatari 4 " # ^ (ca. thirteenth century) and Hôbutsu-shû & ##(ca. late twelfth century). Uzuki, Nihon koten hyôshaku: Ugetsu monogatari hyôshaku, pp. 11-12.

Uzuki Hiroshi, Nihon koten hyôshaku: Ugetsu monogatari hyôshaku, p. 16.

"Yomotsu-bumi" in Tsuzura-bumi in Ueda Akinari zenshu, vol. 10 (Tokyo, Chûô Kôronsha, 1991), p. 273.

« Retsusen-den (literal meaning is. Record of the Sages, 1763), a short story authored by h quotes Akinari as a “lone warrior” of thehaikai world.

Nakamura Hiroyasu, "Tenkyo oyobi kankeisho ichiran," quoted in Takada Mamoru, "Kaisetsu," in in Hanabusa zôshi, Nishiyama monogatari, Ugetsu monogatari, Harusame monogatari, p. 48.

121 CHAPTERS

HUMAN OBSESSION MANIFESTED AS THE SUPERNATURAL

As noted in Chapter Three, the general motif of Ugetsu monogatari is obsession. To varying degrees, all humans experience obsession. The commonality of the experience makes obsession an effective tool for capturing the readers’ attention by way of a shared experience. Akinari himself had an obsessive desire for justice and literary fame. In Ugetsu monogatari, Akinari describes various types of obsession in an effort to capture the interest of his audience, lend foreboding to the stories, and to legitimize the actions of the supernatural. In the opening piece, the intensity of the protagonist’s obsession with power and revenge changes the course of Japanese history. In “Chrysanthemum Tryst,” the mam character’s obsession with loyalty causes the character to take his own life to fulfill a simple promise. Obsession to avenge the cruelty of a husband is a common motif in kaidan. “Cauldron of Kibitsu” hauntingly describes the torturing and killing of a wife’s deceitful husband. Obsession driven by love can change one’s character completely. In “Blue Hood,” once a revered Buddhist monk takes to cannibalism to satiate the deep loss of his catamite who dies prematurely. Driven into a comer, Akinari’s characters

122 all react differently to various obsessions; but all react in the extreme. As mentioned in Chapter One, Ugetsu monogatari contains nine stories over five volumes. The first volume ofUgetsu monogatari contains “White Peak” and “Chrysanthemum Tryst.” The volume Two has “House Amid the Thickets” (Asaji ga yado, and “Carp That Came to My Dream” (Muô no rigyo, The third volume includes “Bird of Paradise (Buppôsô, and ’’Cauldron of Kibitsu.“ The Volume Four is “Lust of the White Serpent” (Jasei no in. The last volume contains “Blue Hood” and “Theory of Wealth and Poverty” (hinpuku ron, They are arranged according to the order of a single day’s No program: gods, warriors, women, mad persons or miscellaneous present plays, and demons.' The first story in Ugetsu monogatari, “White Peak,” describes the fearsome deified spirit of an historical figure, which corresponds to the category of the god play in No. The second story, “Chrysanthemum Tryst,” treats a suffering warrior and his loyal fiiend. It is similar to the No warrior play which deals with battles and fi’equently the sufferings of warriors. The sixth story of Ugetsu monogatari, “Cauldron of Kibitsu,” features an abandoned wife. It corresponds to the third category in a No program, woman plays, which focus on the concerns of women. Unlike the other stories, the protagonist of the eighth tale, “Blue Hood,” is a living person, not a supernatural being. This fits the fourth category in a No program belonging to the miscellaneous grouping; it features a mad person. In the miscellaneous present-time plays, the protagonist is a living person.

123 rather than a ghost or spirit. Still alive, the main character of “Blue Hood” acts like a goblin, as in the fifth category of a prototypical No program, the demon play. The demons play is upbeat that finishes the day’s program on a hghter note. Again, unlike the previous stories, the ending of “Blue Hood” is salvational. In this sense, “Blue Hood” also partially represents the last category of No programs. Akinari was well aware of literary heritage and dehberately composed Ugetsu monogatari to be part o f that tradition. John Foley writes that the gap between the sentences have to be filled by the reader’s pertinent extratextual information such as genre, history, and tradition; “submerged beneath the surface of the single tale or element hes a wealth of associations accessible only under the agreement of metonymic representation and interpretation.”^ Metonymic representation in this sense refers to allusions that would trigger the audience to think of an entire tale or tradition. Although Foley discusses the oral epic or oral-related tales rather than texts of hterary provenance, his observation is useful here to underscore the importance o f allusions to traditional hterature in fully appreciating a later work. In Ugetsu monogatari, allusions to No will adumbrate the sufferings of unsaved, obsessive spirits. The shadows of these obsessive spirits help merge the world of the supernatural and reahty.

124 "WHITE PEAK": A VENGEFUL SPIRIT WHO CHANGED HISTORY

5.1 Motif; Obsession with Power and Revenge In “White Peak,” obsession with power among members of the royal family is central. Not only is such obsession plausible among the aristocracy but it invokes a power struggle on a grand scale among member of the Imperial Family itself. The protagonist is a historical figure, the Retired Emperor Sutoku # # (1119-64), one of the most famous and powerful vengeful spirits in Japanese legend.^ The public theme and authentic material treated in “White Peak” correspond to the gods play in the No performance sequence. It is appropriate for an opening of a program of kaidan. The story o f the vengeful spirit of Sutoku is familiar to many Japanese, through both oral and print traditions. The dramatic life (or afterlife) of royalty often becomes the source of literary depiction. As early as the thirteenth century, Sutoku’s lonely life in exile and his obsession with revenge were described in a war tale entitled Hôgen monogatari or the Tale o f Hôgen.^ Recited by the blind musicians called biwa hdshi. The Tale o f Hôgen had a large audience during the medieval period. Continuing into the Edo period, professional storytellers frequently narrated Sutoku’s legend, and it was also performed in both the kabuki and puppet theaters.

125 In 1763, with the permission of the Tokugawa government, the lord of Takamatsu fief in Sanuki province held a festival for the six hundredth anniversary of Sutoku's death/ Also, at the time AJdnari was writing Ugetsu monogatari, there was a big boom in pilgrimages to the eighty-eight temples of Shikoku, which includes Shiromine-ji 6 (White Peak Temple), whose compound to this day has a shrine and temple dedicated to Sutoku/ Publishers in Osaka were printing many pubhcadons relating to this pilgrimage/ The story of the retired emperor Sutoku would have been fi-esh in people’s memory. By using a readily identifiable, actual character, Akinari was able to estabhsh plausibihty.^ The following is a summary of this story. The story begins with the scene of an unidentified traveler making a pilgrimage to sites of famous places associated with poems. In the poetic tradition, the names of such places are called utamakura The traveler arrives at Shiramine (White Peak) in Sanuki Province (present-day Kagawa prefecture), the very place where the former Emperor Sutoku died in exile. The traveler comes to Shiramine in the winter of 1168, four years after Sutoku's death, to pay his respects at the emperor's tomb. He recites Buddhist scripture and composes waka for the repose of Sutoku’s soul. Meantime, the sun sets and the moon rises. The traveler, weary and drowsy, is visited by the ghost of Sutoku. At this point, the traveler is identified as Saigyô ffifr (1118-1190), the renowned itinerant poet. Sutoku says that he wishes to respond to Saigyô's poem with a waka of his own. At first, Saigyô expresses his

1 2 6 surprise at the ghost’s lingering on earth, then he prays for Sutoku’s salvation. But Sutoku spurns the monk's appeal. Sutoku boasts that the contemporary political disasters in Japan have been instigated by his curse on the nation and Imperial government which tormented him. Remembering how intelligent the living Sutoku was, Saigyô asks him whether or not the motive for the Hôgen Disturbance^® (Sutoku’s rebellion against the reigning emperor, Goshirakawa ^ â M [ 1127-92] ) sprang from selfish desire. Sutoku answers that his own reign was relatively peaceful and could have continued longer. But because his father, retired emperor Toba #99 (1103-56), favored Bifukumon’in (1117-60), his third empress, who passionately pleaded for her own son Konoe (1139-59) to be the emperor, Sutoku was forced to retire. He thought it unjust and felt fioistrated but obeyed his father’s wish. Sutoku claims that Saigyô cannot accuse him of selfishness. Sutoku continues on to say that when the young Emperor Konoe died, Sutoku and most people expected that Shigehito, Sutoku’s eldest son, to be enthroned. Yet, again, because of Bifiikumon'in’s intervention, Shigehito was pushed aside and Sutoku's younger brother, Goshirakawa, whom Sutoku considered unworthy o f the throne, was crowned. Sutoku felt intense humiliation, thinking that the throne had been usurped by Goshirakawa. But he still kept silent while his father, Toba, was alive. With Toba's death, however, Sutoku staged the Hôgen Disturbance, a rebellion against Emperor Goshirakawa. Sutoku justified his rebellion by saying that in China even a subject could become a ruler if his deeds were in accordance with Heaven. How much more so

127 should Sutoku have been Emperor — Sutoku, whose status was naturally that of a ruler! Saigyô argues against him, citing the principles of filial piety, brotherly love, and loyalty. After a prolonged argument, Sutoku embraces Saigyô’s opinion but shares an account of his wretched life without attendants in Shiramine. In an air of sincere repentance, Sutoku says, he transcribed the Buddhist sutras and sent them to the Capital with a poem. Yet, Emperor Goshirakawa rejected the overture because a councilor named Shinzei misrepresented Sutoku’s gesture to the Emperor. Goshirakawa also ignored a law stating that his own kin’s penalties should be reduced. Thus, with his good intentions spumed and his salvation denied, Sutoku swore to become the King of Darkness and retaliate against his enemies. The Heiji uprising resulted. After his death, Sutoku continued to persecute those that had wronged him in life, often enlisting the help of evil spirits to exact his revenge. As he speaks, Sutoku's emotion intensifies and he is revealed in his full appearance as the King o f Darkness— a red face, disheveled hair, slanted eyes and long claws. Sutoku interrogates his attendant, a tengu- like bird, as to why his main enemies are still alive. Receiving the answer that they will all die soon, Sutoku is oveijoyed. But Saigyô is saddened by Sutoku's conduct and composes another waka for his salvation. With this poem, Sutoku looks appeased, and Sutoku as well as the tengu-Vks bird disappear in darkness. Dawn breaks and, in time, all Sutoku's curses came to fruition.'*

128 As often happens in Japanese history, there is a claimant, like Sutoku, who considered himself the rightful heir to the throne. Yet, thou^ a claimant, Sutoku was not described as an arrogant or insensitive man in “White Peak,” but rather, he was depicted as an intelligent and obedient son. That Sutoku was pushed aside by his father’s favorite consort renders Sutoku in a more favorable light. The ascension to the throne of Goshirakawa, whom Sutoku considered so unworthy, was such a humiliating blow that most readers would consider Sutoku’s indignation plausible, and sympathize with his desire for revenge. The motif of obsession with power and o f unleashed energy directed at revenge by the horrifying vengeful spirit, both in power and appearance, would appeal to a broad spectrum o f reader.

5.2 Sources and Allusions As mentioned at the beginning, Akinari took advantage of the readers’ recognition of Sutoku’s character through both oral and literary traditions. His sources were numerous. According to Wakaki Taiichi, almost four fifths of "White Peak" is direct quotation of earlier sources. Many of these are fi’om classical sources. In addition to the afore­ mentioned Tale o f Hôgen and Guide to Miraculous Places, other major sources include # # # (Collection of Selected Prose, ca. 1250),*^ Shiromine-ji engi (History of Shiromine Temple, 1406),^^ Sanka-shû i l i ^ # (Anthology o f a Recluse),*"^ Honchd Jinja-kd (History of Major Japanese Shrines, ca. 1640),^^ and Honchd tsûki

129 12 (Popular History o f Japan).He also used such popular guide books as Shikoku henrei reijô-ki (Guide to Miraculous Places of Shikoku or Guide to Eighty-eight Temples of Pilgrimage in Shikoku, 1689).*^ Further, “White Peak” owes much o f its structural development to the No plays “Matsuyama Tengu” (“Flying Goblin”)’* and “Ugetsu” (“Moonlight and Rain”). Truly, "White Peak" is a mosaic. Akinari's enthusiasm for creating high literature is obvious in the sheer number of his sources. Akinari expected his readers to enjoy both the evocation of imagery from original sources and the story’s atmosphere which he created. How these sources were woven into a tapestry bringing a dead Emperor alive, will be discussed in an examination of the work’s opening paragraph, the symbols of “moonlight” and “rain,” and the story’s utilization of No plays. The opening paragraph of “White Peak” constitutes a michiyuki (journey) scene. Unlike other stories in Ugetsu monogatari, the first story has a relatively long prelude in which an unidentified traveler is described in his journeys from the Capital to the eastern and western provinces. The traveler traces the sites o f the famous utamakura (place names famed for poetic association). In the prelude, Akinari uses various poetic devices such as makura kotoba ttM (pillow words)to depict spatial and temporal progression, as well as the feeling of the traveler. This type of composition is called a michiyuki-bun iSffjC (journey narrative), a lyric description of the scenery that a traveler sees along the way. Using classical language, the michiyuki-bun in “White Peak” is quite poetic, and.

130 appearing as it does in the prelude, sets the tone for the whole story. It goes as follows:

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Allowed to pass by the guards o f the Barriers of Osaka,^* [I began my journey to the east.] The beautiful yellow autumn leaves of the mountains was hard to pass by. I passed Narumi Bay^^ where plovers leave their footprints, saw the smoke from the lofty peak of Mr. Fuji,^^ the marshland o f Ukishima,^'^ the Barrier at Kiyomi,^^ and various bays around Ôiso and Koiso.^^ Gromwells were in full bloom in Musashi Plain,^^ [Continuing on. I] saw the calm morning scenery of Shiogama,^* the thatched huts o f fishermen at Kisagata,^^ the boat bridge at Sano,^® and the hanging bridge at Kiso.^‘ The beauty of these places in the east, famed in poetry, lingers in my heart. Yet, further wishing to see those of the western provinces, in the autumn of 1168,^^ I passed the falling reeds o f Naniwa.^^ Shivering from the winds o f Suma and Akashi^"* Bays, finally, at a place called Hayashi at Miozaka^^ in Sanuki province, I laid down my staff for a while — not so much out of fatigue from the long journey but to build a hut for meditation.

Readers unfamiliar with utamakura or michiyuki can enjoy this prelude as a guide to famous scenic places and the rhythmical language listing their location.^^

131 Gunji Masakatsu states that “originally the michiyuki was the journey of a deity to visit this world. Then, it became the journey of spiritualistic mediums to welcome the deity. In the world of human beings, it was the journey from this world to the other world.”^^ Similarly, Orikuchi Shinobu writes that the michiyuki in drama and poetry derived from ancient rituals concerning deities from far lands visiting the villages at certain times.^* In No plays, the journey which the side actor takes at the beginning of the play is called michiyuki. The actor, usually portraying a priest, meets a supernatural being who is temporarily visiting this world. Akinari incorporated an oral tradition in his kaidan., a genre with both oral and literary traditions, to make the opening paragraph in “White Peak” as a fitting beginning of not only the story itself but also to establish the chronotopic passage to a world of the supernatural. Those who have knowledge of waka., furthermore, will recognize the poetic tradition that this opening paragraph is following. The readers would also understand that this traveler is not an ordinary tourist but rather, somebody who appreciates classical elegance. This michiyuki-bun is taken in parts from "Karin’in Eigen sôjô no koto" ("About Abbot Karin’in Eigen"), and "Shin’in mihaka Sanshû Shiromine ni am kore am koto" (“There Is the Retired Emperor's Tomb at Shiromine in Sanuki Province”), both in Senjûshô, a classical collection o f short prose, including poems, many of which deal with Buddhist issues.^^ The diction in the prelude is almost identical with these original texts, so that the classical world is superimposed upon the world Akinari creates.'*® Furthermore, the

132 authorship of Senjûshô was attributed to Saigyô in his time. Readers knowledgeable in classics such as Senjûshô could guess that the traveler in “White Peak” is none other than Saigyô. With the recognition of the allusion, Akinari’s text becomes personalized by the reader, thus making the text more real. Two prominent symbols throughout the work are “moonlight” and “rain.” After themichiyuki section, the traveler climbs the nearby mountain called White Peak to pay his respects at the grave of the former Emperor Sutoku. One should recall that the title of Akinari’s book is The Tales o f Moonlight and Rain. Rain makes a day dark, and moonlight brightens the night. Moonlight and/or rain function as if they were an invitation for supernatural beings to appear, as they do on White Peak, whose “pine and oak grow dense and even on a fine day with a bank of white clouds it feels as if drizzling rain were falling.”^' As for the title, Akinari writes; "One night in late spring of 1768, after the rain had cleared away and the faint moonlight shone by my window, I completed this work and submitted it to a publisher, therein entitling it Tales o f Moon and Rain."^^ Yet, as Yamaguchi Takeshi states, it is most likely that Akinari’s romantic explanation is actually to hide his true sources, a practice common among intellectuals of that time. One such source for the title could be the Nô play entitled “Moonlight and Rain,” a play composed around a poem by Saigyô.'*^ In the NÔ play, the old man, actually a deity of Sumiyoshi Shrine, as the lead actor or shite, first appears on the stage with the recitation of verses

133 by Pai Lo-tien (Pai Chu-yi) 6 # ^ (772-846); “The rustling of leaves would sound like rain even on a fine day; the bright moonlight on a desert would look like frost even on a summer night.” After a visit to Sumiyoshi Shrine, Saigyô, as the side actor or waki, asks the old man for lodging for the night under the bright moonlit sky. The old man refiises by saying that his humble hut does not have a complete roof. The old man wishes for a roof in order to hear the sound of the rain, but his wife prefers not to have a roof because she wants to see the moon. The roof is not completely

thatched because, the old man complains, “5/z/zM ga nokiba wo! fuki zo wazurau"'’ (Worrying ourelves over / whether to thatch the eaves o f the poor hut or not). But then he agrees to let Saigyô stay if Saigyô wül add a verse to his own: “Worrying ourselves over / whether to thatch the eaves of the poor hut or not.” Saigyô easily replies, "Tsuki wa more/ ame wa tamare to/ tonikaku ni" (So that the moonlight streams in/ but also to hear the sound o f rain on the roof / well, at any rate).'*^ His verse captures the essence of the old couple’s aesthetic argument, i.e., whether they thatch the roof is not as important as what they see or hear in their minds; what one thinks one sees or hears is virtual reality. Pleased with Saigyô's verse, the old man lets him stay. At that moment, the old couple think they hear the sound o f shigure # # or autumn rain on the roof. But the rain-like sound is actually pine needles on the roof in a strong wind. Their happy illusion becomes a virtual reality and the old couple are able to enjoy both the moonlight and the sound of rain at the same time. Later, the deity o f Sumiyoshi Shrine reveals him self through his

134 messenger and dances. He says that he, a protector of waka, chose to appear before Saigyô because of Saigyô’s excellent verse. Rain and moonlight are, thus, used by the deities as poetic symbols. At the same time, they bring together two worlds: this world where Saigyô lives and the other world where the deities live. More importantly, the aesthetic mind-set of the protagonist is described through “rain” and “moonlight.” “Rain” and “moonlight” are contrasting sensorial symbols in the NÔ play. Rain represents the aural sense; and moonlight, the visual sense. Essentially, Saigyô expresses in his verse that what one thinks one hears or sees can be what it is in one’s mind. More particularly, what the old man thought o f as autumn rain was not actually rain, but he still enjoyed hearing the sound as if it were autumn rain. Likewise, in Ugetsu monogatari, the supernatural exemplified by the “rain” and/or “moonlight” may become reality depending on whether one believes in it or not. For those who believe in the supernatural, including Akinari, Ugetsu monogatari is the world o f virtual reality. As discussed in Chapter Two, there were many people who believed in the supernatural in Akinari’s time. To many readers, Ugetsu monogatari was virtual reality. (Furthermore, Akinari probably would not have cared much about what those who did not believe in the supernatural content o f his texts or his beliefs.) Additionally, though the status of the characters and setting, an old couple living in a poor hut, do not necessarily evoke a refined atmosphere immediately, "Rain and Moonlight" is permeated with elegance and subtle beauty by means of the couple's refined taste, the old man’s identity as a

135 deity, lyrics, music, and dance. Probably, as Yamaguchi Takeshi suggests, Akinari expected the elegance and subtle beauty of this to be present in his own work as well.'*^ Another inspiration for the title of Akinari’s book are die words that appear in the Chinese "Record of the Peony Lantern."^ At the end of the “Record of the Peony Lantern,” there is the following sentence; "In this peaceful time, [one may not forgive those] who transform themselves in order to possess trees and plants, [those] without form who make a howling sound in the air on the night of rain or in the morning when the moon hangs low... Shigetomo Ki claims that, taken from such a strange and mysterious story, “Moonlight and Rain” is an appropriate title for a collection ofkaidan fiction.'** Perhaps Akinari expected his readers to experience virtual reality in the world of Ugetsu monogatari — what one reads in Akinari’s text can be reahty in the reader’s mind. Additionally, he may have wanted the reader to perceive both the subtle beauty of “Rain and Moonlight” and the eerie mood of “Record of the Peony Lantern.” The image created by sensorial symbols such as rain and moonlight in Akinari’s text is so rich that, as mentioned previously, Ugetsu monogatari does not require many illustrations. The image o f rain and moonlight superimposed by these literary precedents resound whenever these natural elements appear in the text, making it richer and more real than the actual words denote. The third example of how Akinari merges the supernatural and reality is found in his use of performative techniques from the Nô. That Akinari

136 uses Nô plays such as “Moonlight and Rain” and “Matsuyama Tengu” has already been discussed. In fact, not only an individual work but also the performative techniques of N6 are incorporated into “White Peak.” After Sutoku’s dashed hope for salvation, his obsession with power is redirected towards becoming the King of Darkness in order to wreak more powerful revenge. The ghost of Sutoku himself describes this process with a flashback technique:

I then decided upon single-minded revenge by dedicating this sutra to the devil. I bit my finger and wrote an oath with the oozing blood. After casting the oath with the copied sutra into the sea at Shido, I shut myself up without seeing anybody and earnestly prayed to become the King of Darkness. So, you see how the disturbance of Heiji was brought about. First, I made Shinrai’s selfish desire for high status grow all the more and secretly led him to conspire with Yoshitomo. This Yoshitomo was the most bitter foe...to avenge him, I cursed Yoshitomo and made him atrocious and led him to plot with Nobuyori. Because of his treacherous crime against the deity of the nation, he was executed by Kiyomori, who hardly had military prowess.

Sutoku is dead, yet, he shows to Saigyô and the readers how he proceeded with his revenge. Only a ghost can freely travel among

137 different ages and places, flashing back to show what he did in the past. This is actually a familiar technique used in fukushiki mugen No or Two- Part Dream Nô.^® In Jukushiki mugen No, the ghost, played by the lead actor, reveals to the priest and the audience the dramatic moment o f his life, culminating in both aural and visual climaxes. Also, when playing, lead actors often have multiple guises. This is an effective device in drama which focuses the audience on one performer on the stage. Likewise, in “White Peak,” the vengeful spirit of Sutoku depicts his flight from the standpoint o f an omniscient narrator, but also, he narrates the scenes of murdering his enemies as the culprit in first person. The first person narration of the killing scenes is much more effective than the third person narration to bring fright to the readers, as in the case in the Tale o f Hôgen. At the same time, it will evoke the sufferings of similar unsaved spirits from No plays in the minds of those readers acquainted with the NÔ theater. The unsaved ghosts o f the No plays, who sustain unbearable suffering as lost souls, usually ardently plead with the priest to help them find salvation. In “White Peak,” however, Sutoku not only spurns Saigyô’s prayer, but also takes delight in his enemies’ plight. He becomes so emotionally charged that his obsession affects the surroundings:

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138 At that moment, the mountains and valleys shook with a great force, and a strong wind rose as if to blow down the forest trees, swirling pebbles and stones in the air. A strange ball of flame flared up from the Sutoku’s feet, illuminating the mountains and valleys like midday. Staring at his highness’s features in the hght, Saigyô saw Sutoku’s dark vermilion face, his disheveled hair tangling down to his knees. His eyes were rolling upward, glaring, and his hot breath was gasping in pain. He was wearing the old and sooted persimmon-colored robe, nails had grown like the claws of a beast. It all revealed a horrifying form of the King of Darkness.

With the flame of wrath emanating from Sutoku’s own body, his demonic features emerge from dark surroundings. Akinari focused on Sutoku’s obsession which drove Sutoku to evil, both in action and appearance — it is vivid and descriptive. This demonic appearance of Sutoku in “White Peak” contrasts with the beautiful, dignified consumes worn by actors playing Sutoku in the No play entitled “Matsuyama Tengu.”^^ The lyrics describing Sutoku’s change in the No play are subdued, understated compared to the account given in “White Peak.” When Sutoku changes his looks to show his wrath, the chorus only narrates: L S L(h7^Lo *9 (Remembering the sad things of the olden days in the capital, the appearance of his royal wrath is overshadowing the surroundings. It is horrifying.)^^ The lead actor’s costume remains gorgeous and formal. The emperor maintains his dignity till the end, never revealing his weakness. Actually, the demonic description of Sutoku is based upon that of the Tale o f Hôgen. Akinari intensified the frightful image of Sutoku in “White Peak” by adding the

139 description, “his [Sutoku’s] eyes were rolling upward, glaring, and his hot breath was gasping in pain,” to better suit kaidan. By exploiting the paradigm of No text, Akinari elevated his story to a higher plane. In other words, to make his story more sophisticated, Akinari made great use o f the highly respected art of No. Different genre treat the same story differently. Those readers with knowledge of No plays would recognize the antecedent and, this time, enjoy the kaidan version of Sutoku’s ghost to the full. The opening paragraph, the symbolic function of moonlight and rain, and the utilization of references to No plays are just a few examples to show how Akinari exploited various sources to make his text rich, and sometimes, more ominous by merging the world of the real and supernatural. In order to appreciate Akinari’s effort, the readers have to be well versed in literary sources.

5.3 Language

In Chapter Four, wakan konkô-bun was explained with reference to the statement o f Tsuga Teishô. He was considered to be Akinari's instructor for fiction. Teishô’s writing has conspicuous kanbun-chô # or rhythm of Chinese writings. Kanbun literally means Chinese writings. But Japanese did not read kanbun as Chinese writings in Chinese. Rather, they devised a Japanese way of reading Chinese writings by changing the word order and adding Japanese particles and inflections. When Chinese is rendered in Japanese, the sound is staccato and rigorous. Because Chinese is the language for officials and scholars, it also sounds

140 academic. Teishô uses Chinese characters liberally and supports them with phonetic readings in the kana syllabary alongside the character(s), primarily in Chinese readings (on, Sometimes, he gives both an on-reading and a Japanese rendering to the Chinese characters. (Compared to the on- reading, a Japanese rendering sounds plain, even, and gentle to the native speaker of Japanese.) For example, to the characters, # # (village), the on-reading (^onra^w) is printed on the left side and his Japanese rendering t? 6 è i: {miirasatof^ is given on the right side of tlie characters. In such a case, his Japanese rendering is always very similar or almost identical to the meaning of the Chinese character(s). Though Akinari also adopted this wakan konkô-bun, he incorporated classical Japanese much more than Teishô did. As mentioned in Chapter Two, by the time of the completion of Ugetsu monogatari, Akinari had already started studying National Learning seriously under Katô Umaki (1721 -77). His appreciation of classical Japanese grew because of this study, and played a dominant role in the development o f his writing style. It should also be noticed that in 1768, Takebe Ayatari published the Tale o f Western Hill, written entirely in classical Japanese. In spite of Akinari’s low regard for its content and author, the world Ayatari created with his refined language and ancient-style poems probably influenced Akinari’s use of the classical Japanese style. Because of his dominant usage of Japanese writing styles, kanbun- chô is less conspicuous in Akinari’s work, and the phonetic readings he

141 gives are primarily flexible Japanese renderings, not m-readings. For example, for the Chinese characters, (the emperor’s august consideration), Teishô gives the on-reading of eiiyo x >9 J: as one might expect, whereas Akinari writes mikokoro 26 (literally ‘august heart’) as in “White Peak.” The “Opening Michiyuki Scene - The Journey To The Other World,” discussed earher in this chapter, is full of Chinese characters and may visually give a blockish impression. Yet, most of the characters are given Japanese renderings on the right side. For example, is not pronounced kôyô as one might expect, but rather momiji. is rendered as itawari rather than rô. Akinari’s choice for Japanese renderings are consistent with the desire to produce a softer and poetic imprint compared to Teishd’s writing style. Still, when Akinari expresses the characters’ emotionally charged states of mind, he adopts more rigorous sounding kanbun-chô. For example, when the vengeful spirit of Sutoku sununons Sagami, a bird-like goblin, to order the quick termination of all his enemies, the sentences become notably short and crisp, creating an intense and upbeat impression:

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“Sagami! Sagami!” the emperor cried, addressing the sky. 142 “Sir!” an ominous bird resembling a black hawk descended, prostrated itself and waited for his command. Tlie emperor shouted: “Why have you not taken Shigemori’s life quickly and made Masahito and Kiyomori suffer!?” The hawk replied: “Goshirakawa’s fortune has not run out, yet. Shigemori’s loyalty is hard to approach. Twelve years from now Shigemori’s life will end. When he dies, the fortunes of his entire clan will be destroyed.” Sutoku’s ghost clapped his hands in joy. “The entire enemy, every one of them, will perish in the sea before me.” His indescribably macabre and eerie voice resounding through the valleys.

In this passage, the harsh-sounding ^'‘Ncmzo... .zan/” _ ^ 5 j (Why have you not !?) is directly from the kanbun reading. The auxiliary verb- and/or adjective-endings such as “6gj/z/”(will be), and ^'’gatash r (difficult to) contribute to make the text sound more unyielding. These words, together with the short sentences, help to express Sutoku’s anger and impatience for the completion of his revenge effectively. Also in this passage, a colloquial Chinese usage, # (he) is used instead of a more typical Japanese pronoun such as or Since the Japanese pronunciation kare (he) is given on the side of this Chinese character would not baffle general readers. Those versed in Chinese language, however, would enjoy the shared knowledge of fashionable linguistic usage. When readers recognize how carefully crafted the different types of diction are within tlie text, they significantly increase their appreciation of Ugetsu monogatari.

143 5.4 Akinari’s Convictions and Intellectual Discourse In the previous section, “Language,” Sutoku’s impatience for the execution of complete revenge was quoted in Japanese and in translation. In the description: “Sutoku’s ghost clapped his hands in joy, ‘the entire enemy, every one of them, will perish in the sea before me,’— his indescribably macabre and eerie voice resounding through the valleys,” Sutoku, driven by obsession, sounds neurotic as well as psychotic and it makes the reader’s flesh creep. Sutoku is depicted as if he were no longer controlled by human moraUty. In Chapter Two, we saw that Akinari considered that deities protect those who worship them and punish those who neglect them. He considers that both animals and deities faithfully follow their primitive instincts. Both animals and deities, according to Akinari, exist in a primitive world of pre-culture where no human ethics abide, no dichotomy o f good and bad exists.^* Accordingly, Sutoku was literally under no restriction of human ethics in the other world, though his emotions are very human. Sutoku is wrapped up in his small world of revenge, and has no concern with ethics. The description of Sutoku’s behavior is already frightening. Yet, those who are familiar with Akinari’s concept o f deities and animals may deepen their horror, perceiving that conduct without morality or reasoning is deadly. Furthermore, the following ending of “White Peak” reveals Akinari’s same conviction with regard to the worship of deities: L TSI

^ *9 ft (q Lo (Thereafter, the mausoleum

144 was decorated with jewels and bright colored lacquer to worship his august power. People say that it is the deity for whom anyone who goes to that province should dedicate an offering.) Sutoku’s revenge on his irmnediate enemies may have been completed, but this time as a deity, a powerful one, Sutoku requires worship from the people. In order to avoid Sutoku’s curse, people must continue to dedicate offerings. Otherwise, Sutoku’s explosive rage may bring disaster to Japan again. This is a fitting end to a kaidan. Yet, those who are famihar with Akinari’s conviction would sense an additional meaning. It is Akinari’s personal warning that by neglecting to worship deity, one is inviting disaster to himself. This story, with such a personal admonition, becomes more fiightening and believable to the readers. Akinari’s conviction is also revealed in the lengthy argument between Sutoku and Saigyô about the “Rule of Right” or the legitimacy of Sutoku’s conduct in causing the Hôgen disturbance. This section occupies approximately one third of Akinari’s text, and is often considered the most important part of “White Peak.”^^ The illustration of “White Peak,” only one in each story, also depicts this debate scene between Sutoku and Saigyô. In this intellectual discourse, Sutoku uses the theory of the Mandate of Heaven^ to justify his conduct. He accuses Saigyô of selfishness because, as a Buddhist priest, he thinks only of his salvation in the next life. He asserts that the theory of reincarnation should not be involved in political affairs. Saigyô repudiates this argument as a pretext to permit human desire. He tells Sutoku that Mencius, the book which puts forth the

145 concept of the Mandate of Heaven, never arrived in Japan because the Japanese native deities dislike such conceited theory.^* Saigyô cites an example from an ancient legend of Princes Ôsasagi and Uji. According to Nihonshoki, the fifteenth emperor, Qjin, designated his youngest son. Prince Uji to be crown prince rather than his elder son. Prince Ôsasagi. After the death of Emperor Qjin, however, the crown prince Uji did not ascend to the throne because he thought his elder brother should be the emperor. Both princes declined the throne for three years and there was no defined succession. Lamenting the situation. Prince Uji committed suicide so that his elder brother would take the throne. Finally Prince Ôsasagi ascended to the throne and became the sixteenth Emperor. Saigyô comments that Prince Uji revered or one-dynasty emperorship in Japan, and there was no selfishness in his conduct. Apparently, Saigyô’s ideological foundation is based on Akinari’s knowledge of National Leaming.^^ Akinari, through the mouth o f Saigyô, repudiates the concept of the Mandate of Heaven by exhorting the selfless Way of Japanese Deities, which is, in turn, based upon the theory of Kamo no Mabuchi (1697-1769) known to him through his master, Katô Umaki.^^ For Saigyô (and Akinari), the concept o f the Mandate of Heaven is political rhetoric intended to justify one’s selfish acts. This is a concept widely held among other scholars of National Learning.^ The scholars of National Learning and/or Chinese philosophy may not have read “White Peak” only to understand Akinari’s interpretation of Japanese history and

146 the “Rule of Right.” But for those who were interested in the subject, a subject that appealed to many educated people at that time, this argument is timely and thought provoking. The chronotope of the supernatural is merged with the reahty of eighteenth-century Japan through the current issue. Also, for the readers who like a debate as a means o f intellectual exercise, the argument over the “Rule of Right” is quite appealing. It should be noted that, though Akinari has Saigyô say that there are a number of elements in the sacred teachings o f China which do not apply to Japan, he does not say that Japan is superior, like other scholars of National Learning. As seen in Chapter Two, during Akinari’s controversy with Norinaga, Akinari refrains from making any value judgment involving other countries. Furthermore, it is o f interest that Akinari, who is emotionally sympathetic with Sutoku, expresses his opinion through the mouth of Saigyô. In other words, Akinari is emotionally on Sutoku’s side but conceptually on the side of Saigyô. Saigyô is certainly not the opponent of Sutoku; on the contrary, he is Sutoku’s sympathizer. By means of reprimanding Sutoku’s obsession with logic, yet, having Sutoku reject Saigyô altogether, Akinari perhaps wanted to express the power of subjective pent-up emotion. Intellectuals who are familiar with the concept of the “Rule of Right,” National Learning, and/or Akinari’s convictions would have thought this lengthy debate quite intriguing. The motif of “White Peak” is attractive to all levels o f readers.

147 Those who recognized Akinari’s effort to infuse his writing with allusions and scholarly debate would have a greatly enhanced appreciation of “White Peak.” As noticed in Chapter Four, Akinari himself felt that he was unfairly punished by his fate and society. He also saw others who were in the same situation. Sutoku was a hero for such frustrated people.

148 Notes

^ Leon Zolbrod, Ugetsu monogatari: Taies of Moonlight and Rain (Vancouver, University o f British Columbia Press, 1974), pp. 75-76.

^ John M iles Foley, Immanent Art (Indiana University Press, Bloomington, 1991), pp. 11,42. Foley’s argument is influenced by Wolfgang Iser’s responsive theory.

^ Sutoku, the eldest son of Emperor Toba (1103-56), became the 75th emperor of Japan at the age of five. However, real pohtical power was held by his father, who wanted to execute power in a less-restrained capacity as Retired Emperor.

^ The Tale of Hôgen describes Hôgen Disturbance with Minamoto no Tametomo (a samurai on Sutoku’s side) as its center. By and large, the historical prose fiction and tales Akinari consulted, such as Hôgen monogatari and Senjûshô [see note 11], reveal a strong religious inclination: the law of cause and effect and the concept of karma. They depict the vicissitudes of people, describing that those who prosper will necessarily decline and those who decline have evil doings in their former lives. Regardless of their wishes, the characters in these works cannot escape the law of cause and effect. But among them, the retired emperor Sutoku struggles against this law and attempts to obtain power through vengeance. [Moriyama Shigeo, "Shiramine," in Nihon Bungaku Kenkyû Shiryô Kankôkai, éd., Nihon bungaku kenkyû shiryô sôsho: Akinari (Tokyo, Yûseidô Shuppan, 1972), p. 48.] Likewise, “White Peak,” Sutoku is depicted as precisely the man going against the law of reincarnation, with absolutely no hope for salvation. But unlike historical tales, “White Peak” is kaidan. Akinari was not interested in describing the law of cause and effect, but directly addresses the figure who is suffering fi*om uncontrollable emotion and preoccupation with revenge.

^ Okada Yuikichi, Sutokuin to Sanuki (Kamata Kyôzaikai) quoted in Moriyama Shigeo, Gen'yô no bungaku Ueda Akinari (Tokyo, San'ichi Shobô, 1982), p. 10.

149 ^ Though Akinari renders 6 # as Shirmnine, it is usually pronounced as Shiromine.

^ There is a record which indicates that around 48,000 people went on a Shikoku pilgrimage within the first six months of 1764. Miyazaki Ninsho, Henro: sono kokoro to rekisht (Tokyo, Shôgakukan, 1974), p. 154. The peak reached between Hôreki and An’ei periods (1751-1780), and Bunka-Bunsei periods (1804-1829).

® Kyôhô ikô Osaka shuppan mokuroku quoted in Koyama Issei, ^"Ugetsu monogatari to Shiromine-ji engi oyobi shikoku henrei reijôki,'''' Risshô daigaku kokugo kokubun (March 1975): 2.

^ As mentioned in Chapter One, according to the noted philosopher Umehara Takeshi, the oldest and most fimdamental conviction o f the Japanese is their belief in vengeful spirits and the need to appease them. He illustrates his point with reference to the story of Ôkuninushi, the god of Izumo, and the construction of a shrine dedicated to his spirit. This story appears in the Kojiki (Records of Ancient Matters, 712) and Nihonshoki 0 (Chronicles of Japan, 720). Ôkuninushi, the ruler of Japan, was told by the grandson of Amaterasu to surrender his position as ruler. Amaterasu, the Sun goddess, was considered to be the founder of the present Imperial Family. The surrender of his status meant death to Ôkuninushi, but he accepted the demand. In order to appease his soul, a gigantic shrine, larger than the one for the Imperial family, was built. “White Peak” precisely deals with this concept of a vengeful spirit whose power was so feared that a temple was dedicated to placate his soul. Umehara Takeshi, "Onryô to chinkon no shisô" in Nihon ni okeru sei to shi no shisô, pp. 24-25.

Fujiwara no Yorinaga, who was engaged in a power struggle with his elder brother, the Regent Fujiwara no Tadamichi, joined Sutoku’s uprising, as did many famous warriors, including Minamoto no Tameyoshi and Taira no Tadamasa. While Fujiwara no Tadamichi and other well known men- 150 at-arms like Minamoto no Yoshitomo and Taira no Kiyomori allied themselves with Emperor Goshirakawa. The disturbance ended with the defeat of Sutoku. Sutoku was exiled to the lonely Shiromine 6 # (White Peak, Akinari renders it as Shiromine) in Sanuki province (present-day Kagawa prefecture), where he died nine years later. The conflict proved to be a significant shift in power, therein elevating the warrior class. In the long run, it laid the road to the establishment of the first bakufii or military government.

Ueda Akinari shû, pp. 37-47; Uzuki Hiroshi, Nihon koten hyôshaku: Ugetsu monogatari hyôshaku [Annotation to Classical Japanese Literature: Annotation to Ugetsu monogatari] (Tokyo, Kadokawa Shoten, 1969), pp. 20-104. Both Ueda Akinari shû and Nihon koten hyôshaku: Ugetsu monogatari hyôshaku are based upon the first printing of Ugetsu monogatari in 1776 by the joint venture of Umemura Hanbei of Kyoto and Nomura Chôbei of Osaka. For the detailed annotations and comments, Uzuki’s Nihon koten hyôshaku: Ugetsu monogatari hyôshaku is very useful. For full Enghsh translation of Ugetsu monogatari, Leon Zolbmd’s Ugetsu monogatari: Tales o f Moonlight and Rain. (Vancouver, University of British Columbia Press, 1974) is most complete with both a sohd introduction and annotations. “White Peak” appears in pp. 98-108.

The work contains 121 short prose works (setsuwa) in nine volumes. Through the Edo period, authorship was attributed to Saigyô, but now, it is not known. Many of its stories deal with Buddhist tales about recluse, nirvana, and rehgjous awakening. It also contains many stories treating poems.

Shiromine fi engi describes history and legend of Shiromine Temple in Sanuki province.

A collection of poems composed by Saigyô.

Written by Hayashi Kazan (1583-1657), a famous Confucian and author o f Complete Works o f Strange Tales, Honchô jinja-kô describes 151 enshrined deity(s), history, legend, and miracles o f famous shrines in Japan.

Wakaki Taiichi, " Shiramine* no zôkei," in Inada Atsunobu, ed., Nihon Bungaku Kenkyû Shiryô Sinshû, vol. 8 Akinari: katari to genmu (Tokyo, Yûseido Shuppan, 1987), pp. 48-68.

A topography written by a Buddhist monk, Jakuhon. With maps and illustrations, it describes the 88 temples pilgrimage in Shikoku. These temples are known for the miracles of Kûkai, the founder of True Word sect of Buddhism. Guide to Miraculous Places o f Shikoku is considered to be the finest travelogue example on the pilgrimage in Shikoku. The aforementioned popularity of the Shikoku pilgrimage begins around the time of its pubhcation in 1689. Miyazaki Ninsho, Henro: sono kokoro to rekishi (Tokyo, Shôgakukan, 1974), p. 151. The fact that Akinari uses Guide to Miraculous Places o f Shikoku signifies that he was interested in following the actual topography o f the place and commonly held view by the people, catering to the wider audience.

“Matsuyama Tengu” is a fukushiki mugen no or Two Part Dream Nô play. In part one, the side actor, Saigyô, travels to Sanuki province, wishing to pay his respects to Sutoku’s tomb. There he meets an old man, played by the lead actor, who guides Saigyô to the grave. Saigyô is saddened by the poor si^ t of the tomb, and offers a poem to Sutoku’s soul. The old man is moved by the poem and tells Saigyô that while Sutoku was alive, only tengu served him. Saying that he is one o f the tengu, the old man disappears. In part two, the ghost of Sutoku appears to thank Saigyô for his poem, and performs a dance. Enraged by his bitter past, however, he then reveals his wrath. A group o f tengu then appear and console him by saying that they will avenge him. Sutoku is pleased. At dawn’s light, they all disappear in the air.

Makura kotoba, an epithet which modifies the word that immediately follows it, is suggestive of antique, pastoral feeling. Earl Miner, An Introduction to Japanese Court Poetry (Stanford, Stanford University Press, 152 1968), p. 24.

Nakamura Yukihiko, ed., Ueda Akinari shû. Nihon Koten Bungaku Taikei 56, p. 37. The translations in this chapter are mine unless otherwise indicated.

Osaka no seki (Barrier at Osaka) was located at the border between Yamashiro (present-day Kyoto) and Ômi (present-day Shiga prefecture). It was the first barrier to pass from Kyoto to the eastern province, and is famed in poetry (utamakurd). Through Note 31, all the place names mentioned are utamakura.

^ A dry beach in Owari province (present-day Aichi prefecture) famous for plovers.

The highest mountain located on the border between Suruga (present- day Shizuoka prefecture) and Kai provinces (present-day Yamanashi prefecture). At that time Mr. Fuji was an active volcano, and the smoke firom the volcano is used in the poetic tradition.

A famous marshland along Tagonoura dune in Suruga province (present-day Shizuoka prefecture).

An old barrier located in Suruga province (present-day Shizuoka prefecture). It is associated with the moon in the poetic tradition.

Both Ôiso and Koiso are in Sagami province (present-day Kanagawa prefecture). Ôiso is one of the fifty-three stations along Tôkaidô Post Road and Koiso is on the west of Ôiso.

A poetic association with Musashi province (present-day Tokyo). Musashino (Musashi Plain) was famous for gromwells (##:).

Located in the southern tip of Matsushima Bay in Rikuzen province (present-day Miyagi prefecture). It is famous for its scenic beauty.

The inlet facing the Japan Sea in Dewa province (present-day Akita

153 prefecture). It is famous for its scenic beauty. Since ancient times, this place, an utamakura, is associated with fishermen's thatched huts.

It is located in the northern side of Karasu River in Kôzuke province (present-day Gumna prefecture). The boat bridge is a bridge made by juxtaposing a boat one after another. The boat bridge at Sano is a famous bridge written in Pillow Book (ca. 1000) by Sei Shônagon.

Mountain-valley areas alongside of Kiso River in Shinano province (present-day Nagano prefecture).

According to the Tales o f Hôgen and many editions of Sanka-shu, Saigyô visited Shiromine in Nin'an san-nen, i.e., 1168.

Naniwa is an old name for Settsu province (present-day Osaka). Ashi ga chiru is a pillow word modifying Naniwa. Literally, it means "falling the ditch reeds," and creates in this phrase the seasonal atmosphere o f late autumn.

^ Suma is located in Settsu province (present-day Hyôgo prefecture) and Akashi in Harima province (present-day Hyôgo prefecture). The bays of Suma and Akashi became especially famous as the places where Prince Genji, the hero of The Tale o f Genji, was exiled.

It is in present-day Ôkoshi town of Sakaide city in Kagawa prefecture. Saigyô-an (Saigyô's hut) still exists there.

Takayama Hiroshi, a Japanese scholar of European literature, points out that this michiyuki-bun is similar to the type of tourist pamphlet which was becoming 6shionable in the eighteenth century Europe. Takayama Hiroshi and Nagashima Hiroaki, “Akinari, katagimono, soshite yôroppa bunruigaku,” Kokubungaku kaishaku to kydzai no kenkyû 40. 7 (June 1995): 28.

Gunji Masakatsu, “Michiyuki no hassô,” in his Kabuki no bigaku (Tokyo, Engeki Shuppan-sha, 1975), p. 195. Gunji writes that “the

154 michiyuki goes against the current of the space time of this world.( z.(D^

Orikuchi Shinobu, “Jokeishi no tanjô” inOrikuchi Shinobu zenshû vol.l (Tokyo, Chûô Kôronsha, 1965), pp. 423-24.

Other than the hand-written copies, several versions o f Senjûshô were printed during the Edo period. According to Wakaki Taiichi, these included “About Abbot Karin’in Eigen” and “There Is the Retired Emperor's Tomb at Shiromine in Sanuki Province” are (an editionpubhshed in 1650) #^g9##(aneditionpubhshed in 1651) (an edition published in 1687). From the appearance of the identical or similar phrases, Wakaki concludes that Akinari probably used the edition printed in 1650. Wakaki, "'Shiramine' no zôkei," pp. 50-55.

40 Wakaki, "'Shiramine' no zôkei," p. 55.

Sugawara Takao, "Shi to kyôki," in Ueda Akinari: Gensd no hôhô, ed. Kokubungaku kaishaku to kanshô, 41. 9 (1976): 50.

Ueda Akinari .yM, p. 35.

Yamaguchi Takeshi, Edo bungaku kenkyû (Tokyo, Tokyodô, 1933), p. 334.

^ Sanari Kentarô, Yôkyoku taikan, vol.l (Tokyo, Meiji Shoin, 1930), p. 332. One waka is composed by adding the old man’s verse to Saigyô’s verse:

Tsuki wa more So that the moonlight streams in ame wa tamare to but also to hear the sound of rain on the roof

155 tonikaku ni w ell, at any rate shizu ga nokiba wo whether to thatch the eaves of the poor hut Juki zo wazurau villagers are worrying themselves

Yamaguchi Takeshi, Edo bungaku kenkyû, p. 334. Yamaguchi also states that Akinari named his tales after “Rain and Moonlight” in relation to “White Peak,” in which Saigyô also plays an important role.

Shigetomo Ki, "Ugetsu monogatari daimei no shussho," in Akinari no kenkyû (Tokyo, Bunri Shoin, 1971), p. 158.

Sentô shinwa, Etsubi soda hikki, etc., Chûgoku koten bungaku zenshû 20, trans. by Akira lizuka and Yoshio Imamura (Tokyo, Heibonsha, 1962), p. 32.

Shigetomo, "Ugetsu monogatari daimei no shussho," pp. 158-160.

Ueda Akinari shû, p. 44.

Shigetomo Ki states that the main character in Ugetsu monogatari, the supernatural being, is played by the lead actor in Nô. In the story of “White Peak,” Sutoku is the lead actor and Saigyô is waki, the side actor. Shigetomo Ki, Ugetsu monogatari no kenkyû (Kyoto, Daiyaesu Shuppan, 1946), pp. 54-69.

51 Nakamura Yukihiko, ed., Ueda Akinari shû, pp. 45-46.

Shigetomo Ki, Ugetsu monogatari no kenkyû (Kyoto, Daiyaesu Shuppan, 1946), pp. 48-69.

“Matsuyama Tengu,” in Sanari Kentarô, Yôkyoku taikan, vol. 5 (Tokyo, Meiji Shoin, 1931), p. 2891.

There are two types of reading Chinese characters. One is of Japanese native origin called kun |il, and the other is of Chinese origin, on

156 0«-readings tends to occur within compound words.

His Japanese rendering is not a Awn-reading.

Eiryo appears in Teishô’s “Godaigo-tei mi-tabi Fujifiisa no isame wo kujiku koto” < s§ ( The Emperor Godaigo turns a deaf ear to Fujifiisa’s remonstrance three times), the first story in the Tales o f a Garland.

57 Ueda Akinari shû, p. 46.

Nakamura Hiioyasu, "Ueda Akinari no shimpi shisô," Kokubungaku kenkyû 26 (1962): 98-99.

For example, Uzuki Hiroshi states that this section is the core of “White Peak.” He comments that Akinari wanted to reveal two things in “White Peak.” One is historical events fi-om Hôgen disturbance till the fall of Heike clan were brought about by Sutoku’s curse. The other is to assert the upright and honest Way o f Ancient Japan through contrasting it with concepts of Way of King and Mandate of Heaven. From the viewpoint of these themes, Uzuki writes, this section is the main part of the text. Uzuki, Ugetsu monogatari hyôshaku, p. 58.

^ The Mandate of Heaven is the concept which explains that Heaven changes the dynasty. The ruler ascends to the throne by the mandate of Heaven. If the emperor rules against Heaven’s intent, he loses the throne. This concept approves a vassal’s killing virtueless ruler and taking over the throne. Daijiten vol. 3 ,4 (Tokyo, Heibonsha, 1953), p. 649.

As many scholars point out, Akinari followed the way this argument is conducted firom Tsuga Teishô’s precedents, especially, the “Godaigo-tei mi-tabi Fujifiisa no isame wo kujiku koto” ^ (The Emperor Godaigo turns a deaf ear to Fujifusa’s remonstrance three times) in the Tales of a Garland and the “Moriya no shin zansei wo sômô

157 nihikukoto” ( Vassal, Moriya lives the rest of his life among the common people) of A Thriving Field. “The Emperor Godaigo turns a deaf ear to Fujifusa’s remonstrance three times” is adopted from Chinese vernacular fiction entitled “Wang Anshi san nan Suxueshi” £ inchided in Ching-shih Tung-yen (Comprehensive Words to Admonish the World, 1624). It is a story in which the Emperor Godaigo (1288-1339) rejects his vassal, Fujifiisa’s remonstrance with his clever pedantry. Also, “Vassal, Moriya, lives the rest of his life among the common people” contains an argument between Moriya and another vassal, Soga, over the acceptance of Buddhism, a foreign religion. In both stories, the logical and intelligent way the argument is conducted, citing various examples from classical Uterature, is very similar to that of Sutoku and Saigyô.

Young Blake Morgan writes; "throughout Ugetsu, the apparitions' function is nearly always to stress the author's ethical views, either acting as his mouthpiece or, as in the case of Sutoku and others, emphasizing his views by standing in opposition to them." Young, p. 54.

Akinari’s passion for National Learning is such that when his house burnt down in 1771, the conflagration destroying all his family property, he was indifferent to the restoration of his family business. It appears that after this misfortune, Akinari even attempted to teach National Learning for a while. Takada Mamoru, Ueda Akinari nempu kôsetsu, p. 70.

^ It should be noticed that though Akinari asserts the divinity of Japan and its sacrosanct line of emperorship, Akinari does not indiscriminately attack Chinese concepts or ideology. Certainly he did not disregard Con­ fucian philosophy. As Moriyama Shigeo writes, Akinari’s criticism on Confucianism is directed toward the Mandate of Heaven. His attack on the Mandate of Heaven is more crystallized in his writing on the concept of history entitled Odaegoto (Harp Without String, 1804). Moriyama Shigeo, Ueda Akinari Shiteki jônen no sekai (San’ichi Shobô, 1987), p. 107.

158 CHAPTER 6

“CHRYSANTHEMUM TRYST’: LOYALTY TO THE HORRIFIC END

6.1 Motif: Obsession with Loyalty Between Men of Honor The obsession with power and revenge is the theme of Ugetsu monogatari's opening story, “White Peak.” Sutoku was a widely recognized historical figure, appropriate as the main character in the introductory work of the nine stories. Akinari fully exploited his name and image as a vengeful spirit in order to draw more readers quickly to the world o f kaidan. The second story in Ugetsu monogatari entitled “Chrysanthemum Tryst” is in part based upon an historical event and the consequences of an extreme obsession. Yet, it is not obsession for power and revenge, but rather, an obsessive loyalty. Like the suffering o f the warriors in Nô plays, the main character, Akana Soemon a warrior and strategist, reveals his anguish to his fiiend as a ghost. After the dramatic public event o f “White Peak,” the second story, “Chrysanthemum Tryst,” begins with a subdued tone. The story of Akana Soemon and Hasebe Samon a Confucian scholar, is set in Kako in Harima Province (present-day Hyôgo prefecture), where Hasebe Samon resides. The tale begins with a poetic

159 admonition against forming a friendship with an insincere person. Hasebe Samon, his mother, and his younger sister — already married and outside of the family home — are introduced as members o f a poor but morally upright family. One day, when Hasebe Samon visits a local acquaintance, he hears the strained voice of a suffering man in the next room. Samon’s host tells Samon that he was letting a distinguished looking traveler stay the night, whereupon the traveler fell seriously ill. The host tries to dissuade Samon from tending to the traveler for fear o f catching the disease, but Samon enters the sick man’s room and attends to him sohcitously. As a result of Samoa's conscientious care, the man gradually recovers. The man thanks Samon and introduces himself as Akana Soemon from Izumo province (present-day Shimane prefecture), who had been sent on a secret mission to Omi province (present-day Shiga prefecture) by his master and the castellan of Tomita Castle, En'ya Kamonnosuke. At Ômi, Soemon met En’ya's master, Sasaki Ujitsuna. But back in the Izumo province on the eve of the New Year, the previous owner of Tomita Castle, Amako Tsunehisa had taken the castle by assault, and killed Soemon’s master En'ya. Hearing the news at Ômi, Soemon urged Sasaki to attack Amako who had taken over the castle, but Sasaki would not adopt his plan. Instead, he retained Soemon in the Ômi province. By stealth, Soemon left Ômi to return to Izumo, but while en route had fallen critically ill in Samon's hometown, Kako, in Harima province. Soemon expresses his gratitude toward Samon by saying that he will repay his debt with his life. The pair talk day and night and are impressed

160 with each other’s knowledge and character. They decide to become sworn brothers, with Soemon being five years Samon’s senior. After recovering fully, Soemon goes to Samon's house to pay his respects to Samon's mother. Having lost his own parents, Soemon wishes to consider Samon’s mother as his own. Samon’s mother is pleased to know that her son has formed a brotherhood with a man of integrity. After staying for a while at Samon's, Soemon decides to go to Izumo province to inquire into the state of things, but he promises to come back on the Double Ninth Festival Day or Chrysanthemum Festival, (i.e., the ninth day of the ninth month).' On the promised day, Samon gets up early and looks forward to seeing Soemon by preparing a feast for him. The day passes into night but Soemon does not appear. Samon's mother has already gone to bed. After the moon has set and Samon is about to close the door, he sees a shadow in the darkness. It is Akana Soemon. Dehghted, Samon urges Soemon to eat the feast he has prepared. Instead o f touching the food, however, Soemon reveals that he is already dead and what Samon sees is his ghost. The ghost explains as follows: When Soemon returned to Izumo, everybody was on the side of Amako Tsunehisa, the previous owner of Tomita Castle. Even Sôemon's cousin, Akana Tanji recommended that Soemon serve Amako and arranged a meeting for Soemon with him. However, Soemon was suspicious of Amako and wished to leave. But Amako ordered Akana Tanji, the cousin, to detain Soemon in Tomita Castle. Confined and unable to return to Samon's house, Soemon feared what Samon would think of him if he did not keep his

161 promise. Sôemon remembered the ancient saying that the spirit can go a thousand miles a day. So, in order to keep his word, he committed suicide and arrived at Samon's on time. After so saying, the ghost disappears. Samon cries bitterly, waking up his mother. He explains to her what has happened. At first, she does not beheve his story, but she is convinced and they both wail over the death o f Sôemon. On the following day, Samon leaves his mother to go to Izumo province to collect Sôemon's remains. After ten days, he arrives at Tomita Castle and visits Akana Tanji, who is surprised to see that Samon knows of Sôemon's death. Samon denounces Tanji, citing an ancient Chinese story. Claiming that Tanji dishonored his name by committing a dishonorable act, Samon kills him with one blow of his sword and flees immediately. The story ends with the recapitulation of the opening; one should not associate with an insincere man.^ Although loyalty to one’s fiiend is considered a virtue, in “Chrysanthemum Tryst,” the loyalty has gone to a horrific extreme. The date Sôemon chooses for his return, the ninth day of the ninth month, seems to be made at random. But as a number of scholars have pointed out, to commit suicide because one wants to show up for an appointment made so arbitrarily is not an act of an ordinary man. Sôemon is indeed not an ordinary man; he is a man of integrity. Even so, one does not kill oneself just to join a fiiend for a meal. When one’s loyalty becomes too extreme, it becomes an obsession, even horrific. What terminates Sôemon’s life

162 and makes him come back to this world as a ghost is precisely his obsession with loyalty, his fear that Samon would consider him dishonorable. It is important to note, however, that Akinari does not at all criticize an obsession with loyalty. Rather, he approvingly treats it as tragic, something which one knows intellectually but cannot do anything about emotionally. Again, this obsession is very much in Akinari’s character. As we shall see in the section called “Language,” Akinari structured the story and diction so that the readers would consider this obsession dramatic rather than absurd or fantastic. Regarding the theme of uncompromising acts of integrity, Timothy Wong writes; "Such a moral scheme becomes intensely appealing because it lifts its adherents—including, vicariously, the reader—above the little imperfections and practical compromises that always seem to cloud over man's wishes and dreams. The authors...appear to recognize this and their art consists of allowing their readers to bask in the joy of idealistic fulfillment....The reader derives the pleasure o f instinctive satisfaction by means o f a morality which does not compromise. "3 The story o f absolute loyalty written in a plausible context fascinates readers of all levels.

6.2 Sources, Allusions, and Akinari’s convictions and intellectual discourse

The main sources of “Chrysanthemum Tryst” are Chinese vernacular story entitled “Fan Chii-ch’ing's Eternal Friendship” a

163 historical record named Intoku taiheiki ##± ^ #2 (Record of Covert Virtue o f the Great Peace, 1712),^ Toyohara no Kaneaki in wo kikite kuni no seisui wo shim koto (D&M^^(Toyohara Kaneaki Perceives the Vicissitude of the State by the Sound of a Harp) in Tales o f a Garland, and Man 'yôshû TjfÊM (Ten Thousand Leaves, ca. eighth century).^ The “Chrysanthemum Tryst” closely follows the plot and even the diction of “Fan Chii-ch’ing's Eternal Friendship.” In addition, the theme o f “Fan Chii-ch’ing's Eternal Friendship” is also loyalty between men of honor; the main characters take their own lives to demonstrate their uncompromising loyalty to each other. Not being familiar with the major sources of this tale like “Fan Chii- ch’ing’s Eternal Friendship” does not prevent readers from enjoying “Chrysanthemum Tryst.” Akinari’s stoiy is by itself remarkable. For example, the poet and fiction writer, Sato Haruo (1892-1964), who apparently did not know the story o f “Fan Chü-ch’ing's Eternal Friendship,” states that "Chrysanthemum Tryst" is the best o f Ugetsu monogatari. He praises the technique wherein the opening is repeated at the ending. He comments that the story is fresh and eimobling, and without any element of sexuality.^ Still, if the readers know the original texts, they can enjoy the resonance coming from those worlds, and thus, multiply the levels of appreciation of “Chrysanthemum Tryst.”» For instance, if readers know the “Fan Chü-ch’ing's Eternal Friendship,” the motif o f “Chrysanthemum Tryst” would be strengthened by the resounding theme o f the original text.

164 In fact, since the plot so faithfully follows the “Fan Chii-ch’ing's Eternal Friendship,” Akinari probably wants his readers to appreciate his craft of transforming the Chinese story into a Japanese tale — creating his own story from the original text. As Dennis Washburn writes, “The literary artist as an interpreter of tradition..., like a musician interpreting a composition, plays out variations on established themes. Since his material was already known, the interest of any new story lay in the degree and quality of its variation.”^ What Akinari takes from the original Chinese text and what he abandons reveals Akinari's originaUty and artistic ability to weave believability supernatural into his text. The main characters o f "Fan Chii-ch’ing's Eternal Friendship" are Fan Shih vG^, a merchant, and Chang Shao # # , a farmer. The time is the Han dynasty and the story settings range from Chang Shao's native Nan- ch'eng in Juchou to Fan Shih's hometown, Shang-yang in Ch'uchou. The tale begins with an ode against forming fiiendships with an insincere person. Chang Shao, thirty-five years old and an industrious reader, his mother, nearing sixty years of age, and his brother are all introduced. Chang Shao, hearing the news that the emperor is recruiting talent, decides to take the official examination and sets out for Loyang, the examination site. When he stays at an inn not far from Loyang for a night, he hears the strained voice of a suffering man in the next room. A waiter tells Chang Shao that it is a candidate for the examinations who has fallen seriously ill. The waiter tries to dissuade Chang Shao from tending to him for fear o f catching the disease. But hearing that the sick man is a candidate and scholar.

165 Chang Shao goes into the sick man's room and attends to him solicitously. As a result of Chang Shao's conscientious care, the candidate gradually recovers. The candidate thanks Chang Shao, and introduces himself as Fan Shih, a merchant who has given up his business recently to take the ofiBcial examinations in order to start a new career. Orphaned when young, he now has a wife and a son. On his way to Loyang for the examinations, he fell critically ill. While Fan Shih is recuperating, they both miss the examinations. Fan Sliih apologizes to Chang Shao, but Chang Shao flatly states that a career and a name are insignificant to a man of honor. Thus, their fiiendship grows and they become sworn brothers, with Fan Shih being five years Chang Shao’s senior. After a half year, they decide to return to their respective native provinces. It is the ninth day of the ninth month. Double Ninth Festival Day. Not having his own parents. Fan wishes to consider Chang Shao’s mother as his own. Before parting. Fan Shih promises to visit Chang Shao's house on this day the following year to pay his respects to Chang Shao’s mother. Difficult though it is to part, they leave for their respective hometowns. Back in Nan-ch'eng in Juchou, Chang Shao's mother is pleased to know that her son has formed a brotherhood with a man of integrity. A year passes and on the promised day, Chang Shao, looking forward to seeing Fan Shih, gets up early and prepares a feast for him. The day passes into night, but Fan Shih does not appear. Everyone has

166 already gone to bed. After the setting of the moon past midnight, Chang Shao, who is still waiting, sees a shadow in the darioiess. It is Fan Shih. Delighted, Chang Shao urges Fan Shih to eat the feast he has prepared. Instead of touching the food, however. Fan Shih reveals that he is already dead and that Chang Shao is seeing his ghost. The ghost then explains the following to Chang Shao as follows. While busily attending his business. Fan Shih forgot the appointment until today when his neighbor reminded him of the Double Ninth Festival Day. He feared what Chang Shao would think of him if he did not keep his promise. Yet, he knew it was impossible to travel a thousand miles in one day. He remembered the ancient saying that a spirit can go a thousand miles a day. In order to keep his promise, he committed suicide and arrived at Chang Shao’s on time. Before cutting his throat. Fan Shih instmcted his wife not to bury him until Chang Shao came to view his corpse. After expressing his wish that Chang Shao should visit him in his native Shan-yang, Fan Shih's spirit disappears. Chang Shao bitterly cries, which wakes his mother and brother. He explains to them what has happened, and although they cannot believe the story, Chang Shao persuades them by means of the theory of five natural elements and expresses his desire to leave for Shan- yang. On the following day, Chang Shao sets out for Fan Shih's funeral. After traveling a number of days, he reaches Fan Shin's house and finds it is locked. He learns that the family has gone to bury Fan Shih. Upon arriving. Fan Shih’s wife explains to Chang Shao that directly in front of the grave. Fan Shih's coffin has stopped and will not move an inch.

167 Everyone understands that the coffin was waiting for Chang's arrival. Chang Shao falls to the ground, weeps for Fan Shih, and reads his condolences which express his desire to accompany Fan Shih. After telling Fan Shih's wife his wish to be buried beside Fan Shih, Chang Shao cuts his own throat. Hearing of the extreme loyalty between Fan Shih and Chang Shao, the emperor confers posthumous titles on them. A Shrine of Loyalty is built in front of their grave, and many verses on their virtue are written. The story closes with a verse about their loyalty.

From the way the protagonists meet each other, to becoming sworn brothers, to committing suicide to show their loyalty, the major framework of “Chrysanthemum Tryst” is identical to “Fan Chu-chin's Eternal Friendship.” Yet, in adapting “Fan Chu-chin's Eternal Friendship” as his main source, Akinari essentially changes the six elements to enhance the story’s plausibility for Japanese readers. Some of these differences are based upon Akinari’s personal convictions. First, both Fan Shih and Chang Shao in "Fan Chu-ching's Eternal Friendship" are historical figures. Historically, Fan Shih is known for his righteous character. ‘ ‘ In Akinari’s Japanese tale, the characters are fictional. Using the famous historical characters, like those in "White Peak," predisposes the readers to recognize the characters. But when an author wants to convey a certain image about his character, a set theme and plot, employing an historical character is not always effective or successful.

168 Unless the author finds a perfectly matching historical figure, the image and fate of the character he creates m i^ t clash with the reader’s prior knowledge of the historical figure. As a result, the story may become outlandish. Rather than choosing an historical character famed for his integrity and having him forcefully commit suicide against widely-known historical fact and weakening the verisimilitude created in the minds of the readers, Akinari makes up a figure that he can fully manipulate. Second, the characters’ differing social status is also important. Confucian ethics emphasize the virtues of loyalty, faithfulness, and righteousness. Though human beings are endowed with these virtuous elements regardless o f whether or not they study Confucian ethics, in China, those who studied Confucian texts were considered to have a better understanding of them. It was the shih ± , or intellectual, 12 who served in public office that had this knowledge and understanding. One became an official by taking the official examinations, which consisted of questions from the Confucian texts and compositions of poetry and prose. Passing the examinations, especially the higher levels, was extremely difficult and prestigious. If one were successful, one could then hold public office, which brought material wealth and fame. In the story, having passed the local examinations. Fan Shih or Chang Shao are prepared to take the higher level examinations at the capital. Anyone can take the examinations, regardless of social status. Social status is therefore less important in China than the characters’ intellectual achievements. By contrast, in Japan, the concept of shih was adopted by the

169 samurai class and reinforced through the official ideology o f Neo-

Confiicianism during the Edo period. In the code of the samurai, shingi ft # , loyalty and righteousness, became the ultimate virtues. Because the status o f a samurai was hereditary, and as a result o f the class system adopted by the Tokugawa military government, there was little room for farmers and merchants to become samurai, even if they upheld their loyalty for one another. Therefore, for the Japanese readers, if Akinari wanted to emphasize the theme of a code of loyalty, it was necessary to change the social status of the main characters to a samurai or Confucian scholar. Third, in the Chinese story, when Fan Shih and Chang Shao meet each other, they are both in the similar situation of possibly passing the examinations and, therefore, succeeding in life. Missing the examinations, which are only held every three years, is a great sacrifice on Chang's part. This fact helps to strengthen the bond between the two. Akinari omitted the taking of the examinations from his story because this Chinese system is totally alien to Japanese readers. Instead, Sôeraon appears as a frustrated strategist who is involved in a power struggle with the lords in Izumo province. This power struggle is an historical event of the late fifteenth century which appears in the Record of Covert Virtue of the Great Peace. According to this text, Amako Tsunehisa, the previous castellan of Tomita Castle, staged a surprise attack on En'ya Kamonnosuke by surprise on New Year's Eve, and occupied the castle and killed En'ya. Akinari’s text does not describe this event as one that happened at the end of the fifteenth century, a period of upheaval called gekokujô

170 -h, when the lower classes forcefully dominated the upper classes. Yet, the well-informed reader would know the time setting. In such times, people frequently deceive each other and loyalty is hard to come by. The reader can appreciate Akinari’s skiMilness in situating the story at this time, making the loyalty and faithfulness of Akana Sôemon and Hasebe Samon shine all the more. In Akinari’s tale, Sôemon appears frustrated because nobody pays attention to his scheme or his loyalty. The more frustrated he is in his attempt to carry out his good cause, the more tragic he appears to the sympathetic reader. Akinari himself was frequently misunderstood by people for what he believed to be upright conduct. In this sense, Sôemon's frustration is Akinari's own. Similarly, Samoa’s situation resembles Akinari’s plight. Samon is a scholar but has lost an opportunity to make the best of his talent. As mentioned in Chapter Four, Akinari was talented, but his ability was not always recognized. The main characters who pursue loyalty may be interpreted, in this sense, as Akinari's alter ego. Readers who know Akinari’s life would find added reahty in the character. The fourth difference in the stories is the character setting. Chang Shao has a brother who lives with him, whereas Samon has a sister who is married and lives outside the house. Like Chang's mother, Chang Shao's brother has the common sense to ask of Chang Shao how he came to know whether or not Fan Shih really died. His commonsense question serves to underscore Chang Shao’s extraordinary bond with Fan Shih. The brother speaks on other occasions as well, causing the readers to pay due attention

171 to him. This means that the reader’s attention is divided among the brothers, which is not desirable if one wishes to concentrate on the theme of loyalty. Practically speaking, however, the younger brother’s existence is important because, otherwise, nobody would take care of Chang's mother after Chang’s suicide. Before he leaves, Chang specifically tells his younger brother to “take care of her” and “be doubly respectfiil.” Furthermore, without him, Chang’s family line would be terminated with his death which, in a society that abides by primogeniture, is disastrous. On the other hand, in "Chrysanthemum Tryst," a brother is replaced by a younger sister, who is mentioned but does not appear in the story. This may be because Akinari wanted the readers to focus on the main character, Samon, alone. As mentioned in Chapter Five, Akinari may have acquired this technique from the No drama, where a similar technique is traditionally used. In Two Part Dream No, the lead actor who plays the role o f a ghost fi*equently takes on a couple o f roles in order to focus the audience's attention on himself alone. When there is only one figure on the stage, the audience naturally pays more attention to that character. The intense atmosphere is strengthened by such a technique. Similarly, the brother is replaced with a younger sister that does not appear in the story. She is mentioned in the contexts which characterize the high moral standards of the Hasebe’s.^^ For example, a wealthy family wants her for marriage because of the Hasebes ' upright family morality. Also, Samon asks his sister’s family to take care of their mother after his departure. Without appearing, she helps to strengthen the integrity of the Hasebe

172 family by taking care of her mother. By replacing a brother with a sister who is not present in the story, Akinari can make the reader concentrate on the character of Samon alone. One should notice, moreover, that being a woman who is married outside the home, the children of Samon’s sister will not be a Hasebe. After Samon flees at the end of the story, it is not certain whether the Hasebe family line will continue. Even though Samon must have known the gravity of the situation, his emotions dictates his behavior. In other words, obsession with loyalty to his friend made Samon neglect his duty to his family line as the only son. By minimizing the number of chracters, Akinari builds the intensity o f the story, and at the same time, shows Samon as very emotional under a calm exterior, probably like Akinari himself. The fifth difference in the stories has to do with the reason why Fan and Akana do not show up on the appointed date alive. Fan-Shih is busy tending to his business and forgets the promised date, whereas Akana remembers the date, but can not come to Samon's alive because he has been detained. As a human being, one is unlikely to think about a promise made a year before. Since Fan has a family to support and is a very industrious person, it is certainly possible he might forget the appointed date by accident. As Ôwa Yasuhiro states, this would be closer to the thinking of ordinary p e o p l e , is Yet, if Fan's way of thinking is closer to that of ordinary people, why does he commit suicide to show up on the appointed date? Especially for a person who is diligently attending to business, to terminate

173 his life so suddenly seems peculiar. Yet, odd as it is, he does kill himself. Here, Fan Shih, who had acted more or less like an ordinary man, is transformed into a figure larger than life; he commits the ultimate act, which raises his worthy reputation above that o f the historical Fan Shih. He chooses to die as a man of integrity rather than to live with a dishonorable name as a forgetful, or — worse — insincere character. Needless to say, this uncompromising act is one of the climactic moments of the story. The sudden transformation of the character may look like a schism in the flow of the story. Yet, one can also say that Fan Shih is all the more appealing because the readers find Fan Shih to be a heroic character — like the appeal of a Superman, who hides his superman identity as the mediocre Clark Kent. We may say that while pursuing the theme of loyalty, "Fan Chii-ch’ing's Eternal Friendship" is significantly tailored to please a mass audience. On the other hand, Sôemon has every intention o f returning to Samon's house. The promised date of return is far less than a year away. Also, a strict samurai is unlikely to forget his promise. Importantly, unlike Fan Shih, Sôemon is a bachelor, which means that he does not have to pay much attention to anything other than this matter. Sôemon obsessively remembers his promise the entire time he is detained. But a matter beyond his control prevents him from returning. Since it is not at all Sôemon's fault, his uncompromising loyalty becomes tragic. The fact that his detainer is his own cousin, Akana Tanji, who is ordinarily expected to help out Sôemon as a relative and a comrade makes the situation even more sorrowful. By making the cause of Sôemon’s detainment, out of Sôemon’s

174 own control, yet, creating the situation where he can only think o f his promise to return, Akinari makes Sôemon’s loyalty all the more obsessive and tragic. The last difference, and the most important one, occurs at the end. Though both Chang Shao and Hasebe Samon go to the native provinces of their dead friends, Chang Shao’s purpose is to see Fan's corpse and commit suicide in front of Fan Shih's coffin to accompany Fan in death. In contrast, Samon goes to the house of Tanji, who had detained Sôemon, kills him and flees immediately. That Chang Shao commits suicide in front of Fan’s coffin is an extraordinary act. This act of loyalty can look, as Timothy Wong notes, more like a competition between Fan and Chang as to which one is more loyal. (These characters, too, are obsessed with the concept of loyalty.) Chang Shao’s killing himself gives an aesthetic symmetry to the plot ( i.e., both righteous men die for each other’s sake). The mass audience in China evidently dehghted in such symmetry. Furthermore, the readers are satisfied to hear that such loyal characters are rewarded generously. The emperor confers upon Chang Shao and Fan Shih posthumous titles for their loyalty to each other and their seemingly righteous actions. A shrine is built and a number o f verses are composed in their honor. With this decoration, the average reader will be happy with the story’s ending. In other words, “Fan Chii-ch’ing's Eternal Friendship” is a very accommodating story for its expected readership. In Akinari's version, the coffin scene is replaced by Samon's Chinese

175 story, which is immediately followed by the killing of Tanji. This is a dramatic change for a story that otherwise follows the plot o f the Chinese text closely. Akinari abandons this plot perhaps because he decides a symmetrical plot is not verisimilar. For Akinari, tales must have verisimilitude. The inserted Chinese story Samon tells is about Kung Shu Tso M and Shang Yang taken from The Records of the Grand Historian (ca. first century B.C.). The story goes as follows: when Kung-shu Tso, the prime minister of the Wei # kingdom (ca. 300 B.C.), was critically ill, the king of Wei visited Tso and asked him whom he would recommend to assume his position in the event of his death. Tso recommended his young talented fiiend, Shang Yang. If the king was not going to appoint Shang Yang, Tso said, the king should not let Shang Yang go beyond the border, even if it meant killing him. For otherwise Shang Yang would later bring disaster to the Wei kingdom. Then, seeing that the king was not going to take his advice, Tso called on Shang Yang to tell him what had happened between himself and the king. Tso explained that he was giving priority to the lord over his private feelings, according to the Way of lord and subject. But as things look ominous for Shang Yang, Tso tells him to flee the kingdom to avoid calamity. Akinari does not have Samon explain the exact relation between the Chinese story and Sôemon and Tanji. Seemingly, this is another story of loyalty which shows Akinari’s knowledge of classical Chinese literature. Many readers would think as much, and that Samon’s killing of Tanji which

176 follows is his revenge against Tanji on behalf of Sôemon. Yet, as is frequently pointed out, if Samon really means to seek revenge, the target should be Amako Tsunehisa, who orders Tanji to detain Sôemon, rather than Tanji himself. After all, it is Amako Tsunehisa who usurps Tomita Castle and murders Sôemon's lord, En'ya Kamonnosuke. Killing Tanji, who only does what he is ordered to do, is punishing the innocent. The Chinese story is, then, more than a story of loyalty. As Ôwa Yasuhiro claims, it is embedded in the story’s development and works as an explanation for killing Tanji. Ôwa notes that Tanji's situation is similar to Tso’s, though the status of Tanji is not as high as Kung-shu Tso’s, and, moreover, he is serving the lord who murdered his previous master. Like Tso, who serves the king and is a friend of Shang Yang, Tanji is Amako’s servant and, at the same time, a fiiend (and a relative) of Sôemon. As Tso recommends Shang Yang to the king, Tanji encourages Sôemon to serve Amako. Thus, like Kung-shu Tso, Tanji should secretly let Sôemon escape when the situation becomes ominous. Perhaps Akinari wants to express that, as exemplified in the story of Kung-shu Tso and Shang Yang, Tanji should have been loyal to both Amako and Sôemon, even though, in this case, the loyalties to both conflict with one another. Ôwa states that it is Akinari's strict moral sense which brings about this ending. Akinari's conviction about rigidly upholding the ethic that, under any circumstances, a human being should be able to live in accordance with a strict moral standard characterized by sincerity and wisdom, is reflected in "Chrysanthemum Tryst."is It is quite reasonable

177 that Akinari creates this scene to make his conviction apparent. At the same time, the Chinese story shows Akinari’s knowledge o f classical Chinese literature. The readers who know the story of Kung-shu Tso and Shang Yang will immediately see how it strengthens Samon and Sôemon’s loyalty to each other. Those who know both Akinari and this Chinese story can recognize Akinari’s stand and the relation between the Chinese story and Tanji’s. In either case, appreciation of Akinari’s text is enhanced by the retelling of the story of Kung-shu Tso and Shang Yang. Thus, the insertion of the Chinese story highlights the theme of obsession with loyalty as a dramatic finale. The dramatization of the theme is clear fi*om Samon's statement against Tanji, which is full of the words "loyalty" and "righteousness":

.... ^ ......

“Cherishing the old relation with En'ya, my brother Sôemon, did not serve Amako. He is a man of righteousness. You, on the other hand, abandoning your old master and serving Amako, are an unrighteous and unworthy samurai. My brother honored his chrysanthemum tryst and traveled two hundred fifty miles by killing himself. He shows extreme loyalty. You, in contrast, fawn upon Amako, torment your relative, and have him meet a violent death. This is not the conduct of a comrade. .. Even though Tsunehisa forces you to 178 detain him, remembering the long friendship, you should have been loyal like those of Shu Tso and Shang Yang.... I came here to honor loyalty and righteousness. You, you leave a foul name o f immorality.”2o

The story unfolds at a quick pace. Samon’s action of killing Tanji is drastic. Apparently the narrator approves o f Samon’s act by saying, “It is said that Amako Tsunehisa, hearing this effect, was touched by the true loyalty between the brothers and did not have his men follow Samon.” Thus, Akinari also approves of Samon’s act through the voice of the narrator. Akinari must think that those who do not abide by loyalty should be duly punished or executed. Obsession, in this sense, is the way to deliver justice. Akinari is so remarkably naoki kokoro (upright and honest) that he is often misunderstood by people. Akinari may have wanted to act like Samon in his own daily life. In creating “Chrysanthemum Tryst,” Akinari makes sure that the story smoothly fits the Japanese firame of mind therein lending plausibihty into the world of the supernatural. As mentioned earlier, “Fan Chü- ch’ing's Eternal Friendship” is written in the Chinese vernacular. Chinese vernacular language was, as discussed in Chapter One, quite in vogue during Akinari’s time, and it required great skill to read. Akinari purposefully adapted the Chinese vernacular text and wished his readers to recognize how he changed the story to suit Japanese readers as well as himself.

179 6.2 Language As previously mentioned, “Chrysanthemum Tryst” not only follows the plot of “Fan Chii-ch’ing's Eternal Friendship” but also uses some of its diction. For example, the darkness in which the ghost of Fan Shih appears is described as (black shadow). Exactly the same characters are used in “Chrysanthemum Tryst.” Yet, as stated in Chapter Four, Akinari’s Japanese rendering is flexible. Ordinarily, is read as kokuei in the o/î-reading, or kurokage in the ^«-reading, both meaning ‘black shadow.’ Instead, Akinari writes kageroi alongside the characters, which reminds readers of shimmering heated air. As Komatsu Masuo states, Akinari wants to express the image o f unstable flickering darkness by giving kageroi to the characters.^' Also, when Samon refers to himself and his kin, he uses the Chinese characters, IM of is not a Japanese word, but a Chinese colloquialism. SufiBxing pronouns, IM denotes plural and connotes modesty.(The original Chinese text writes [we].) Since the Japanese rendering of written alongside is waga tomogara, meaning our kin and friends, those without knowledge of spoken Chinese will not be lost. Yet, those equipped with the knowledge will immediately understand Samon’s modest intention. Akinari considers that those who write neo-classical hterature are best served by choosing the most appropriate words to express their feelings without the restriction of grammatical rules.^ Hence, as Nakamura Yukihiko points out, in his wakan konkô-bun, Akinari freely uses the words of both the ancient and contemporary Chinese characters.

180 Chinese characters with the rendition of Japanese poetic words and other grammatically unacceptable techniques from the viewpoint of classical grammarians like Norinaga.^"* Various languages co-exist in Ugetsu monogatari. And, precisely because of his unrestrained diction, the imagery of Akinari’s supernatural world refracts and expands. Like other great authors of the world, Akinari has a talent for using various types of language for different situations. Obsession with loyalty can easily become absurd or comical, depending upon the story structure and diction. Yet, as mentioned earlier, the accumulation of pertinent rhetoric makes “Chrysanthemum Tryst” dramatic and horrid rather than ridiculous and/or fantastic. This point is delineated through the appearance of Sôemon’s ghost. The tragedy o f Sôemon lies in his inability to return to his fnend on the date they agreed upon at random. The setting of the arbitrary date may seem insignificant. Yet, the way Samon forces Sôemon to promise makes the date sound definitive:

i~u i: Djo

ux^'Kitm'im'on'Oo

Akana says to Samon and his mother, “the reason why I escaped from Omi is to survey the situation in Izumo province.

181 Therefore, I would like to return temporarily and then come back here to requite your favors and practice filial piety. Let me bid farewell now.” Samon asks, “Then when will you return, my brother?” Akana replies, “The moon and days go by fast. At most, it will not be later than this autumn.” Samon asks, “When in autumn should I wait? Please do set the date.” Akana answers, “Let's make it on the day o f the Chrysanthemum Festival.” Samon says, “My brother, please do not forget me on this date. I shall be waiting for you with a sprig o f chrysanthemums and sake wine.” Having done all they could do, Akana left for the W e s t . 2 5

The conversation is carried out in a quick tempo. Akinari creates a sense of urgency by piling up short sentences one after another."^ Also, it foreshadows the coming climactic scene. Immediately after this scene, a new paragraph starts with a poetic device called makurakotoba tt# (pillow word); 0

(Newly jeweled months and days have quickly passed by, the holly berries on the lower branches changed their colors, wild Chrysanthemums in the hedges bloom in various colors, and the ninth month has come.) In describing the scenery, Akinari uses poetic language to create both a subtle and soft atmosphere.^? The change of style from the previous paragraph also indicates the change of mood and time. Samon has carefully prepared for Sôemon’s arrival to his house. The scene, then, shifts from inside of Samon's house to the outside. Under the serene autumn weather, Samon and the reader overhear the travelers’ idle conversations — as if to check the excitement of the fiiends’ meeting. The reader’s eyes are directed in a leisuredly fashion toward the outside so

182 that, at this moment, he or shi becomes a casual on-looker. The story is relaxed in expectation of the coming climactic scene. Uzuki Hiroshi calls this technique ma ^ (space or pause), frequently used on the stage to relieve tension. Umberto Eco uses the term “trepidation time,” signifying that “it delays the arrival o f a dramatic ending.”^* Indeed, this scene, which does not exist in the Chinese story, is quite effective in its contrast to Samon's anxiousness waiting for Sôemon. It is a brief moment of rehef before the appearance of the ghost. The day passes and the sun sets, yet, Sôemon still has not come. Samon’s mother sensibly calls out to Samon to go to bed by saying that the color of the chrysanthemum will last even after today. It is a poetic way of saying that Sôemon's arrival may be tomorrow when the chrysanthemums will still be in full bloom. She then says: r#19 < ^

{ 1 9 o 19 t t,M^7)"#"<#j(Ifhe has sinceritv / lovaltv (ft) to come back to you, why should you feel bitter even if he returns at the time of autumn rain (^ i# .) Her sensible comment includes another poetic device called engo or associate words, which are sincerity/ loyalty and autumn rain.^^ The theme of loyalty in the story sadly resounds through its associate word, autumn rain. In contrast to the bright color of the chrysanthemum in her previous sentence, which appeals to the visual sense, the sound o f autumn showers is pleasant to the sensitive readers. Importantly, the appearance o f the symbol, “rain,” leads the reader to the supernatural chronotope. Saigyô in the Nô play entitled “Moonhght and Rain” has said in reference to rain that what is important is virtual reality.

183 Likewise, whether one believes in the supernatural of “Chrysanthemum Tiyst” depends on one’s mind to believe. Samon persuades his mother to sleep first and still waits for Sôemon, as if intoxicated. As the reader becomes more informed of Samon’s anxiety, he becomes more sympathetic with and worried about Samon. Samon goes out again to look about, but only sees the Milky Way shimmering and “the bright moon shedding its lonely hght on him.” The original text o f the phrase, "the bright moon shedding its lonely light on him," is, Its literal translation is actually "the moon's icy wheel is shedding its hght on me, intensifying the loneliness." The word ware signifies both Samon and the reader. As Ôwa has pointed out, the reader who has heretofore been an onlooker from outside becomes one with Samon at this moment.^o In other words, through the language of ware (me) which refers to both Samon and the reader, Samon’s state of mind and that o f the reader’s become united. Under the lonely moonh^t, the reader is drawn completely into the world of Akinari's fiction. This description of the Milky Way and the moonlight comes directly from the Chinese story. But in the Chinese version, the word referring to ware (me) does not appear so that the distance between Chang and the reader is maintained. The reader would recognize this difference and its effect. Akinari then adds two more phrases to describe its desolate atmosphere: "the watchdog's bark resounds in clear air and the sound of the waves in the bay are heard as if surging to the place where he stood." The last phrase, "the sound of the waves...," will remind those

184 who know the Tale of Genji of the loneliness of Genji at Suma Bay. Then, even the moon sets behind the mountains leaving the area black. When Samon is about to give up, he sees a dim shadow coming toward him, riding on the wind. Imagine on a dark night, something faint approaching as the wind blows. That something is recognizable when the residue of the blue icy moonlight shines on it — it is a ghost. The spirit of Sôemon has come by the prelude of the moonlight and rain. The description of desolate scenery which culminates in the appearance of the ghost is superb. This is the most beautiful and austere scene of the story, epitomizing loyalty in the atmosphere of pathos. The story of Sôemon’s horrific end is told under this intensely lonely but telling atmosphere. That he terminates his hfe to keep his promise, i.e., the act of obsession with loyalty, is registered in the reader’s mind only as plausible and tragic. Loyalty is a virtue, and the motif of loyalty has wide appeal. As discussed in Chapter Three, an intangible entity can suddenly become frightening by means of excessiveness, and this is precisely what this story is about. For those who believe in the supernatural and its chronotope, “Chrysanthemum Tryst” is virtual reality where terror becomes real. “Chrysanthemum Tryst” is a fascinating story without any knowledge of its sources. But the reader who knows the sources can appreciate Akinari’s effort at making various changes to the historical tale as well as the language, therein appreciating the added reality within the text.

185 Notes

1 ^"Chôyô one o f the principal Chinese festivals....On the ninth day of the ninth month, the Chinese ... go mountain climbing and drink chrysanthemum wine or float chrysanthemum flowers in their wine. It was also once the custom to stick the red seedbeds of the dogwood in one’s hair to ward off evil influences for the winter.” John L. Bishiop,The Colloquial Short Story in China (Massachusetts, Harvard University Press, 1956), p. 100. In Japan, a chrysanthemum-viewing ceremony was held in the imperial palace. People exchanged a cup of chrysanthemum sake for good health.

2 Ueda Akinari shû, pp. 47-58; Nihon koten hyôshaku: Ugetsu monogatari hyôshaku, pp. 105-183; Ugetsu monogatari: Tales o f Moonlight and Rain, pp. 109-120.

3 Timothy C. Wong, "Morality as Entertainment: Altruistic Friendship in the Ku-chin hsiao-shuo," Rept. from Tamkang Review 13. 1 (Fall 1982): 65.

* “Fan Chü-ch’ing's Eternal Friendship” is included in Ku-chin hsiao- shuo {Stories Old and New, 1620). Stories Old and New was compiled by Feng Meng-lung (1574-1646). Regarding the compiler and Stories Old and New, see note 60 o f Chapter One.

5 Written by Kagawa Masanori, it describes the upheaval in the central and western provinces between 1490 and 1598.

6 Man 'yôshû is the oldest extant anthology of Japanese poetry. It contains approximately 4500 poems composed by people from all strata of society. With its varied themes and forms. Ten Thousand Leaves is considered a treasure house of Japanese poetry.

7 Shih Chi, the official history of China, was written by Ssu-ma Ch’ien M # # (BC 145-86). In one hundred and thirty volumes, it describes three thousand years of Chinese history from the legendary Yellow Emperor to

186 Emperor Wu (BC. 157-87).

8 Sato Haruo, "Asamashiya manpitsu,” in Nihon Bungaku Kenkyû Shiryô Kankôkai, ed. Nihon bungaku kenkyû shiryô sôsho: Akinari (Tokyo, Yûseidô Shuppan, 1972), pp. 258-59. The much acclaimed opening sentences are not Akinari's. Akinari translated it from the opening verse o f "Fan Chu-ch'ing's Eternal Friendship." The discrepancy between the opening and the main story, therefore, owes to the original Chinese story. The last sentence of the story, "Ah, indeed, one should not associate with an insincere man," is usually interpreted as an effective refrain for an opening. Interestingly, however, Mori Jqji interprets it differently, as an Alfred Hitchcock style warning. In other words, Akinari wanted to warn the reader that if one associates with a hasty person like Samon, who follows the way of the samurai to the letter, one wiU end up getting murdered. So one had better not associate with such a man. Mori Jqji, "Tôtatsu no tame no sahô: Kikka no chigiri ron'" in Ueda Akinari: Gensô no hôhô, éd., Kokubungaku kaishaku to kanshô 41. 9 (1976): 98.

9 Nakamura Yukihiko and Minom Mizuno, eds., Kanshô nihon koten bungaku^ pp. 47-49.

10 Dennis Washburn, "Ghostwriters and Literary Haunts: Subordinating Ethics to Art in Ugetsu monogatari." Monumenta Nipponica 45.1 (Spring 1990):51.

11 A Chinese theory which considers that all things in the universe consist of the five basic elements: fire, wood, earth, metal, and water. Hence, the human body and spirit also exist by combination of these five natural elements.

12 "Fan Chu-ching's Eternal Friendship" is a story derived from a biography of Fan Shih recorded in the How/frinShM # # #{History o f the Later Han, ca. fifth century). In the original text, however, there is no mention of Fan Shih committing suicide to keep his promise. Fan Shih, an honorable man, visits Chang Shao's house on the promised date and has wine and food with Chang's family. A variant in the same source tells that, 187 after meeting on the appointed day, Chang Shao dies of an illness and appears in Fan Shih's dream to tell of his death. Upon hearing the news. Fan rushes to Chang Shao's ftmeral. Chang's cofiSn, which people could not bring to the burial site, moves with Fan's arrival. Still, Fan Shih does not cut his throat before the cofiBn. [This story is quoted in Dominic Cheung, "'Chrysanthemum Tryst' and Fan Chii-ch’ing's Eternal Friendship': A Comparative Study of Two Ghost-Friendship Tales in Japan and China," Tamkang Review 8. 2: 121-122 (October 1977).] Though there is no suicide scene, some supernatural elements are already present as true events. Probably in the process of telling and re-telling, the story must have developed the scenario o f the suicides in order to dramatize the fiiends’ loyalty and to emphasize the integrity o f their characters.

13 The basic meaning of shih is “work,” “service,” or “duty.” It generally denotes a man who serves in an office. Morohashi Tetsuji, DaikanwaJiten vol. 3 (Tokyo, Taishûkan, 1984), p. 279. According to Yu Yin-shih a Chinese scholar, the concept of Chinese shih is similar to the appellation "intellectual" in the Western culture. Yu states that intellectuals not only have special knowledge of and devotion to their work, such as do artists and scholars, but they also care about their society, country, and even the world. They care about the well-being of the pubhc. The same apphes to Chinese shih. Like Western intellectuals, shih explained world perspectives and tried to change the world. Shih is the social consciousness. However, in the West, intellectuals appeared in the eighteenth century whereas shih have a ceaseless tradition of 2500 years. Historically speaking, it was Confucius who discussed shih first. He stated that shih is the one who made up his mind to carry out rao Ü (Way). Confucius assigned the role of to the advocates of "basic values." Can Shen # # then elaborated what Confucius had said and states that "shih has to be broad in learning and perseverance. Shih's responsibility is heavy and the road he travels is far. Shih takes benevolence as his own responsibility and carries out this responsibihty till his death." During tiie Sung dynasty (960-1279), Fan Zhong-Yan ySfthil (989-1052) broadened the concept and wrote that "All under heaven it is the shih's responsibihties" and "Shih should worry before the whole world starts to worry and becomes happy only after the whole 188 world becomes happy." Toward the late Ming dynasty (1368-1644), shih was considered to care about every entity. The basic concept of shih has not changed much throughout the history of China. However, each period generated various aspects of shih, corresponding to social forces of the time. For example, in the pre-Ch'in period ( ? -221 B.C.), diere were traveling shih, reflecting the troubled phase of the Warring State period. After Ch'in, shih appeared in the form o f a literati/scholar shih, and during the Wei-Qin period (220-420), there were hermit types o f shih, like Ruan Ji E # (210-263). Shih concerns the affairs of this world and emphasizes knowledge and learning. Hence, rationahty is important for shih. The last development of shih appeared in the Song period and by then, one already sees the combination of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism. The Buddhist and Taoist elements come in and out o f the shih concept but it always goes back to Conflician ideology. Conhicianism is the back-bone of the concept of shih. Yu Yin- shih, Shih in Chinese Culture (Shang-hai, Shang-hai People's Publication Company, 1987), pp. 1-11.

14 Uzuki, Nihon koten hyôshaku: Ugetsu monogatari hyôshaku, p. 110.

15 Shigetomo Ki, Ugetsu monogatari no kenkyû, pp. 77-78.

15 Ôwa Yasuhiro, Ueda Akinari bungaku no kenkyû (Tokyo, Kazama Shoin, 1976), p. 53.

17 Timothy Wong writes that as one of the important elements of “Pearl-sewn Shirt,” an exemplary story among Ku-Chin Hsiao-Shuo, is the aesthetic balance of plot. In an aesthetic balance of a plot, the characters’ fates are symmetrical, therein appealing to “the reader’s visceral sense of propriety and justice.... The sense of wonderment and delight such a plot can evoke. .. is considerable.” Timothy C. Wong, “Entertainment as Art: An Approach to the Ku-Chin Hsiao-Shuo,''' Chinese Literature: Essays, Articles, Reviews 3. 2 (July 1981): 249.

18 Some scholars, including Uzuki Hiroshi, beheve the story is transformed at this moment to a tale of revenge. 189 19 Owa Yasuhiro, Ueda Akinari bungaku no kenkyû, pp. 94-95.

20 Ôwa Yasuhiro, Ueda Akinari bungaku no kenkyû, pp. 96-99.

21 Ueda Akinari shû, p. 58.

22 Komatsu Hisao, Ugetsu monogatarV no bunshô,” Kokugo to kokubungaku 602 (April 1974): 121.

23 Uzuki, Nihon koten hyôshaku: Ugetsu monogatari hyôshaku, p. 114.

24 Nakamura Yukihiko, Kinsei sakka kenkyû (Tokyo, San'ichi Shobô, 1961), p. 254.

25 Ibid., p. 253.

26 Ueda Akinari shû, p. 51. In the Chinese story, these forceful questions do not appear. Fan just says, "Fortunately, you have an elderly mother at home, who is now my mother too. On this day next year I must come to your home and pay my respects to her to show we are now all one family." Chang Shao responds, "A country village has nothing with which to entertain you; but if you will be good enough to come, I shall prepare a dish of fowl and millet [simple food] for you. Please keep your word." Translation by John L. Bishop, p. 90. The way the date of their meeting is set in the Chinese text seems more representative o f ordinary life than in “Chrysanthemum Tryst.”

27 It should be noted that this passage is very similar to that of a parting scene from “Toyohara Kaneaki Perceives the Vicissitude of the State by the Sound o f Harp” in Tales of a Garland. [Uzuki, Nihon koten hyôshaku: Ugetsu monogatari hyôshaku, p. 134.] This, too, is a story about male loyalty. The two men, Tokikage and Toyohara Kaneaki, both gifted in music, become sworn brothers. But, young Tokikage dies unexpectedly,

190 leaving his own parents behind. Toyohara Kaneaki takes care of his friend’s parents as his own. The parting scene goes as follows;

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...Come up to Takamatsu on this boat. I shall send someone with you on your way home,” says Kaneaki. Tokikage answers, “I feel the same (i.e., wish to talk with you more), but my parents are old. I feel guilty that I am not returning straight home; they must be really waiting for me. So it is impossible to realize.” Kaneaki asks, “Then, come up to the Capital later.” “That, too, is uncertain whether my parents would permit me to go.” Kaneaki says, “My wise brother is also filial. In that case, I shall come and see you next year.” Tokikage says, “My wise elder brother, when in next year will you come? I shall come out to your traveling road to greet you. If a war occurs and the road is cut, the correspondence will not go smooth. Please let me know the day, now.” Kaneaki, counting on his fingers, “Last night was the fifteenth day o f the eighth month. Today is the sixteenth. My visit will be by all means these two days of the next year, and I shall directly come to this place. If I broke my promise, I would not be a human being.” Thus, making a solemn promise and shedding tears for each other, they were about to part. [Hcmabusa zôshi in Nihon koten bungaku zenshû^ pp. 118-19.] Uzuki writes that perhaps Akinari was impressed by the progression of the conversation and followed this style. But it also has the effect of strengthening the theme of loyalty by superimposing another story whose 191 theme is also loyalty between men of honor.

28 The Chinese story writes: "The months rolled past, and soon the Double Ninth festival was at hand." Translation by John L. Bishop, p. 90.

29 Umberto Eco, Six Walks in the Fictional Woods (Massachusetts, Harvard University Press, 1994), p. 64.

30 Ueda Akinari shû, p. 53.

31 Ôwa Yasuhiro, Ueda Akinari bungaku no kenkyû, pp. 154-55.

192 CHAPTER?

“CAULDRON OF KTOITSU”; REVENGE ON THE PART OF A WIFE

7.1 Motif: Obsession with Exacting Revenge on a Deceitful Husband As in the story “White Peak” the theme of “Cauldron of Kibitsu” is obsession with revenge. But this time, similar to the women play situated at the heart of a No program, the story evolves around a woman. The female protagonist is a private fictional character not involved in the great events of history, but rather, in a love triangle. Her story is located at the center of the work for maximum immersion in the mood ofkaidan, again like the women play in the No sequence. While ahve, she was a model wife — beautiful, kind, and accomplished. Deceased, she became an evil spirit — haunting, gruesome, and deadly to her husband. The description of a climactic scene where the main character takes her husband’s life is one of the most fiightening in Ugetsu monogatari} In a society where polygamy was common, a woman’s obsession with revenge on her husband and his lover is a famihar motif. Lady Rokujô in the Tale o f Genji is a classic example. Deeply in love with Genji and jealous of his ladies. Lady Rokujô’s mononoke or evil spirit haunts her rivals to death. Referring to the evil spirits of women in tlie Tale of Genji,

193 Shirane Haruo states, “These evil spirits, or mononoke, become a dramatic means of expressing a woman’s repressed or unconscious emotions, particularly the jealousy and resentment caused by polygamy.”^ Konjaku monogatari or Tales of Times Now Past (ca. 1120) contains several such episodes as well. There are so many tales o f a woman turning into a vengeful spirit that it constitutes a narrative type.^ Kaidan makes fiiU use of this motif. The female ghost usually kills the husband’s mistress quickly but prolongs the death o f her husband so that she may enjoy the torment more fully. One example is a story from Shokoku hyakumonogatari (Hundred Tales from Various Provinces, 1677), a collection ofkaidan. A man named Sôbyôe treated his wife brutally. Finally she died, but Sôbyôe did not bury her. He just threw her corpse away. Soon after, the dead wife with disheveled hair, big round eyes, and a spht mouth appeared at Sôbyôe’s bedside while he was sleeping with his mistress. She touched his face with her cold hand and woke him up. She then tore the mistress sleeping beside him into pieces while laughing loudly. Vowing that she would come back on the following night to release her pent-up grudge against him, she disappeared. Terrified, Sôbyôe invited high-ranking monks to pray the Sutras and armed his house with guns to keep his wife away. Yet, on the following night his wife came back and stood behind him. Sensing something strange, Sôbyôe turned around and found her staring at him. She commented on how well he guarded himself, and no sooner did she touch his face, than her visage turned hideous. She tore him in half and escaped through the ceiling.'^

194 The grotesque appearance of the female ghost is emphasized in this story to intensify the story’s horror in the mind o f the audience. In the “Cauldron of Kibitsu,” the description of the ghost’s appearance is minimal, but the chilling effect is still the same, or even intensified, as will be explained later. In both of the works, the drive for revenge of the female protagonist is atrocious and results in the wife mocking the mental suffering of her husband. “Cauldron of BCibitsu” begins with the admonition against a jealous wife. In the province of Kibi, there was a wealthy and dihgent farmer named Izawa Shôdayû. His only son, Shôtarô ïE;k:ê|5, was prodigal and disliked his family’s profession. Lamenting Shôtarô’s immature behavior and attempting to correct it, Shôdayû and his wife looked for a beautiful girl fi-om a good family for Shôtarô to many. Fortunately, through a middle man they found a perfect girl, Isora a daughter of the priest of Kibitsu Shrine, by the name of Kasada Miki. After exchanging betrothal presents, Kasada had his daughter’s fortune told by the Cauldron of Kibitsu Shrine. The result was ominous; yet, Kasada’s wife persuaded her husband to go ahead with the marriage, and Shôtarô and Isora were duly betrothed. At first, the marriage was going well. Isora worked hard, served her parents-in-law well, and enjoyed a good relationship with her husband. But gradually, Shôtarô’s innate licentious nature came back. Shôtarô started to spend time with a courtesan named Sode. In time, he provided her a residence in a nearby village. Shôtarô’s absence steadily increased as time went by. Though Isora remonstrated with Shôtarô, he did not listen.

195 Shôdayû could not bear his son’s conduct and confined him in a room. One day, while Shôdayû was away from home, Shôtarô told Isora from his confinement that he regretted what he had done. He wanted to sever the relationship with Sode and send her to the Capital so that he could live peacefully at home. He added that to realize his plan, he needed travel expenses for Sode and asked Isora to arrange it. Delighted, Isora prepared money by selling her belongings and borrowing money from her mother under false pretexts. Contrary to what he promised, however, Shôtarô absconded with Sode. Realizing she had been deceived, Isora took to bed. Meanwhile, Shôtarô and Sode visited Sode’s cousin, Hikoroku, in Harima province. Under Hikoroku’s influence, they decided to settle m Hikoroku’s neighboring house. Soon after, Sode became strangely ill and died. Shôtarô grieved deeply and made a grave for her. Every evening he went to the grave. One day, he found a new tomb nearby. The woman who came to that grave told him that it was the tomb o f her mistress’s husband. According to the woman, her mistress was known for her beauty. She was so dejected by her husband’s death that she took ill and could not come herself. Hearing the stoiy, Shôtarô invited himself to the mistress’s house so they could share their grief. At her house, he communicated across a screen that he understood how she felt because he also lost his beloved wife recently. Upon opening the screen, Shôtarô discovered Isora whom he had abandoned. Frightened, he lost consciousness. When Shôtarô came to, he was in a desolate funeral hall. He told Hikoroku what had happened, whereupon Hikoroku took him to a revered

196 diviner. The diviner told Shôtarô that Isora has been dead for seven days and it was her curse which killed Sode. He warned that Shôtarô’s life was in danger. In order to save him, the diviner wrote the old magical Chinese characters all over his body and gave him charms to put on each door to prevent Isora from entering his house. The diviner also told him to pray for Buddha and Shinto deities and not to go out of his house for forty-two days while Isora’s spirit was still in the air.^ From that night on, Shôtarô was plagued by a creature roaming around the house cursing, “How loathsome! Here, too, is a sacred charm.” The voice became more violent as nights went by. Finally, the forty- second night came. Just as dawn’s hght broke, Shôtarô told Hikoroku, who was watching from next door, to come out as the confinement period was over. Suddenly Hikoroku heard Shôtarô’s scream. Hikoroku, fearing that something had happened to Shôtarô, immediately ran out to the street. The sky was still dark and the moon was shrouded. He could not see Shôtarô anywhere, but saw blood dripping on the side of the door. With the help of the moonlight, he found a topknot hanging on the eaves. After the dawn broke, Hikoroku looked everywhere for Shôtarô, but could not find him. Because the diviner’s fortune-telling and the prophesy of the Cauldron of Kibitsu came true, people said that the divine will was truly profound and awesome.^ Setting aside the post mortum revenge theme, a husband abandoning his wife or leaving her for a lover would have commonly happened in Edo

197 society, where a man could have many mistresses. General readers, especially female readers, would have sympathized with Isora. Her obsession was theirs and they may even have felt catharsis in her revenge. As will be seen in detail in the section on language, Isora’s avenging scene is one of the most horrifying in kaidan. The “Cauldron of Kibitsu” would have appealed to anyone who was interested in kaidan.

7.2 Akinari's Convictions and Intellectual Discourse Like “Chrysanthemum Tryst,” “Cauldron o f Kibitsu” opens with an admonition against a jealous wife:

,!: t?6 k b (t6.

“Though hard to support a jealous wife, one knows her worth when he grows old” — Ah, who uttered such a thing? Even if she does not cause him great trouble, her affliction hinders his business and calls his neighbors’ slanderers. The serious misfortune will make him lose his home and destroy the country, therein becoming a laughing stock o f the whole world. Since ancient times, there have been irmumerable examples of how this poison has struck men. A jealous woman transforms into a giant serpent after her death or uses thunderbolts to vent

198 her fury, and deserves worse punishment than mincing her flesh and pickling them in salt. Yet, such extreme examples are rare. If a husband governs his conduct and educates his wife, the trouble can be avoided; but a whimsical affair arouses the crooked character in a woman and invites adversity. That “one’s will power controls the birds; a husband’s valour disciplines his woman,” is, indeed, true.

The above discourse is based upon Gozasso or Wu Zazu a Chinese collection of exerpts from both classical and anecdotal literature. This collection was widely read among Japanese intellectuals in Akinari’s day.* Regarding its content, Shigetomo Ki states that Akinari merely expressed here the then commonly held view about women.’ What Shigetomo considers “commonly held view” may need some explanation. The Edo period is often referred to as the “Dark Age” for Japanese women. There are numerous references which support the supposition that Japanese women filled a subservient role to men and were held in low regard. For example, Onna (Great Learning for Women, 1729), a popular moral textbook used as a tool in educating women during the Edo period compared women toyin, one of the complementary elements oiyin and yang. Thus, the book states, “In comparison to men, women are ignorant and do not know right from wrong.”*® Furthermore, the Three Obediences, a popular maxim o f the day regarding women’s conduct, advocated that “A young woman obeys her father; a married woman obeys her husband; and a widow obeys her son.” The twentieth century scholar, Fujita Yukiko, concludes that, “In the class system of the Edo period, men

199 were absolutely tyrannical and women were almost always either a servant or a toy for men.”* * Thou^ it is hard to beheve that every single man was tyrannical, men certainly possessed power over women. A man could have a mistress if he wished, and divorce was essentially the prerogative of the husband only. The ease with which a man could generally get a divorce was apparent in the brief divorce letter called a mikudarihan (three- and-a-half lines) in which the husband enacted the divorce by penning a three-and-a-half line letter.*^ Importantly, the aforementioned Onna daigaku listed seven reasons for a husband to divorce his wife and one of them was “jealousy.” Inada Atsunobu also states that Akinari’s admonition and his strong language were not unusual to his audience. The opening sentence — “Though hard to support a jealous wife, one knows her worth when he grows old” - was a widespread saying in Japan.*"* Additionally, there were various sayings about a woman changing into a serpent or monster because of her nature. The story of a woman turning into a serpent while chasing her lover was described in Chapter Three as an example of obsession. A similar but famous tale of obsession is that of a young woman named Kiyohime who transforms into a serpent because of her obsessive love for a monk, Anchin. The story of Anchin and Kiyohime is known as Dôjôji legend and widely known through No, Puppet theater, and Kabuki. By presenting the common view, Inada contends that Akinari evoked the ethos of the audience.*^ Yet, this opening more than repeats what the general pubhc would

200 expect to hear, for Akinari’s view is also expressed in the discourse. He appears to be firmly convinced that kadamashiki saga or a “crooked character,” that is also jealous, was generally associated with a woman. And for a successful marriage, vahant conduct of the husband is necessary to control a woman’s character. This is expressed in particular in the aforementioned quote — “[I]f a husband governs his conduct and educates his wife, troubles can be avoided; but a whimsical affair arouses the crooked character in a woman and invites adversity.” Akinari considers that it is the husband’s responsibihty to control his wife’s crooked character with his own well-behaved conduct. If, unlike Shôtarô, a husband does not flirt with women, the negative side of a woman’s nature will not be aroused. In the text, Shôtarô is described as a man with tawaketaru saga (licentious character) who utterly lacks “valour.” Isora, on the other hand, is a faithfiil wife. She is a dihgent worker, good to her parents-in-law, and when Shôtarô asks her to arrange money to save Sode, her rival, she does her best by selling her belongings and even lying to her own parents to borrow more money.It is Shôtarô who stokes the fires arousing the crooked nature in Isora and transforming her into the personification of obsession who seeks revenge. Shôtarô invites calamity upon himself. Also, it should be noted that though Akinari generally considers women as having a crooked nature, he sides with the faithful and downtrodden wife, Isora. Justice, even through revenge, was important to Akinari, who perceived injustice as commonplace in life.

201 For the people in the Edo period, the name Isora was associated with a weird looking person who appeared in a show hut during the Genroku period. It is said that Isora had scale-like skin with shells attached to her body, and one could hardly tell where the eyes and nose were.'* Aoki Masaji considers that Isora was named for the beautiful female protagonist in this story because of women’s ugly and crooked nature.'^ Within the commonly held view, Akinari, thus, reveals his conviction that the cause of disastrous situations instigated by the woman’s crooked character in fact are brought about by man’s frivolous actions Nakamura Hiroyasu writes that Gozasso as a text connotes romantic mysticism. This mysticism made Akinari look at the dark side o f humans. In short, “Akinari quotedGozasso as an intellectual text which sheds light on the grotesqueness at the base of the Japanese cultural climate and the darkness at the bottom of human consciousness.”^' Knowledgeable readers would appreciate Akinari’s deft incorporation of his personal convictions into the language and context of Gozasso, which makes Shôtarô’s gruesome end plausible and unavoidable. Akinari had a strict ethical sense, and when the character in the story deviates fi-om Akinari’s ethical code, he is destined to be punished severely.^ Furthermore, Akinari seems to strongly criticize marriage when it is contracted to fulfill the selfish desires of parents. Immediately after the opening passage, Akinari describes the foundation of Shôtarô and Isora’s marriage. Shôtarô was a good-for-nothing man who disliked his business and disregarded his father’s teaching in favor of his pleasures — women and

202 alcohol. The remedy his parents came up with was marriage rather than discipline, a recourse expected from parents who dote on their only child. As was often the case in Japan, his parents want his bride to be “from a good family and of good appearance” for the sake of Shôtarô as well as for their own family. Akinari’s criticism of the behavior of ordinary parents is sharp. Isora’s mother is described as particularly intent on solidifying the marriage, which also typifies the so-called crooked nature of women. It is her mother who says, “My daughter has become seventeen years of age. I have been eagerly looking for the right man for her day and night.” In addition, the mother soon exchanges the betrothal gifts, which is tantamount to a marriage ceremony. Even when the Cauldron foretells the negative portents of their daughter’s coming marriage, her mother persuades her husband to ignore the oracle. When one considers the profession of Kasada, that of the shrine priest, to ignore the very divine statement is blasphemous. At the end o f the story, Akinari reports through the voice of the narrator, “Considering that the diviner’s fortune-telling and the prophesy of the Cauldron of Kibitsu came true, people said that divine will was truly profound and awesome.” As seen in Chapter Two, Akinari believes in divine will, especially that of the Kashima Slirine, where his life was saved. Those who ignore sacred oracle(s) deserve punishment — in this case, the destruction of the dear daughter’s marriage. Akinari implies the power of divine prophecy, and at the same time, suggests that Isora’s mother is responsible for the broken marriage and the unhappiness of Isora.

203 Ogura Ryôichi observes that the marriage is established upon utilitarian and selfish needs; the Kasada family, a family o f good pedigree, needs a bride as part of their plan to stabilize their son’s behavior; and the Izawa family, wealthy farmers, seek a bridegroom fi’om a reputable family. The mismatch o f the characters is of minimal concern, i.e., licentious Shôtarô and well-educated, beautiful and fihal Isora are totally ignored.^^ Furthermore, Ogura states that the “Cauldron of Kibitsu” is a story which severely criticizes the general marriage system that gives first consideration to the name of the family, ignores love and allows men to have mistresses.^'' Akinari’s contemporary Yanagizawa Kien (1704-58), a famous hteratus, writes, “Marrying a woman for love is a custom firom the ancient times. [But] how could it be, a wife is now indiscriminately arranged without the man knowing her face or disposition, as if thinking the faster the better. Who will sow the seed ofmikudarihan? The society which doesn’t give fi*eedom to choose is rueful. There is nothing more stupid than this [custom ].A kinari himself had a wife who was living in his house for a long time, and whom he knew well.^^ A moralist who regarded chastity and faithfulness with esteem,^^ Akinari states in the “Preface” to his annotated Ochikubo monogatari (Tale of a Princess in Sunken Quarters, ca. late tenth century)^* that the Tale o f a Princess in Sunken Quarters is superior to the Tale o f Genji or Tales of Ise because the former describes monogamy. In his tale, Akinari insinuated the same opinion as did Yanagizawa.^^ Those who know Akinari’s conviction would, thus, understand why Isora’s marriage was destined to fail. Extratextual

204 information helps bring the dead Isora alive and the revenge more plausible and intense.

7.3 Sources and Allusions As usual, Akinari employed manifold sources for “Cauldron o f Kibitsu.” Other than the aforementionedGozasso, Honcho jinjakô (History of Shrines in Japan) is used for the title and the prophesy of the cauldron of Kibitsu Shrine; the description of the eerie atmosphere in Isora’s revenge is from “Aoi” and “Yûgao” in theTale o f Genji; the part where a diviner tells Shôtarô of his danger and advises a remedy is adapted from “Peony Lantern”; “Nyonin no akuki ni kegasarete kurawareshi en” ic A, (o # )# (Tale of a Woman Who Was Raped and Eaten by a Demon) in Nihon ryôiki and the sixth episode of the Tales o f Ise suggest the last ghastly killing scene.^° Akinari also refers to poems from Kokinshû ^ 4"# (A Collection of Poems Ancient and Past, ca. 905). The references to the Tale o f Genji are numerous. The text often alludes to “Aoi” and “Yûgao,” in which the evil spirit of Lady Rokujô kills Genji’s ladies, Aoi and Yûgao; Lady Rokujô’s frustration and resentment resounds in Akinari’s text and the theme o f a woman’s obsession is strengthened, making the text more believable. At the same time, the story evokes the refinement, pathos, and reality in the minds of readers. The following is a scene involving Isora’s ikisudama, the apparition of a living person. Shôtarô, who absconds with Sode, stays at the neighboring house of

205 Hikoroku, Sode’s cousin. An unusual ailment attacks Sode a few days after their elopement:

U UA(DL. 31

Then, Sode caught a mild cold, and it developed into a serious condition as if she were possessed by mononoke or an evil spirit. Only several days after they settled here, Shôtarô was saddened by this tragedy and attended her earnestly, forgetting to take his own food. But Sode sobbed constantly and the seizures of the chest and her breath looked extremely painful. When the fit was over, however, she looked just fine again. Shôtarô was anxious about the cause of Sode’s condition and wondered whether it could be the apparition of the hving person whom he had abandoned at home.

Here Akinari renders the characters as mononoke, an evil spirit. Mononoke, the term commonly used during the Heian period when the Tale o f Genji was written, leads the reader into the world of Genji. As Gotô Tanji points out, the diction, “R^ ^ t ) T. ##"9 fc(f (c” (sobbed constantly and the seizures of the chest looked too painful to bear), is taken fi’om the episode of “Aoi” inThe Tale o f Genji. When the evil spirit of Lady Rokujô attacks Aoi, Genji’s principal wife, Aoi “sobbed constantly and was occasionally struck by seizures of the chest, looking extremely painful to bear.”^^ By allusion, the suffering of Aoi is

206 superimposed upon Sode, and Lady Rokujô’s intense obsession and fierce attack are juxtaposed with those of Isora’s. The detailed description of the supernatural in The Tale of Genji helps blur the demarcation between the chronotope ofkaidan and reality. Lady Rokujô is a very accomplished lady. Wise and refined, she considers jealousy shamefid. Isora, before Shôtarô absconds, is a modem version of Lady Rokujô. Just as the suppressed obsession of Lady Rokujô lifts its head especially after the incident in which her carriage was damaged,^^ Isora’s obsession is aroused after Shôtarô absconds. Lady Rokujô fully understands that the conduct of her evil spirit comes fi'om her excessive love for Genji, and she suffers from her own uncontrollable emotion and behavior. Akinari’s text does not describe Isora’s state of mind when she attacks Sode. Therefore, general readers do not know exactly how Isora feels. However, readers who know Akinari’s view on the supernatural sense that Isora, who is in a state o f ikisudama, does not have a conscience and is indifferent to human ethics. As we saw in Chapter Two, Akinari beheved that both animals and deities live in a world of pre-culture where no morality abides, and they follow primitive instincts. Naturally, Isora only follows her primitive instinct, i.e., her crooked character. She simply enjoys tormenting Sode. This dearth of morality multiplies the fearfulness of her revenge. At the same time, the fate of Sode becomes predictable. Allusions continue in the scene where Shôtarô is about to meet the evil spirit of Isora. As predicted, Sode dies, and Shôtarô’s grief is so great

207 that he contemplates committing suicide, similar to when Genji took to bed in his grief over losing Yûgao. In the aforementioned section, the existence of an evil spirit is suggested, but has not yet appeared in the text. The real appearance o f the evil spirit comes with the introduction o f the moon:

b é:

34

[As Shôtarô] went to Sode’s grave every evening, grass had already grown on the grave mound and the crickets were chirping in melancholy. [He] lamented that he alone was saddened by the tragedy o f this autumn.

The poetic expression of Shôtarô’s grief, “[He] lamented that he alone was saddened by the tragedy o f this autumn,” is reminiscent o f the grieving Genji, who in autumn lost beloved Yûgao by the living apparition o f Lady Rokujô. This expression is based upon a poem from A Collection of Poems Ancient and Past, '‘'‘tsuki mireba/ chiji ni monokoso kanashikere/wagami hitotsu no/ aki ni wa aranedd'' (When 1 look at the moon, 1 feel burdened with a thousand sorrows, though this autumn does not come for my sake alone). The poem describes not only a composer’s deep sadness in lonely autumn, which strengthens Shôtarô’s lament, but also the moon. The moon alluded to in his text through the poem warns the readers about the coming appearance o f the supernatural. As expected, Shôtarô soon finds a new grave nearby Sode’s — a tomb made by Isora’s spell. The woman who pays her respects at the grave tells him it is the mound of her beautiful mistress’s husband. Claiming that he is

208 moved by the circumstances of her mistress, Shôtarô immediately offers to visit her mistress to commiserate. The text describes Shôtarô’s state of mind merely as, “Trying not to sound too aroused by the story of a beautiful mistress.” Short and concise, it reveals Shôtarô’s tawaketaru saga, or Ucentious character; Shôtarô is attracted by her beautijul mistress rather than by the mistress’s grief. Shôtarô’s character takes him from woman to woman, just like Genji. In the episode of “Yûgao,” the loss of Yûgao led Genji to find Murasaki: the loss of Sode may lead Shôtarô to find supposedly an ideal woman, too. Yet, the readers can sense foreboding by the mention of the moon. In preparation for the impending appearance of the evil spirit, the setting is dark and forlorn. The mistress dwells in a thatched hut by dark woods.

è l a c 9 )t .

The bamboo door looked wretched, the seventh-day moon shed its light on the small neglected garden. The faint hght of a lamp came through the papered window, looking sad.

Again, the moon portends the supernatural. The portrait o f this lonely place owes to a description from the episode of “Yûgao” in theTale of G e n j i In “Yugao,” Genji visits a childlike mistress hving in a neglected dwelling described similar to the quotation. The mistress is then killed by the evil spirit of Lady Rokujô. Here, the mistress is herself the evil spirit. Thus, the world of “Cauldron of Kibitsu” is interwoven with that of

209 the Tale o f Genji. The allusions to the Tale of Genji allow the readers to appreciate the resonance coming from the superimposition o f the worlds of “Yûgao” and “Aoi,” at the same time, to have the readers anticipate the direction of the story. The famiharity Akinari has with the Genji text, proven from the constant adaptations to strengthen the theme o f obsession and/or to create a more haunting atmosphere, shows Akinari’s intellectual inclination and literary talent. In turn, this enables Akinari to demonstrate his deft craftsmanship to the reader.

7.4 Language In “White Peak,” Sutoku’s intense anger and unleashed energy devoted to revenge were expressed in kanbmchô or Chinese writing style. Its rigorous sound was fitting to Sutoku, the public figure who once occupied the throne with dignity. On the other hand, the revenge scenes of “Cauldron of Kibitsu” are described in poetic, classical Japanese. Soft- toned classical Japanese is more fitting to Isora, a private woman who is juxtaposed with the ladies in the Tale o f Genji. With the language in which classical elegance permeates, the story quietly and steadily reaches one of the climaxes, the declamation of Isora’s revenge to Shôtarô. Licentious Shôtarô follows the woman into the mistress’s house. He waits for the mistress in a small reception room. A flickering lamp light and gleaming black lacquered shelf look pleasing. (This description is also taken from the episode of “Yûgao”.) In a desolate, yet, somehow charming place, Shôtarô’s anticipation mounts. Finally, the mistress comes

210 to the room, and across a low screen, Shôtarô appeals to her, just as Genji would to his ladies, lamenting how sad it is that he, too, has lost his beloved wife.

s t r a t i It. Ip.

The mistress opened the screen a httle, and said: “What a surprise to see you again. I shall let you know how bitter I felt. See my revenge.” Surprised, there he found Isora whom he had left in his hometown. Her face was very pale, her eyes, dull and lifeless. Her bony and pale finger pointing at him was so fiightening that Shôtarô screamed and passed out.

When Shôtarô’s anticipation of seeing a beautiful woman is at its height, the vengeful spirit reveals herself, shattering Shôtarô’s hope completely. As mentioned earlier, Isora’s appearance was not disfigured or smeared with blood to further fiighten Shôtarô. Yet, the sentences, “Her face was very pale, her eyes, dull and lifeless” and “Her bony and pale finger pointing at him was so fiightening that Shôtarô screamed and passed out...” are enough to horrify the readers, not just Shôtarô. Isora points her emaciated finger at him as if piercing his heart with an icy needle. Beginning with the description of the mistress’s dwelling, the narration is firom Shôtarô’s point of view. It is Shôtarô who finds her garden neglected.

211 With Shôtarô, the readers also find the black lacquered shelf pleasing. The finger pointing at Shôtarô is, therefore, also targeted to the readers, and the language clarifies this point. Though the English rendering is that the finger is pointing at “/r/m,” the hteral translation o f ware # in the original text, Sè-fêyt 5 , is “me” or “myself,” inclusive of both Shôtarô and the readers. As explained in the language section of “Chrysanthemum Tryst,” by using the word, ware, Shôtarô’s mind and the reader’s become united, the bony finger striking us all.^^ Akinari’s linguistic skills enables him to merge the supernatural with the real world, making his story more plausible. After the appearance of Isora’s vengeful spirit and her declaration of her revenge, the scene concentrates on her revenge.

>9

That night, around the third-watch^^ a horrifying voice was whispering, “How loathsome, here, too, is a sacred charm.” Silence followed. Anxious Shôtarô spent a long night in absolute terror.

The long autumn night, previously filled with sorrow for the bereaved Sode, is now filled with horror and anxiety. The vengeful spirit roams around the house and Shôtarô zealously hangs on to his life. It is ironic that while Isora was alive, she helped Shôtarô escape from his confinement, but now as a ghost, she puts him back to the confinement and is stalking his life. Finally, after dawn, Shôtarô feels alive again. Yet, the following

212 night is even more frightening, accentuated by the violent weather:

zc(ctKc6 j;j ^v

The wind blew violentlv through the pine trees as if knocking down the houses; even rain fell, adding to the macabre atmosphere. Shôtarô and Hikoroku shouted at each other through the wall for reassurance, and the time reached the fourth-watch^^ Then, some red light flashed on the papered- window, and the ghastly voice resounded, “How loathsome! Here, too, is a sacred charm.” The hair on Shôtarô’s head and body stood up on end and he fainted for a while.

The strong wind which “blew violently through the pine trees” is, as Saigyô commented in the No play entitled “Moonlight and Rain,” a world of virtual reality. Then, “even rain fell.” Where virtual reality and reality are mixed, the world of the supernatural is presented as nothing but real. The description of the surrounding eerie atmosphere is skillfully adapted fi'om the episode of “Yûgao,” when Yûgao’s life is taken by the spirit of Lady Rokujô.'^ Unlike the Tale o f Genji in which Genji vainly attempts to protect Yûgao fr’om the evil spirit, in Akinari’s text, Shôtarô, Genji’s Ucentious alterego, is in critical danger. Like the moon, the rain is a highly stylized introduction to the supernatural. Though the rain starts to fall, there is no description of Isora’s appearance. But Uzuki notes that by deliberately omitting the

213 description, Akinari convinces the reader that kai (the strange and mysterious) was unfathomable."*^ The fearfiil image of the ghost is created out of her eerie voice and the action of roaming around the house. The source of the red hght which flashes on the papered-window is unknown. It could be the foreshadowing of Shôtarô’s blood or Isora’s flame of jealousy, or both. The readers are, again, left to imagine. The ghost’s voice becomes more and more violent each night, and this situation lasts for forty-one days. Such is the powerfiil revenge of a once virtuous and faithful wife. Isora, the oppressed one, was hberated by the world of the supernatural and became the extreme oppressor.

Thus, the forty-second night came. As this was the last night, Shôtarô took particular caution. Finally, the sky was growing light at the fifth-watch,'^^ and Shôtarô felt as if awakening fi'om a nightmare. He immediately called Hikoroku...

One should notice the time at which the vengeful spirit visits. The first night the spirit comes at the third-watch, between twelve midnight and two o’clock in the morning. On the second night, it is at the fourth-watch, between two and four o’clock; then on the final night, she comes at the fifth-watch, between four and six o’clock in the morning. Akinari delayed Isora’s visitation a little later each night, thereby prolonging Shôtarô’s torture. Finally, the nightmare seems to end, and Shôtarô calls Hikoroku to celebrate. Yet, the readers anticipate that something will happen on the

214 fifth-watch. The intensity of the macabre atmosphere culminates:

mmmt u-c, ëxiExmr^'^nmnf)n^j:Lxmx

‘*Nothing can happen now. Come over here.” So saying, no sooner did [Hikoroku] open the door than a scream pierced through his ear. Surprised, he fell on his backside. Thinking that something must have happened to Shôtarô, Hikoroku grabbed an ax and ran out to the street. The sky which seemed to grow light was still dark; the clouded moon was high in the sky shedding dim light; the breeze was chilly. The door of Shôtarô’s house was left open, but Shôtarô was nowhere to be seen.

Forty-two days prior, the moon was a seventh-day moon. This means that the moon of the final day is a pale morning moon.'*^ What Shôtarô (and the readers) thinks is dawn (“the sky which seemed to grow light”) is not the light of the sun, but the dim light of the morning moon in the sky. The moonlight entices Shôtarô to leave the safety of his home, enabling the spirit of Isora to kill him.^” It may be said that Shôtarô’s wishful thinking that the moon be the sun becomes virtual reality and terminates his life in reality. If one does not believe in the world of the supernatural represented to the reader, the chronotope of the supernatural collapses and Akinari’s story becomes just a dream. Isora’s voice is heard.

215 but there is no trace of Shôtarô. The melodious diction, ^ 6 # # #t LX^ (fsuki wa nakazora nagara kage rôrô to shite, kaze hiyayakani, the blurred moon was high in the sky shedding a pale light; the breeze chilly) gives a chiU to the eerie atmosphere. After the scream, Hikoroku stands alone in the silent cold night of early winter.

Hikoroku looks all over the area for Shôtarô, but cannot find him.

< 't--< 9 ^ /u ,

What could have happened [to Shôtarô]? [Hikoroku] wondered and fearfully looked around with a torch, until finally he found on the wall beside the open door fresh blood dripping to the ground. But there was no body or bones. In the moonhght, he spotted something at the eaves. Holding up the torch to see what it was, he discovered a mangled topknot hanging there, and nothing else. The terror was simply beyond description.

Because of the existence of other stories like, “Tale of a Woman Who Was Raped and Eaten by a Demon” and the sixth episode of the Tales o f Ise, it is implied that Shôtarô was devoured by the vengeful spirit. There is no mention of a mangled body or how he was attacked. Akinari simply places the props of “dripping fresh blood on the wall” and a “hanging topknot” on the eaves to infer to Hikoroku and the readers what has happened. In short.

216 giving only key suggestions enables the readers to fill in the indeterminacies. Akinari was steadily building an horrific atmosphere; he presented a vivid picture o f the climax without specific mention of a body. As many scholars point out, this is one of the scariest scenes in all ofkaidan. Yamaguchi Takeshi writes that, “Previously, Akinari portrayed dead Isora as a Uving creature. Only with the description of Isora’s ‘wan face,’ ‘dull and lifeless eyes’ and ‘bony and pale fingers’ was the text replete with an eerie sense. This time, he wrote only the ‘topknot.’ Akinari is really the master of kaidan hterature.”^^ Nakamura Yuldhiko, referring to this ghastly scene, calls “Cauldron of Kibitsu” the finest example of allkaidan P The multi­ layered language which depicts Isora’s revenge is brief but dense, leaving room for the reader’s imagination. Isora’s obsession was so intense that it overrode the old magical Chinese characters written on Shôtarô’s body by a revered diviner, as well as Shôtarô’s prayers to Buddha and Shinto deities. Practically speaking, her obsession was powerful enough to create a tomb and an errand girl in the mind of Shôtarô. She could have easily tricked him into coming out on that first night. Yet, she prolonged his torture until Shôtarô began to feel rehef from her curse. As expected in kaidan, the story’s emphasis is on Shôtarô’s fear as well as Isora’s gruesome act, giving pleasure to both Isora and the readers.^ The revenge of a woman against her husband and his mistress is a popular theme. With an understanding of Akinari’s view on the character of women as well as on a deity’s lack of morality, the allusions, and his

217 deliberate selection of language, the meaning of the “Cauldron of Kibitsu” becomes deeper, and the woman’s obsession more frightening. “Cauldron of Kititsu” is followed by another story featuring a woman, the women play of a No performance. After the climactic and eerie kaidan focused on women, Ugetsu monogatari rapidly approaches its end. A s we shall see in the next chapter, the eighth story of Ugetsu monogatari, “Blue Hood,” is short, and it corresponds to both the fourth and fifth categories of a No performance sequence.

218 Notes

1 Shigetomo Ki, Akinari no kenkyû, p. 229.

2 Shirane Hanio, Uie Bridge of Dreams: A Poetics o f 'Taie of Genji' (Stanford University Press, 1987), p. 114.

3 Suzuki Toshiya, Ugetsu monogatari shinshaku (Tokyo, Fuzanbô, 1916) quoted in Uzuki, Ugetsu monogatari hyôshaku, pp. 391-92.

Shokoku hyakumonogatari in Takada Mamoru, éd., Edo Kaidan-shû vol. 3 (Tokyo, Iwanami Shoten, 1989), pp. 58-60.

5 It is said that after death, one’s soul would linger on in the air for forty-nine days. As Isora died seven days previously, her soul would be still at large for another forty-two days.

« Ueda Akinari shu, pp. 86-97; Nihon koten hyôshaku: Ugetsu monogatari hyôshaku, pp. 387- 462; Ugetsu monogatari: Tales of Moonlight and Rain, pp. 149-60.

7 Nakamura Yuldhiko, ed., Ugetsu monogatari, p. 86. 8 Gozasso was edited by Xie Zhaozhi ' during the Ming dynasty (1368-1644). The collection had been printed in Japanese since the Kanbun period (1661- 1673). Uzuki, Ugetsu monogatari hyôshaku, pp. 432-33. A certain section referenced by Akinari appears only in the original Chinese text. Goto Tanji considers that Akinari used the imported Chinese text rather than the Japanese publication. Goto Tanji, '‘'‘Gozasso to Ugetsu monogatari^'' Rekishi Nihon 1 (December 1942): 165.

9 Shigetomo Ki, Ugetsu monogatari hyôshaku (Tokyo, Meiji Shoin, 1957), pp. 257-58. Shigetomo states that it is better to avoid this section altogether. Probably agreeing with Shigetomo’s opinion, Hamada Kengi’s translation of Ugetsu monogatari omits this part.

219 Shigetomo also states that there are two Akinari’s in this story: one is Akinari as a worldly man who admonishes the evil of a jealous woman: the other is Akinari as a poet who sympathizes with Isora and tries to understand why she behaved the way she did. Shigetomo Ki, Akinari no kenkyû, p. 235. Also see, Inada Atsunobu, “Tenkyo to Tekisuto,” Inada Atsunobu, ed. Akinari: katari to genmu, Nihon bungaku kenkyû shiryô sinshû%,^. 130-131.

‘0 Kaibara Ekiken, Murô Kyûsô. Nihon shisô taikei 34, ed. Araki Kengo and Inoue Tadashi (Tol^o, Iwanami Shoten, 1970). p. 204.

“ Fujita Yukiko, “Edo no onna - shiitagerareta onnatachi,” Kokubmgaku kaishaku to kanshô 20. 10 (December, 1959):154.

12 The position of a mistress was publicly recognized and relatively high in some earher periods. She was valued as a reserve consort to provide an heir when the wife was unable to. Ogyû Sorai, a famous Confucian scholar in the middle of the Edo period, states in Seidan (A Discourse on PoUtics) that “A mistress is indispensable. It is a universal law to have a concubine when there is no child.” Even when there were male children, having a mistress was not uncommon for men who could afford it.

13 The content of the formulaic letter is usually as follows: •9 kAyik

m m scLm .

0 (^ 6 0 ^ ) m m

A Letter o f Divorce 1. A consequence of our personal concerns, I divorce the person at this time. Therefore, (the aforementioned person) can marry anyone from now on, and that shall 220 not concern us at all. Month Date (Name of the man) Thumbmark Ms. (Name of the woman) 1“ The saying is listed in Wakan kogen (Japanese and Chinese Old Sayings, 1753). The book explains that the saying originated in Gozasso. The author is Kaibara Ekiken (1630-1714).

15 Inada Atsunobu, “Tenkyo to Tekisuto,” inAkinari: katari to genmu., pp. 131-32.

18 Uzuki, Ugetsu monogatari hyôshaku, p. 390.

17 Isora’s act reminds one of Osan, an exemplar wife of the play entitled Shinjû ten no Amijima (Double Suicide at Amijima, 1720) by Chikamatsu Monzaemon (1653-1724). Like Isora, Osan tries to sell her belongings to help her husband redeem a courtesan.

18 Daijiten, vol. 1 and 2, Shimonaka Yasaburô, éd., (Tokyo, Heibonsha, 1934), pp. 352-53.

19 Aoki Masaji, Ugetsu monogatari, vol. (Tokyo, Kôdansha, 1981), p. 299. On the other hand, Matsuda Osamu regards that naming Isora came from her act of trampling Shôtarô to death. Matsuda Osamu, “Ugetsu monogatari,” in Matsuda Osamu, et al., Ueda Akinari, Zusetsu Nihon no koten 17 (Tokyo, Shûeisha, 1981), p. 60. Like other writers in the Edo period, Akinari utilized word-play in his work. Isora is one example. Another one is Shôtarô lEicÊR. Shôtarô means “the upright first-bom male child,” which contrasts with his licentious and intempérant character. Yomihon kenkyû quoted in Inoue Taishi, ^‘'Ugetsu monogatari no hyôgen” Bôeidaigaku kiyô jinbun kagaku bunshitsu 67 (September 1993): 11.

20 Such intellectuals as contemporary Confucian scholar Amenomori Hôshû #^ ^ #1 (1668-1755) held the same opinion. Inada, “Tenkyo to Tekisuto,” p. 130.

221 21 Nakamura Hiroyasu, “‘Chikatabira’ to soragoto no hôhô” Kokubmgaku kenkyû 65 (June 1978): 85.

22 Nakamura Yuldhiko, “Ueda Akinari to shisô,” in N/bon bungaku kenkyû shiryô sôsho: Akinari, p. 145. Many other scholars such as Shigetomo Ki, Kayanuma Noriko, and Ôwa Yasuhiro express the same opinion. Ôwa Yasuhiro adds that Isora’s revenge is too severe and he feels sympathy for Shôtarô. Ôwa Yasuhiro, Ueda Akinari bungaku no kenkyû (Tokyo, Kazama Shoin, 1976), pp. 101-106.

23 Ogura Ryôichi, “ Kibitsu no kama’ ko,” Joshidai Kokubun 111 (June 1992): 91.

24 Ibid., p. 91. 25 Yanagj Rikyô, Hitorine (1725) in Nihon koten bmgaku taikei, p. 126, quoted in Ogura Ryôichi, “'Kibitsu no kama’ ko,” p. 89. Akinari uses Yanagizawa as a model for a major character in one of the short stories of his Shodd kikimimi seken zaru (Worldly Curious Monkey, 1766).

26 When Akinari was twenty-seven, he married Ueda Tama. Ueda Tama, then twenty-one years old, had been living with the Ueda family from an early age, probably as a maid. Tama was a faithful and understanding companion of Akinari throughout her life.

27 Hino Tatsuo, Norinaga to Akinari (Tokyo, Chikuma Shobô, 1984), p. 248.

28 A forerunner of the bullying stepmother tales. A princess who was bullied by her stepmother and lived in a room below-grade was found by a charming prince and they lived happily ever after.

29 Ogura Ryôichi, “ Kibitsu no kama’ ko,” p. 89.

30 Gotô Tanji, ^"Ugetsu monogatari no shutten o saguru,” pp. 59-60. Takada Mamoru adds that the image and motif of Chinese vernacular fiction, A ” included inKu-chin hsiao-shuo are reflected in “Cauldron of Kibitsu.” Takada Mamoru,Ueda Akinari kenkyû Josetsu 222 (Tokyo, Nara Shobô, 1968), pp. 256-259.

31 Ueda Akinari shû, pp. 90-91. 32 Gotô Tanji, “Ugetsu monogatari ni oyoboseru Genji monogatari no eikyô” in Nihon Bungaku Kenkyû Shiryô Kankôkai, éd., Nihon bungaku kenkyû shiryô sôsho: Akinari (Tokyo, Yûseidô Shuppan, 1972), p. 63.

33 In the episode of “Aoi,” Lady Rokujô goes to the festival in which Genji proceeds; however, her carriage is terribly damaged by the Aoi’s party, who arrives later to the viewing place. Lady Rokujô feels intense humiliation and sadness.

34 Ueda Akinari shu, p. 91. 35 Kokin waka shu193 included in Saeki Umetomo, ed., Kokin wakashû. Nihon koten bungaku taikei 8 (Tokyo, Iwanami Shoten, 1958), p. 140; Kokin wakashû, p. 91.

36 Ibid., p. 93. 37 Ibid., p. 93. 38 Ibid., p. 94. 39 Shigetomo Ki, Ugetsu monogatari hyôshaku, p. 282. 40 Ueda Akinari shû, p. 95.

41 The third-watch (—SE) is between twelve midnight and two o’clock in the morning.

42 Ueda Akinari shû, p. 95. 43 The fourth-watch (E E) is between two and four o’clock in the morning.

44 Gotô Tanji, “Ugetsu monogatari ni oyoboseru Genji monogatari no eikyô,” pp. 62-63.

223 ^5 Uzuki, Ugetsu monogatari hyôshaku, p. 447. ^6 Ueda Akinari shû, p. 96. ^7 The fifth-watch (EM) is between four and six o’clock in the morning.

^8 Ueda Akinari shu, p. 96. « Uzuki, Ugetsu monogatari hyôshaku, p. 451. 50 Regarding (said/seemed) in 6 t V'O t. fz. < ÎÔ < ” (The sky which seemed to grow light was still dark), Tanaka Kôji writes that it is the narrator rather than Shôtarô who said/seemed that the sky was growing light. In other words, the narrator created a false dawn and revealed the truth later. He concludes that “ifmonogatari (tales) is literature o f katari (narration/fi'aud) by an evil spirit, Ugetsu monogatari is indeed monogatari of its worth.” Tanaka Kôji, "Tsukiyo no kaii: ' Kibitsu no kama' no rasuto siin no tsuki" Nihon bungaku. Special Edition: Kinsei ni okeru bunshô to katari 42. 10 (1993): 31-34.

51 Ueda Akinari shu, pp. 96-97.

52 Yamaguchi Takeshi, “Kaisetsu” in Yamaguchi Takeshi, ed., Kaidan meisaku shû. Nihon meicho zenshû (Tokyo, Nihon Meicho Zenshû Kankôkai, 1927), p. 49.

53 Nakamura Yuldhiko, “Kaisetsu,” in Nakamura Yuldhiko, ed., Ueda Akinari shû, pp. 13-14.

5-1 One of the most famous examples of a female ghost tormenting her husband is a kaidan play entitled Tokaidô Yotsuya kaidan {Ghost Story o f Yotsuya on the Tokaidô, 1825). The story depicts the retaliation of a once beautiful woman, Oiwa, against her husband. A masterless samurai named lemon, the male protagonist, marries the beautiful Oiwa and she becomes pregnant. But her father, who is also a masterless samurai of the same clan as lemon, takes her back because he suspects lemon of stealing the clan’s money. lemon still loves Oiwa at this time. In the meantime, her father is murdered. Oiwa asks lemon to look for the unknown murderer and avenge her father on her behalf. As a woman, she

224 is powerless in society and has no way to avenge her father alone. She must solicit help from a man. Though lemon appears to be her ally in this matter, he is, in fact, the killer. Meanwhile, the neighbor’s young daughter, Oume, falls in love with lemon, and wants to marry him. Unlike Oiwa’s family, the neighboring Ito family, is wealthy and treats him generously. Oiwa, unable to recover from childbirth, is virtually bed-ridden. lemon now feels no affection for Oiwa, and treats her cruelly. One day, Oume’s nurse visits Oiwa’s bedroom to give her something, saying that it is medicine to cure her. But actually, it is a poison to disfigure Oiwa. The Ito family thinks that if Oiwa becomes disfigured, lemon will abandon her for Oume. Not knowing their true intent, Oiwa thanks them and takes the “medicine.” Immediately, Oiwa’s hair starts to fall out, open wounds appear and seep blood, and her face becomes grotesquely disfigured. lemon then merrily marries Oume. Learning of the treachery behind the gift of medicine, Oiwa, who is mortally wounded, swears revenge upon lemon. With her spirit free from the restraints of mortality, Oiwa’s revenge begins. On the night of lemon’s wedding, Oiwa transforms Oume's face into her own disfigured visage. Thinking it is Oiwa, lemon murders his ill- gotten bride. Then, all the members of the Ito family are killed by Oiwa. Later, Oiwa appears as an attractive young girl in lemon's dreams. At the height of lemon's passion, the young Oiwa is transformed into Oiwa’s horrifying figure. When lemon wakes up from his dream, he rushes outdoors, gasping insanely. Prayers by a priest and lemon’s fiiends fail to appease the soul of Oiwa. Oiwa crushes lemon’s hope for employment, and keeps tormenting him. The story ends with a scene in which lemon is about to be killed by Oiwa’s surviving relative. Even today, it is said that the performers of Ghost Story of Yotsuya on the Tokaidô must visit the two places where the spirit of Oiwa is enshrined before the performance can begin; otherwise, her curse would fall on the actors and actresses. Regarding the places where her spirit is enshrined, two shrines claim to hold the authentic spirit of Oiwa. In order not to be victimized by any curse or grudge from either shrines or Oiwa’s spirit, the actors have to pay respect to both places. Nakagawa Akira, “Kabuki no yurei,” in Gondô Yoshizaku, ed., Nihon no yûrei: Nô, Kabuki, Rakugo (Osaka, Osaka Shoseki, 1983), p. 154.

225 CHAPTERS

“THE BLUE HOOD”: OBSESSION WITH HOMOSEXUAL LOVE AND ENLIGHTENMENT

8.1 Motif: Obsession with Love and Enlightenment The “Blue Hood” is the story of a priest who falls from grace because of his obsession with a homosexual love affair, and who is eventually enlightened by the power of a high priest. Kayanuma Noriko calls this story kyûdô bungaku (story o f a search for truth). ^ Within the framework of salvation by an eminent monk, the weakness of human obsession and its destructive character are highhghted. As noted in the beginning of Chapter Five, similar to the fourth category of single day’s No program (mad person or miscellaneous hving- time plays), the main character o f “Blue Hood” is a human, rather than a supernatural being. At the same time, located near the end of Ugetsu monogatari^ “Blue Hood” is upbeat, like that o f the fifth category in a Nô performance. The positive, salvational ending of “Blue Hood” prepares the audience for the exit from the frightening kaidan world. C. Andrew Gerstle calls the “pattern of auspicious beginning, journey through the agonies of hell, and return to the auspicious ending” a cychcal journey, and

226 States that the concept of a cyclical movement, a central tenet in Buddhism, is fundamental in the literature and drama o f Japan.^ Ugetsu monogatari, written in accordance with the concept of a cyclical journey, is embedded in that tradition. The journey through the agonies of hell experienced by the oppressed supernatural characters in Ugetsu monogatari, in many cases Akinari’s alter-ego, may be interpreted as Akinari’s personal journey of suffering and struggle for justice and fame. Near the end of Ugetsu monogatari, Akinari’s suffering is almost over.

8.2 Homosexuality in the Edo Period In traditional Japanese society, homosexual love relations were considered rather conventional. In fact, from the Warring States Period (1467-1568) to the beginning of the Edo period, love between an adult man and a boy was called the “way (or path) of loving boys” (#% iâwakashûdô or shûdô) or “tryst between sworn brothers” <0, and was quite in vogue among the samurai. It was even praised as the “flower of the way of the samurai” So open was the practice that the coming of age ceremony conferred on a nineteen-year-old “the status of an adult male, after which he took the adult role in relations with boys.”^ In the code of the “way of loving boys,” just like the “way of the samurai,” loyalty and faithfulness were highly regarded." Though homosexual love was popularly practiced among samurai, it was not their privilege alone. Men in other classes who could afford it also indulged themselves, and there were a great number of male prostitutes to

227 serve the demand. The Korean diplomat, Yu-Han Sin ^ (1681-?) who visited Japan in 1719, described in detail the sexual customs and cultures of Japan in Kaiyûroku or Hayyulok In Japan, the beauty and sexuahty of male prostitutes were twice as intense as those of their female counterparts. When an extraordinarily handsome boy reached 14 or 15 years of age, he would rub his hair with oil, braid his hair into two plaits, rouge and powder his face, and don a colorful silken dress. .. Commoners as well as the wealthy and noble, including the Shogun, purchased male prostitutes, keeping them nearby at all times so they could enjoy carnal relations on a whim. However, the masters were quite strict about their property. When a male prostitute committed adultery, the master would kill him out of jealousy. Therefore, people did not dare to consort with male prostitutes.^

When Yu-Han Sin criticized such a custom, Amenomori Hôshû (1668-1755), a famous Confucian scholar and a member of the reception committee for the Korean diplomats, simply replied, “You just do not know the pleasure of it.”* Regarding the beauty of men, Akinari also writes in his ^ Record of A Daring But Timid Mind. Birds, animals, flowers - in everything, males are beautiful. Females look inferior. How is it that only a female human being appears prettier than a male? But then, mulling over the matter, 1 realized that a male human being is also superior looking after all. Women are ugly without make-up. The face of a woman who rises late in the morning is extremely unpleasant.^

However, Akinari did not regard highly the practice of homosexual relation. He seemed to think that homosexual love would take vigor away from males. In the same Record, he writes that rampant homosexuahty in the Imperial

228 court robbed the nobility o f their vitality. Furthermore, he attributes the decline of Imperial power to raging homosexuality.*” Literature from the Edo period describing homosexual love relationships also reveals conventionahty of the practice. The most famous collection o f stories would be Ihara Saikaku's Nanshoku ôkagami (The Great Mirror o f Male Love, 1687), a collection of forty short stories about love between homosexuals and their catamites in seventeenth-century Japan. In the kaidan genre, Asai Ryôi, the author of Hand Puppets, devotes all of Volume Five of his kaidan fiction, Inuhariko (Papier- Mâche 1692), to homosexual love. Likewise, Kaidan otogizaru # (Kaidan Nursery Monkey, 1768) and Kaidan otogiwarawa (Kaidan Nursery Children, 1772) contain stories of homosexual relations.*' A collection of miscellaneous episodes entitled Seisuishô (Sweeping Away Sleepiness with Laughter, 1623), written by Anrakuan Sakuden (1554-1642), a Buddhist monk, also contains a number of funny stories which make fun of love between a Buddhist monk and his catamite. Traditionally in Buddhist temples of the Tendai and Shingon sects, young male children who looked after the monks and did errands for them were called cA/go (“boy” or “page”). Because of the prohibition against associating with women, it was common for Buddhist monks to have relations with these young male children. Because they became the objects of homosexual love, the term “c/z/go” was also synonymous with “catamite.” The prevalence of these relations in temples is revealed in a

229 popular saying, '^Ichi chigo ni sanno"’ (Love the chtgo first, then the deity of the mountain). Whether it was heterosexual or homosexual, Buddhist priests were prohibited firom any carnal desire. Unlike homosexual love between samurai which was elevated to shûdô, and perhaps because it came fi'om repressed desire, a gloomy atmosphere hovers around the stories of homosexual relations between priests and boys. Contrary to the Sweeping Away Sleepiness with Laughter, in which homosexual love afiairs o f the Buddhist priests are treated humorously, the content of “Blue Hood” is dark and more serious. In the story of “Blue Hood,” long ago, there lived a Zen monk, Kaian noted for his virtue. On a pilgrimage to northern Japan, he seeks lodging for the night at a farm house in the village of Tonda in Kôzuke province (present-day Tochigi prefecture). Dressed in a tattered black robe with a blue hood, Kaian is mistaken by the villagers for a goblin that haunts the locale. Hearing the commotion outside, the master of the farm household at which Kaian had stopped, rushes out o f the house with a stick. But recognizing that Kaian is not a goblin, the master turns the locals away and then explains to Kaian why the mistake in Kaian’s identity was made. His explanation is as follows. Upon a nearby mountain was a temple of the Shingon sect. In the spring of this same year, the respected priest in the mountain temple was invited to Echigo province (present-day Fukui prefecture) to perform a baptism. At the baptism, the mountain priest met a boy about the age of twelve or thirteen whose beauty so enthralled the priest that he was smitten

230 with homosexual love. The priest and his catamite returned to the mountain temple. In their debauchery, the temple and ministry were neglected, and soon thereafter the boy became ül and died. The priest could not bring himself to bury or bum the boy’s corpse; yet fearing, decomposition, the priest consumed the flesh of his catamite. In time, the mountain priest became a goblin, frightening the villagers and eating the flesh of bodies he would exhume from the village graveyard. After hearing the story, Kaian decides to save the fallen priest and save the village from the goblin’s torment. The master rejoices at the news and states that all villagers will feel as if they were reborn in the western paradise. The following day Kaian travels to the dilapidated temple upon the mountain. Though the temple appears deserted initially, a withered man eventually comes out and bids Kaian to go to the village. Kaian presses for lodging in the temple, whereupon the withered priest replies that Kaian should do as he pleases. So, Kaian sits beside the temple priest into the night, and late in the night the temple priest stand up and leaves. After the moon has risen, the temple priest returns looking for Kaian — to eat Kaian’s flesh. But the temple priest can not see Kaian, even though Kaian has not moved from his original position beside the mountain priest. At dawn, Kaian asks the temple priest if he is hungry, offering himself, Kaian, as the meal. Because of this offer, the priest thinks Kaian is a hving Buddha. So, when Kaian then asks the temple priest if he wants to be saved, the fallen priest replies positively. Kaian places his blue hood

231 on the priest and gives him two verses from Zen doctrine to recite, saying that when the fallen priest comes to understand the verses, he will be saved. A year later, on his return from his pilgrimage to Northern Japan, Kaian returns to the same farmhouse where he had stopped a year earlier. The master o f the farmhouse reports that there were no visitations by the goblin after his visit, and no one knew if the mountain priest was still alive. Kaian decides to return to the temple to ascertain the fate of the fallen priest. In the decayed temple, Kaian hears a feeble murmuring coming from a shadowy figure with disheveled hair and beard. Kaian recognizes the murmuring as the verses he had given to the priest. He grabs his Zen beating stick, and with a thimdering cry he yells, “How is it then!?” He then hits the priest on the head. Immediately, the figure disappears like the morning dew, leaving only a blue hood and white bones on the green grass. After this, the villagers restore the temple and invite Kaian to reside there, changing the affiliation from the Shingon sect to the Sôdô Zen sect. The temple is said to be prosperous still.

The mountain goblin was formerly a respected learned priest from a revered family whose high status takes him all the way to Echigo province to preside over a baptism. There, quite unexpectedly, he falls in love with a young boy. As a result of his love for the boy, his character changes completely, and the story reveals that even the most revered priest is not exempt from human weakness. He is trapped in the abyss of carnal obsession, which changes the course of his life. In “Blue Hood,” human

232 desire and obsession are examined from a Buddhist viewpoint, and the homosexual priest’s very negative conduct immediately becomes the source of his salvation.

8.3 Sources and Allusions In writing “Blue Hood,” Akinari mainly referred to Water Margin, “The Episode of Ôe Sadamoto” ofEndô tsugan (History of Love, 1715),^'* (Verse of Zen Doctrine),*^ Miyakodori tsumakoi no fue (A Hooded Gull, the Flute o f M issing His Wife),^^ and “Zenza o motte kai o fiisu Ôshû no zensô” T # (D## (A Zen Monk in Northern Japan Chastises a Monster through Meditation” in ATa/iton rorto/-Z>wÂ:wro (Bag for Kaidan Bedding). Akinari frequently alludes to the episodes o f Major Lu Ta in Water Margin (ca. 14th century). As mentioned in Chapter One, Water Margin was one of the most popular works of vernacular fiction in China, and was also feverishly read among the Edo intellectuals eager to study Chinese vernacular language. Lu Ta is one of the important and appealing characters in the Water Margin. Crude, direct, and righteous, he becomes an outlaw by accidentally killing a wicked butcher in the process o f saving a helpless girl. Lu Ta is tonsured, but his unrestrained and honest nature leads him on various adventures. Perhaps Akinari adapts Lu Ta’s episodes because o f his interesting character, which is that o f a natural man who is not yet civilized or cultivated. Within him, there fives both the sacred and

233 the monstrous. Even though he is seemingly far from entering Nirvana, Lu Ta has great potential for enlightenment. At the end, he does enter Nirvana with absolute peacefulness, as did the fallen priest. Throughout “Blue Hood,'’ the image of Lu Ta is superimposed on both Kaian and the fallen priest. One example of this is in the opening section, which follows the structure o f Chapter Five o f Water Margin, “A Drunken Little Tyrant Goes Inside the Golden-spangled Bed; Lu Ta Fights at TaoHua Village.”^^ In the episode, Lu Ta heads for the eastern Capital after being expelled from the revered temple, Mt. Wu Tai. On his way, he seeks lodging for the night at a large house in a village. The villagers in front of the house, however, refuse his request because of some event happening in the village that night. When Lu Ta starts arguing with them, the master of the household rushes out of the house with a long stick and mediates in the trouble. The master, realizing that Lu Ta is a traveling monk from revered Mt. Wu Tai, accepts Lu Ta’s request for lodging, and entertains him with food. Then, the master explains the event of the night, which troubles the villagers, as follows. A notorious gang leader of the nearby area has fallen in love with the master’s daughter and has asked her to many him. That night is their wedding. Though the master is strongly against it, there is nothing the master can do about it because the leader is like a demon. Lu Ta, eating up all the food and wine offered to him, declares that he will change the gang leader’s mind by preaching the law of reincarnation. The master rejoices at

234 the news, saying that Lu Ta is a Uving Buddha. From the way Lu Ta asks for lodging at the large house in a village, to how he is first refused and then accepted into the house, to how the master of the household tells the story which troubles the villagers and Lu Ta decides to change the villain’s mind, the plot is identical with “Blue Hood.”^° Even the prop of the house master, the stick, and the word which describes Kaian’s age, (fifiy years old)^* is taken directly fi’om Water Margin?^ Well-informed readers would recognize through the allusion to the plot o f Water Margin that Lu Ta is superimposed upon Kaian. As mentioned earher, Chinese vernacular fiction such as Water Margin was quite popular among the intellectuals during the Edo period, and it required great skill to read. As in the case of “Chrysanthemum Tryst,” Akinari’s decision to adopt a vernacular text reveals his inclination for sophistication and his quest for recognition by altering the story to suit Japanese readers. At this point in Water Margin, Lu Ta is stiU quite wild. As mentioned earher, there exist within him both the sacred and the monstrous. Aoki Masaji suggests that because Kaian is misunderstood by the goblin (fallen priest), one can interpret that Kaian and the goblin have something in common, something which fiightens the villagers.^^ This means that the monstrous aspect represented by the goblin and the holy character personified in Kaian are complementary, like the two sides existing in Lu Ta. The presentation of the two sides of Lu Ta becomes clearer in the scene where Kaian gives the goblin or fallen priest the verses firom Zen

235 doctrine: Kôgetsu terashi shôfu fuku eiya seishô nan no shoi zo

Over the bay, the moon shines brightly and the fresh wind blows through the pine trees, this long night, clear evening, what is it for?^'*

Kaian instructs the priest that the latter will meet his original Buddha nature when he understands the meaning of the verses. Kaian’s gesture is symboUc because it corresponds to what the abbot o f Mt. Wu Tai does for Lu Ta. At the end of Chapter Four of Water Margin, Lu Ta is expelled from Mt. Wu Tai because of his violent conduct. Before sending Lu Ta away to maintain peace and discipline on the mountain, the abbot gives him a few verses. He says that the verses will guide Lu Ta’s destin yL ater, the same abbot gives Lu Ta other verses and when Lu Ta realizes the meaning o f the verses, it is time for him to enter Nirvana.^^ As the abbot knew the spiritual superiority o f Lu Ta, Kaian’s keen insight discerns the priest’s Buddha nature within him. Similar to the effect of the verse for Lu Ta, the verse Kaian gives to the priest leads the priest to salvation. In the opening. Lu Ta’s image was superimposed on Kaian, and the fact that the villagers mistake Kaian for the goblin implies that the two sides of Lu Ta’s character are represented by Kaian and the goblin. Here, by Kaian guiding the priest, the sacred side and demonic side of Lu Ta are Uterally represented respectively in Kaian and the priest.^^ The readers who know the episodes of Lu Ta well can appreciate the overtones from Water Margin present in “Blue Hood” and recognize the

236 true nature o f Kaian and the priest. The priest who resides in the supernatural is brought to hfe through a living Lu Ta. Furthermore, they will anticipate the priest’s final enhghtenment and salvation. The latter half o f Chapter Five of Water Margin^ which Akinari did not adopt in his text, is quite humorous. Lu Ta, a big, fat, and bald man disguises himself as the master’s daughter and waits for the gang leader in the wedding bed. When the gang leader approaches him with erotic excitement. Lu Ta teases him and hits him severely. In order for Akinari’s story to conform to kaidan, excessive humor and wit must be restrained. Akinari eliminates the fimny part, and instead, “Blue Hood” develops in a direction o f fathomless darkness. The cause of the trouble in both Lu Ta’s episode and “Blue Hood” is fimdamentally the same: carnal desire. Yet, while Lu Ta’s story treats it as an entertaining and fimny tale, “Blue Hood” treats it seriously as a story of human weakness and the bizarre supernatural. The master explains:

< L A .^

[Concerning the loss of the boy, the priest felt as if he were] robbed o f the precious stone o f his heart, the flower on the ornamental hairpin forcibly taken by the storm. He cried without tears, shouted without voice. In his sorrow, he could not bring himself to cremate or bury the boy in the ground, but spent days placing his cheek to the boy’s and his hand intertwined with [the boy’s] hand. Finally, the priest went

237 insane. He fondled the corpse just like the days when the boy was still ahve. Thinking it shameful to see the flesh decompose, the priest sucked on the flesh and hcked the bones until all was eaten.

At this point, the story is quite grotesque. Yet, to have the master of the house rather than the first person describe the grotesque act somewhat downplays the degree of intensity. This passage, fi'om the beginning to “his hand intertwined with [the boy’s] hand” is actually taken fi’om “The Episode of Ôe Sadamoto” ofEndô tsugan (History of Love, 1715).^^ In the episode, Ôe Sadamoto, having lost his beloved mistress, wails over her body. It is described as follows;

-To I) z T . jk

Because the illness [was] hard to cure, soon [she] was unable to get up fi'om the bedding and died. [He felt as if he was] robbed of the precious gem of his heart, the flower in his hand forcibly taken by the wind. He cried without tears, shouted without voice. His grief was beyond comparison. In his sorrow to part with her, he could not bring him self to cremate or bury the woman in the ground, but placed his cheek to hers and his hand intertwined with [her] hand.

Through an almost identical description, the knowledgeable readers perceive Ôe Sadamoto’s grief, and above all, carnal obsession. While the mistress was ahve, Sadamoto indulged himself in earthly passion. His carnal obsession accelerates after her death. The superimposed world of

238 ô e Sadamoto reinforces the theme of “Blue Hood,” making Akinari’s story more powerful and plausible. Importantly, to accentuate the priest’s intense obsession, and to conform to kaidcm, Akinari adds the grisly cannibalization, “to suck and eat up the boy’s flesh.” It should be noted that Masuho Zankô (1655-1742), the author o f History o f Love^ considers that the practice o f love marriage was common in ancient Japan, and that he advocates the importance of love between a husband and a wife in his History o f Love. As seen in the previous chapter, Akinari shares the same opinion. By using a story from History of Love, Akinari insinuates his beUef in marriage based on love. The reader not only appreciates the expanded imagery from the story of Ôe Sadamoto and perceives Akinari’s behef in love marriage, but would also foretell the fate of the priest. Or rather, the reader reinforces his/her prediction o f the priest’s fate, which is foretold by the story of Lu Ta. Seeing the decomposed body of his beloved brings about a religious awakening for Sadamoto. The priest in Akinari’s story, on the other hand, does not experience a rehgious awakening and, instead, becomes a goblin. Still, at the very end, as in Sadamoto’s case, the fallen priest does gain salvation. If he had not fallen in love with a boy, the priest could have become a fine priest. But there is no guarantee that a fine priest will enter Nirvana in his lifetime. In a way, the fallen priest becoming the goblin is the very source of his future enlightenment, just as in Sadamoto’s case. The readers will recognize the parallel between the “Episode of Ôe Sadamoto” and “Blue Hood.” The parallel plot gives added depth to

239 Akinari’s text, enhancing its plausibility. These are just some of the many allusions Akinari uses. The well- informed reader will have the advantage of enjoying the overtones from the original sources. At the same time, they will appreciate Akinari’s technique of adopting each source to fit the needs of his own story, emphasizing the theme, implying the character’s nature, and merging the world o f the supernatural and reality.

8.4 Akinari’s Convictions and Intellectual Discourse In response to the story of the fallen priest, Kaian discourses on ignorant and crooked humans who turn into goblins. As usual, Akinari expresses his view o f a woman’s character through Kaian, which is, as explained in the previous chapter, that she is kadamashiki saga or of a crooked nature. He cites various examples from Chinese precedents:

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Also, there are some who are still ahve that turn into goblins. A 240 lady-in-waiting to the King of Ch’u became a serpent, the mother of Wang Han changed into a devil, and Wu-sheng’s wife, to a moth. Furthermore, once there was a monk who stayed in a meager peasant’s hut for a night. The wind blew and rain poured, keeping him awake without even a lamp for the lonely night. After midnight, he thought he heard a sheep bleating; after a while, he felt something sniffing his body as if to see whether he was asleep. He thought it strange, and no sooner did he strike something hard with a Zen rod which was placed by his pillow, than the creature screamed and fell on the spot. With this noise, the old mistress of this house came out with a hght. They found a young woman lying on the floor unconscious. The old woman begged for her life. What could he do? He just left the place. Later, when the priest passed by that area again, there was a crowd of people watching something in the field. “What is this about?” the priest asked. People replied that they caught alive a woman who turned into a goblin and were going to bury her. However, these are all about the cases of women, and I have never heard any examples of men. Generally, the crooked nature of a woman turns into a wretched demon.

A long hst o f examples are, as in the case of the “Cauldron of Kibitsu,” taken from the fifth volume ofGozasso. Notice that the last and longest example about a strange young woman who was about to be buried ahve, is a story within the main story. Not only is this a case of a woman turning into a goblin, but it also foreshadows the story of “Blue Hood.”^^ The priest who stays at a hut for a night suggests Kaian, and the young woman is the fallen priest. The act of striking her with a Zen rod is similar to Kaian’s conduct with the fallen priest at the end of story, and the priest’s passing through the village later brings to mind Kaian’s revisit to Tonda Village. Readers will conclude that the woman is dead when she is buried, and so, too, with the fate of the fallen priest. Interestingly, however, if one

241 reads carefiilly, he or she will notice that Kaian’s story does not exactly have an ending. It is as if one has awoken from a murderous nightmare right before the murder takes place. Contrary to the reader’s expectation, the similarity between the nightmare sequences o f the Kaian’s story and the main story end with Kaian. The reader enjoys Akinari’s skill of incorporating the example story from Gozasso into the main story to maintain some fearful anticipation and suspense. Through the voice of Kaian, Akinari considers that although the phenomenon of changing into a demon is fundamentally the same, the priest’s case is different from the crooked character:

(>9)T . s

His constant diligence and devotion indicates his absolute sincerity and reverence for serving Buddha. Had he not taken in the boy, he would have been indeed a fine priest. That he was trapped in a maze of carnal desire and transformed into a goblin o f purgatorial suffering was all caused by his honest and resolute character. His story echoes the saying, '"Yielding to the desires creates a monster: a restrained mind meets the fruit o f Buddha.”

It is the priest’s naoku takumashiki saga or “honest and resolute” character which turns him into a cannibal goblin. Needless to say, “honest and resolute” qualities have a positive connotation. We should recall that Akinari highly regards men with ^'‘naoki kokoro'" (an honest and

242 upright mind), including himself. This fortifies Akinari’s concept o f the dominance o f men over women, a view that was common in those days.^ As is the case of the “Cauldron of Kibitsu,” stating the common view brings the audience and Akinari to the same ground. According to Murata Noboru, Kaian’s expression, “W orn yurusebayôma to nari, osamuru toki wa bukka a eni"‘ ( [Y]ielding to the desires creates a monster; a restrained mind meets the finit of Buddha) is the doctrine of production by causation (# ^ ^ ). The doctrine of production by causation is that phenomenon “A” occurs because of phenomenon “B.” All phenomena are formed based upon countless conditions and causes. They are all mutually related, and if and when the various conditions and causes disappear, the phenomenon also disappears. When an innocent mind meets evil conjuncture or akuen # # , it is reduced to an ignorant condition (mumyô engi and when it meets good conjuncture or zen 'en # # , it turns into a redemptive condition(nyoraizô engi |2). In other words, when the priest meets the boy and turns into the cannibal goblin, the story exemplifies the idea that, “[Yjielding to the desires creates a monster” i.e., mumyô engi', and when Kaian meets and saves the priest, this represents the notion that “the restrained mind meets the finit of Buddha”, i.e., nyoraizô engi?^ Thus, the theme of carnal obsession becomes directly connected to the theme of salvation by virtue of the virtuous monk. This Buddhist theory of conditionedness is not easily recognized by the general audience. Readers do not necessarily have to know exactly what the theory of condition is in order to enjoy “Blue Hood.”

243 Without it, too, they can foretell the positive influence of Kaian over the priest. But with knowledge of this theory, the plot becomes more plausible to the reader, that is, he will more clearly discern how the bleak state of the priest changes into a positive direction. As explained in the previous chapter, Akinari’s ghosts usually horrify the readers by their gestures and actions rather than by their appearance. In “Blue Hood,” too, the horrifying supematuralness is described through how he acts, rather than how he looks. And it is emphasized by means of contrast — a serene-looking priest during the day and a hideous monster at night. During the day, when asked for lodging by Kaian, a thin, weak looking priest comes tottering out. Contrary to the reader’s expectation, he still has a normal human appearance;

36

“Evil things tend to happen in a desolate place like this. I cannot force you to stay nor can I make you leave. You do as you please.” Thereafter the priest said no more. Nor did Kaian ask a question, but he occupied a seat beside the priest.

Each sentence the priest utters is short and simple, without any decorative diction. The manner in which the priest speaks and acts reveals his indifference — seemingly serene and detached from all worldly affairs. In comparison, the priest behaves madly at night.

244 -f L-c±(c#u(, A/0 :ixht\cz.^h'o^ ^c^u ^(D^\zm'o<^<-à-t^tiit. m^ibx^xm'o <^i>.

The priest came out of the back quarter and anxiously looked for something. Unable to find it, he shouted, “Where is that damned monk!? He was sitting here before!” Though he ran back and forth in fi*ont of Kaian several times, he could not see Kaian. Rushing toward the hall now and dashing out to the yard next, circling around fi*antically dancing in confusion, finally he collapsed out of exhaustion and could not rise.

He runs around, going back and forth like a possessed man. In the original text, there is an illustration of the goblin chasing the villagers on the page in which the master o f the household narrates the history o f the priest. The illustration would help the readers imagine the mad, running priest. Yet, it is not the appearance which is so scary but the inner state of the priest which changes so much, like Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde. Many examples Kaian gave previously, such as of a woman transforming into a serpent, are an external transformation — they are obvious. In this case, the priest keeps a human shape, but in his mind, he is aware of his own evil conduct. This makes the story more fiightening because the reader knows that people are easily deceived by the priest’s outer appearance and, hence, fall into the role of victim. As is typical in Ugetsu monogatari, the supernatural scene which presents the Dr. Jekyll side of the priest begins with the rising of the moon:

245 “The night grows deep and the moon rose, shedding its bright light on every comer.” The moonlight is piercing cold and the night is motionless: the color contrast, white and dark blue, makes the scene more visual and static. Suddenly, in the midst of this quiet surrounding, the goblin dashes out from his quarters and acts madly as previously described. The readers, through the eyes of the narrator, watch the priest’s fast movement, a stark contrast to the static background. Akinari crafts the language to present a superb sample of mysterious visual imagery. His verbal presentation is so vivid that his text hardly requires illustration.^* The priest’s movements become more emphatic and realistic in the reader’s minds because of the contrast to his behavior during the daylight hours. Like other good writers, Akinari has the ability to come up with the most fitting words to evoke certain images. For example, after Kaian’s leave, a year has passed and nobody knows whether the priest is still alive or dead. In the mountain, Kaian finds him amidst natural surroundings:

L Lie,

[Kaian saw] a shadowy figure whose long, shaggy hair and beard were grown so long that one could scarcely distinguish whether it was a monk or layman. Amid the tangled creepers and toppled pampas around him came a broken, almost inaudible sound like the faint buzz of a mosquito:

246 Over the inlet, the moon shines brightly and the fresh wind breezes through the pine trees This long night, clear evening, what is it for?

Needless to say, the “shadowy figure” is the priest. But since nobody knows whether he is alive or not, and indeed, he is neither ahve nor dead, this “shadowy figure” is the perfect image. “Amid the tangled creepers and toppled pampas around him,” the “shadowy figure” is already part of nature. Only his obsession with the verses for his own salvation prevents him from completely assimilating with nature. To intensify its ambiguity whether this creature is animate or inanimate, Akinari writes of the murmuring sound coming from the creature in the Chinese character # , which means the sound of inanimate objects, but gives the Japanese rendering along side the character as koe, meaning “voice (of the animate).” Importantly, the murmuring sound is a sound symbol, like “rain” in the No play, “Moonlight and Rain.” In the play, the admirer of simulated rain is an enlightened being, the deity of Sumiyoshi Shrine. Similarly, in “Blue Hood,” Kaian who hears the sound is spiritually awakened, and the source o f the murmuring sound, the fallen priest, is near enlightenment, though, he is still struggling with his final obsession with salvation. Akinari, the admirer of the sound and the one who created the source of the sound, is also on the final stage of struggle. At this point, the priest’s previous obsession with carnal desire is re-directed toward his own salvation. His single-minded zeal for salvation keeps him on earth, murmuring the verses. It sounds fearsome and pathetic. Yet, probably due to the chosen time of the day — in the morning rather than

247 a moonlit night — the overall visual impression is not gloomy. And the coming climax is a beautiful and fresh visual presentation;

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Looking at the priest, he adjusted his hold o f the Zen rod, and with a thundering cry, “How is it then!?” He then hits the priest on the head. Immediately, the figure disappears like the morning dew, leaving only a blue hood and white bones on the green grass.

Contrary to the previous demonic image, the visual image of white bones and the blue of the hood against the green grass is pristine. The pureness is strengthened by the image of the morning “dew.” The disappearance of the “dew,” an entity related to “rain,” implies the exit from the chronotope of the supernatural. And, somehow, the cleansing morning sunshine seems to steep into the area. Unlike Lu Ta o f Water Margin who hit upon the meaning of the verse all alone and prepared himself for Nirvana, the priest obsessed with the meaning of the verse needed external help — help of a high priest of Zen Buddhism. The whack of the Zen rod on the head gives force to this story. Instantly, the image changes from the shadowy figure to the white bones. This mysterious supernatural phenomenon is proof of the priest’s salvation. At this moment, the nightmare for the fallen priest is broken, and so, too, for the readers and the priest in Kaian’s story. Importantly, salvation attained by the fallen priest symbolizes the end of Akinari’s long journey of

248 suffering. The previous human shape was deceiving because he had a demon inside. Kaidan in this story concentrates on the strange and mysterious “inside” of humans. This “insideness” is similar to the theme o f the No play, “Moonlight and Rain,” in which the image of rain is in the mind of the listener. Various phenomena in the play and the story are in virtual reality. In “Blue Hood,” when the external supernatural phenomenon becomes apparent, the story com es to an end. Unlike in the other stories in Ugetsu monogatari, the protagonist in “Blue Hood” is saved at the end, leaving a clear and fresh impression in the readers’ mind. Kayanuma writes that, “The final volume consists of Blue Hood’ and Theory of Wealth and Poverty,’'*' but the latter is a story in praise of the Tokugawa government as a formality to close the collection; therefore, the practical ending of Ugetsu monogatari is ‘Blue H ood.’”'*^ With the closing of “Blue Hood,” the nightmarish experience is over.'*^ The final scene of the story awakens the readers for a fresh new morning and brings us back to this world.

249 Notes

I Kayanuma Noriko, Akinari bmgaku no sekai (Tokyo, Kazama Shoin, 1979), p. 117.

3 Gerstle, p. 5.

3 Ujiie Mikito, Bushido to erosu (Tokyo, Kôdansha, 1995), p. 30. See also Mitamura Engyo’s “Ningen-bi no kyôsô” in Mitamura Engyo zenshû vol.12 (Tokyo, Chûô Kôronsha, 1976), pp. 167-177.

4 Iwata Jun’ichi, Honcho nanshoku kô (Ise, private printing, 1973).

5 Historical records support the popularity of such customs. For example. Lord Ikeda Mitsumasa (1609-82) in the fief of Okayama known as a wise ruler, grieved about the fighting among homosexuals over their lover(s) and strictly prohibited such relationships. He considered the act of a homosexual as an “unrighteous custom which is against the heavenly law.” Yet, to his disappointment, the roots of the practice of homosexual love were deep and the homosexuals, their families and relatives, did not observe Mitsumasa's wish. Ujiie, pp. 150-51.

^ Yu-Han Sin considered Japanese sexual customs to be very obscene. He criticized the customs of marrying a person with the same family name, mixed bathing, the great number of red-light districts and pornography, and expressions of people’s affection in public. Yu-Han Sin, Kaiyûroku (Tokyo, Heibonsha, 1974), pp. 311-14.

7 Quoted fi'om Park-Kwang Choi “Japanese Sexual Customs and Cultures Seen From the Perspective of the Korean Delegation To Japan,” in Sexuality and Edo Culture 1750-1850, August 18 1995, ed. Sumie Jones (Bloomington, Indiana University), p. 41.

8 Yu-Han Sin, p. 315.

250 Tandai shôshinroku in Ueda Akinari shû, p. 302.

10 Ibid., p. 352.

II Authored by Gasen, Kaidan otogizani contains seventeen kaidan stories. Kaidan otogiwarawa was written by Seikanbô Kôa and includes ten stories.

12 Quoted in Margaret H Childs, ""'Chigo Monogatari: Love stories or Buddhist SormonsT'' Monumenta Nipponica 35. 2 (Summer 1980): 127.

13 Nakamura Yukihiko, ed., Ueda Akinari shu. Nihon Koten Bungaku Taikei 56, pp. 122-31; Uzuki Hiroshi, Nihon koten hyôshaku: Ugetsu monogatari hyôshaku, pp. 575-631; Leon ZQ\btod,Ugetsu monogatari: Tales of Moonlight and Rain, pp. 185-94.

" Written by a Buddhist monk-turned Shinto preacher, Masuho Zankô, Endô tsugan is a collection of, with Zankô’s comments on, love tales from the past to the present.

15 Composed by the Buddhist monk, Yung Chia hsuan chueh (? - 713), in T’ang China, Shôdôka is a collection of 267 verses expressing the state of enlightenment. In Zen sects of Buddhism, the beginners recite them in their initiation. Especially among the Sôdô sect of Zen Buddhism, these verses are highly regarded. Murata Noboru, Kinsei bungei no bukkyôteki kenkyû (Tokyo, Hyakkaen, 1963), p. 373. i« Authored by Ejima Kiseki, Miyakodori tsumakoi no fue is a story of the resuscitation of a family line through love and adventure. The work is categorized as ukiyozôshi.

17 Akinari also referred to "''‘Kokoro ni hokekyô ojiseshi mono no shita, saritaru hitokashira no naka ni tsuki te kuchizu arishi en” (The Tongue o f a Man who Recited the Lotus Sutra in

251 Mind did not Become Rotten in His Exposed Skull) in Nihon ryôiki, no shinite nochi shita nokorite yama ni arite hokekyô o Jusuru koto"" (Tale of a Buddhist Monk who Died and His Tongue Kept Reciting the Lotus Sutra in a Mountain) in Konjaku monogatari, “Mikawa no nyûdô tonsei no koto ” (That Lay Priest of Mikawa Renounces from the World) in Uji shûi monogatari, and Daichûji engi ±4^ (History of Daichûji.) Goto Tanji, "Ugetsu monogatari no shutten o saguru" Kokubungaku kaishaku to kanshd 265 (June 1958): 61; Murata, p. 367. According to Katsukura Toshikazu, many of the diverse sources utilized for “Blue Hood” can be categorized into several types of tales such as shmen setsicwa (stories about obsessions), kôsô setsuwa (stories of an eminent priest), (stories of a cannibal monster), and môshû gedatsu setsicwa (tales o f deliverance from deep-seated delusion). [Katsukura Toshikazu, Ugetsu monogatari kôsô-ron (Tokyo, Kyôiku Shuppan Sentâ, 1977), p. 329.] Noda Hisao contends that having various types of narrative, Ugetsu monogatari was written well within the traditional framework. Noda, “Kaii shôsetsu no keifii to Akinari,” pp. 51-52.

18 Water Margin is a story about a band of outlaws who gather to fight against the evils of society. Regarding the authorship and various editions o f Water Margin, see Note 58 of Chapter One.

19 Uzuki, pp. 580-82.

20 Ibid., pp. 581-82.

21 Akinari gives his Japanese rendering ‘'^toshi no koro isojT to this word rather than the on-reading, “nenki gojun."’

22 Uzuki, pp. 580-81.

23 Aoki Masaji, Ugetsu monogatari, vol. 2 (Tokyo, Kôdansha, 1981), p . 161. 252 24 The verses signify that one who has obtained enlightenment will have infinite good for himself as well as for others. The distinction between self and other disappears, and one’s state of mind is clear and calm like the beautiful scenery described in the verses. Murata, p. 371. These lines also appear in the No text entitled “Yorobôshi”

25 Uzuki, p. 619. The verse that the abbot of Wu Tai Shan gave to Lu Ta is a prophesy of Lu’s life:

3§#rïDÊ Encountering the forest, (your destiny) will be activated. j§ Uj rîD ^ Encountering a mountain, (you) prosper iS tK ün ^ Encountering water, (you) flourish iiirX rJnit Encountering a river, (you) come to your end

The second character of the first line, # (//«, forest) and that of the last line, K (Jiang, river) signify the names of the persons, Lin chong and Sung Jimg. Through Lin chong. Lu Ta joins the Liang Shan bandits, and he goes to Mr. Wu Tai with the chief bandit o f Liang Shan, Sung Jiang, to see the abbot who gives Lu Ta the second verse (see the following Note, 25, regarding the second verse). The second character of the second line, ifi {Shan, mountain), and that of the third line, tK {Shui, water), represent layers of their base, Liang Shan (Mr. Liang) and Shui hu (Marsh).

26 The abbot gave Lu Ta the following verse which suggested Lu Ta’s entering Nirvana:

'ûKMt *9 C Encounter Xia (you) capture him Ô fin# Meeting La (you) seize him Listening to the sound of the tide, (you) round out the circle EfS ffiT® Looking at the promise (done), (you) rest in silence

The combination of the second characters of the third and last lines, means in Water Margin that the tide comes at the promised time without fail.

253 The combination of the last characters of the third and last lines, R is a Buddhist term for passing away. It means that when Lu Ta hears and sees the tide, he enters Nirvana. Suikoden, Chûgoku Koten Bmgaku Zenshû 12, trans. Komada Shinji (Tokyo, Heibonsha, 1962), p. 401.

27 Uzuki, p. 606.

28 Nakamura Yukihiko, ed., Ugetsu monogatari, p. 124.

29 “Hochû,” in Nakamura Yukihiko, ed., Ugetsu monogatari, p. 387.

30 Ibid., p. 387.

31 Nakamura Yukihiko, ed., Ugetsu monogatari, pp. 125-26.

32 Uzuki, p. 604.

33 Nakamura Yukihiko, ed., Ugetsu monogatari, p. 126.

34 See Nagashima Hiroaki, 'Dansei bungaku to shite no Ueda Akinari" Nihon bungaku. Special Edition: Kinsei ni okeru bunshô to katari 42. 10 (1993): 10-18.

35 Murata, pp. 370-71.

36 Nakamura Yukihiko, ed., Ugetsu monogatari, p. 127.

37 Ibid., p. 128.

38 There is only one illustration in each story of Ugetsu monogatari.

39 Nakamura Yukihiko, ed., Ugetsu monogatari, p. 130.

254 -*0 Ibid., p. 130. A romantic writer, Izumi Kyôka (1873-1939), writes o f kaidcm in “Kyû-bungaku to kaidcm” (Old literature and kaidan) as follows: “What 1 consider the bestkaidcm are those in Ugetsu monogatari. When 1 read ‘Blue Hood,’ I feel as if I am exposed to the true supernatural and its mystery, and cannot help being awed.” When Kyôka’s Yushima mode (Pilgrimage to Yushima) was performed, most probably under the supervision of Kyôka, the director had the protagonist recite r

T, 19 ttS, J (With a thundering cry, “How is it then!?” He then hits the priest on the head. Immediately, the figure disappears like the morning dew, leaving only a blue hood and white bones on the green grass.) Also critic Yoshida Seiichi points out the influence of “Blue Hood” on Kyôka’sKôya hijiri (Saint of Kôya). Muramatsu Sadataka, “Izumi Kyôka to Ueda Akinari” in Bessatsu Gendaishi Techô, vol. 3, Ueda Akinari: kaii yukei no bungaku, ed. Kuwahara Shigeo, (Tokyo, Shichôsha, 1972), pp. 288-292.

« As mentioned in Chapter One (page 29), nine stories are written in five volumes. “Blue Hood” and “Theory of Wealth and Poverty” are in the last, the fifth volume.

« Kayanuma, p. 117.

« Aoki Masaji considers nine stories ofUgetsu monogatari as nine consecutive nightmares in one night. Aoki Masaji, “Ugetsu no yoru,” in Aoki Masaji, Nakamura Hiroyasu, and Matsuda Osamu, "Sinpojiumu: Ueda Akinari o megutte," Nihon bungaku 20 (January 1971): 3.

255 CONCLUSION

“New genres,” Mikhail M. Bakhtin writes, “reflect changes in real social life. Those changes lead to new views of experience and to different genres o f speech, social behavior, and Uterature.”* The supernatural has been always part of Japanese life since ancient times. As noted in Chapter One, during the Edo period, both masses and intellectuals alike were increasingly interested in the inexplicable phenomena of this world, not necessarily for religious or political reasons, but rather, as part of genuine curiosity. Peace and social stability brought about in the early seventeenth century made death and terror associated with civil wars a thing of the past. In an era of peace, people could spend time reflecting on strange phenomena and terror, in part, as entertainment. Also, there appeared at that time the attitude which tried to explain the supernatural with reasons. The appearance of such books as Explanations to the Strange and Weird Tales, as mentioned in Chapter Three, reveals the locus of interest of people living in Edo Japan about the supernatural, and how they exphcated the strange. Reflecting people’s increasing interest in strange and mysterious tales, a great number of kaidan prose was published. Among them, Ugetsu monogatari is remarkable. With self-conscious hterary elements and poignant depiction of reality, Akinari, one of the last bunjin fiction writers of the Kyoto-Osaka regions in the Edo period, created high literature in the

256 popular kaidan genre. The sound of pine needles could virtually become the sound of rain for those who appreciated art and aesthetics, or so commented Saigyô in the No play, “Moonli^t and Rain.” Likewise, Ugetsu monogatari was a world in virtual reality for those who believed in the supernatural and in his skills to depict them. It may be said that Ugetsu monogatari may well have been one of a number o f attempts by young Akinari to gain wide recognition for his literary talent. By his twenties, he had found a talent in writing haikai poetry that made him well known among haikai circles. By his early thirties, before turning to Ugetsu monogatari, he tried his hand at prose fiction, pubhshing two works in the irreverent ukiyo zôshi genre.^ In ukiyo zôshi, characters are described in a humorous, detached and analytical manner. Perhaps Akinari, in his quest for recognition, found the mannerism and stereotyped depiction of characters in ukiyozôshi to be restrictive. Certainly, the realistic depiction of oppressed characters consumed by their own burning energy — such as those in Ugetsu monogatari — would be difficult to actualize with the constraints o f the ukiyo zôshi genre. Then Akinari discovered Tales o f the Thriving Field (1766), the kaidan collection written in the manner o f Tales of a Garland (1649). As seen in Chapter One, Tales of a Garland is highly sophisticated piece of kaidan fiction which gave new life to the kaidan genre. Tsuga Teishô, the author o f Tales of the Thriving Field and Tales of a Garland, was to be Akinari’s inspiration and mentor as he composed Ugetsu monogatari.^

257 Teishô’s works have the same major features which Ugetsu monogatari possesses but ukiyo zôshi do not. Namely, these are the use of multiple allusions, a tightly structured plot, prosodic style introduced earlier as Japanese writing mixed with Chinese characters, and scholarly argument. Akinari must have found that the kaidan genre offered great possibilities for exercising his talents. Mass appeal is an important element of kaidan, and Akinari knew how to give literary polish to stories in this genre geared toward entertainment. As a well-read man with a talent for poetry, who was also a student of National Learning (kokugaku), the demonstration of literary sophistication in his text was invaluable for the kind o f recognition he sought as a man o f letters. The intensity o f experience the readers encounter with the chronotopic structure ofUgetsu monogatari varies according to each individuals. Generally, the more literary knowledge the reader has, the better appreciate the world of the supernatural enriched by such literary technique as allusions. Allusions to other works gives added depth to Akinari’s text, enhancing its plausibility. Allusion to other works is a solid practice in the literary tradition of Japan. Akinari, who was well aware of such practice, employs more than sixty Chinese works and over one hundred Japanese sources in Ugetsu monogatari.^ Allusive techniques were an important means of bringing out the central theme of Ugetsu monogatari, human obsessiveness. For example, the suffering of Aoi from Genji monogatari is superimposed upon Sode in “Cauldron of Kibitsu,” and. Lady Rokujô’s intense fixation and

258 fierce attack amplifies Isora’s obsession with revenge. Similarly, in “Blue Hood,” the use of the language from “The Episode of Ôe Sadamoto,” in which Ôe Sadamoto mourns over the body of his beloved, strengthens the fallen priest’s lamentation and intensifies his obsession with carnal desire. Human obsessions, reinforced by allusions, make Akinari’s stories more powerfiil and believable. Not only the specific parts of individual stories but the work as a whole alludes to tradition, especially to precedents in No. As explained, Akinari adapted the structure of a single day’s program of No plays to make the different parts o f Ugetsu monogatari flow organically one into another. The sequence is plays having gods, warriors, women, mad persons (or miscellaneous plays in present time), and demons. As in the sequence of a No program, the flow o f the stories is important, for “the emotion o f an audience is affected by the preceding” story.^ Likewise, readers are drawn deeper into the realm o f kaidan as Akinari’s stories progress. In the opening phase of the story, the dynamic Sutoku’s ghost, a powerful deity, swiftly leads the audience into the world of the supernatural. After the dramatic evocation o f the deity’s indignation, the story that follows of a loyal warrior in “Clirysanthemum Tryst” begins on a more subdued note. As in the second category of No, the story tells of the suffering of warriors. Deeply immersed in the mood of the supernatural, the audience then enjoys the most fiightening kaidan in “Cauldron of Kibitsu.” The female protagonist, who undergoes the agony of humiliation and the barbs of jealousy because o f her deceitful husband, retaliates by torturing him

259 mercilessly. “Blue Hood” may have demonic subject matter, but the ending tone o f the story, which is also near the closing of the collection, is pristine. The organic flow based upon the No sequence gives artistic totality to Ugetsu monogatari. As mentioned in Chapter Eight, C. Andrew Gerstle states that the concept o f a cychcal movement or journey is fundamental in the Uterature and drama of Japan.^ Among the many forms of art and Uterature in which the cyclical movement is a part, Akinari purposefully chose the sequence particular to No. We may assume that this is because fitting his kaidcm stories to the paradigm of the traditional No art imparted respectability and artistic and literary credence to Ugetsu monogatari. Importantly, and more fundamentally, I believe, Akinari found one particular dynamic characteristic of No, the prayers and repose of obsessive, suffering souls, to have special relevance to his own work. Kaidan stories also deal witli the supernatural. In other words, though No and kaidcm are different genres, they have a common root in the depiction of obsessive behavior in supernatural contexts. Allusions to No in Ugetsu monogatari w ill adumbrate the sufferings of unsaved, obsessive spirits. The shadows of these obsessive spirits help merge the world o f the supernatural and reaUty. Interestingly, obsession becomes an even more intriguing aspect of Ugetsu monogatari when one recognizes that the author, too, had his share of obsessive personal traits. Bora an illegitimate child who never knew his father, and a victim of pediatric smallpox with fingers deformed, Akinari knew misfortune and injustice. According to Todorov, "'for many authors.

260 the supernatural was merely a pretext to describe things they would never have dared mentioned in realistic terms.'...Take, for example, the "themes of the other": incest, homosexuahty, love for several persons at once, necrophiha, excessive sensuality." Under the strict (but random) censorship of the shogunal government, there is a possibility that Akinari chose to use the supernatural to express his resentment toward societal ills. ^ Akinari sought justice and wanted recognition o f his skills. His almost childlike obsession with justice and fairness for the oppressed caused him to identify with the underdog and suspect that those more powerful were manipulating those less fortunate. It forged in him an unyielding sense of justice, which many acquaintances understood but which was often misinterpreted.* Nevertheless, his sense of justice manifests itself in his fiction.

In Akinari’s imaginary world, those characters who are previously weak and oppressed transform into the strong to gain justice. What Akinari could not realize in reality, he actualized in his fiction. With the help of the supernatural, Akinari’s fiction becomes a reality with justice. In “White Peak,” for example, thou^ Akinari upholds the concept of one- dynasty emperorship in Japan and opposes the Mandate of Heaven, he supports Sutoku emotionally, because Sutoku was unfairly persecuted. Similarly, in “Cauldron of Kibitsu,” all the while that Akinari portrays female jealousy as reproachable, he sides with the underdog, Isora, who mercilessly avenges her husband. Thus, the oppressed characters of Ugetsu monogatari are not only the representations of various types of

261 obsession in humans in general, but may be seen as those of Akinari’s alterego as well. I want to argue that for Akinari to write kaidcm, especially to call up the ghosts of oppressed characters to punish their oppressors, was at the same time, a catharsis for the obsessive side of his own nature. In other words, Akinari’s kaidan are not only about the beauty and the destructiveness of human obsession, but are the product of the author’s obsessive need for justice in his own life. The very act of writing these kaidcm may well have been Akinari’s means of finding release from his own obsessiveness. When the cyclical journey of Ugetsu monogatari ends, Akinari’s journey of suffering also ends. Ugetsu monogatari was a product o f the author’s beUefs, knowledge, and experiences as well as his drive to be widely recognized. Kaidcm are still very popular in present-day Japan. Every year, a great number o f kaidan continue to be told and written in a range of genres and contexts. But among them all, Ugetsu monogatari occupies a special place. This is an ambitious literature which reflects reality. The more one explores the work and its author, the more they have to offer. The echoes of tradition continue to give Ugetsu monogatari an enduring depth. Akinari’s strong belief in the supernatural, his personahty, and his incorporation of sophisticated literary elements, all make Ugetsu monogatari a classic in the kaidcm tradition, a work which retains the popular appeal of stories of the supernatural but also stands as the proving ground for Akinari’s finely honed hterary talents and his finely tuned sense of justice.

262 263 Notes

^ Mikhail M. Bakhtin, The Dialogic Imagination, p. 111.

^ They diQ Shodôkikimimi sekenzam (Worldly C\mo\xsMorlkey,\166)diRà.Sekentekake katagi (Worldly Mistresses, 1767). Regarding ukiyozôshi, see note 16 of Chapter One.

^ See Nakamura Yukihiko, "Ueda Akinari no shi, Tsuga Teisho," Rekishi to jinbutsu 27 (February 1974): 131.

^ Nakamura Hiroyasu, "Tenkyo oyobi kankeisho ichiran,” quoted in Takada Mamoru, "Kaisetsu," in Hanabusa zôshi, Nishiyama monogatan, Ugetsu monogatari, Harusame monogatari, p. 48.

^ C. Andrew Gerstle, Circles o f Fantasy: Convention in the Plays o f Chikamatsu (Harvard University Press, 1986), p. 2.

^ Gerstle, p. 5.

^ Tzvetan Todorov, The Fantastic: A Structural Approach to a Literary Genre (Ithaca, New York, Cornell University Press, 1973), p. 158. During the Edo period, censorship was enforced mainly through the authors’-pubhshers’ willingness to cooperate. As part of the Shogun Yoshimune’s Kyôhô Reform (1716-1744), the military government rendered an edict ordering publishers to form guilds. This edict, issued in 1722, clearly made the guilds responsible for censorship. [Jay Rubin, Injurious to Public Morals: Writers and the Meiji State (Seattle and London, University of Washington Press, 1984), p. 17.] “As early as 1644, playwrights had been forbidden to use the names of actual people, and edicts against the treatment of current events in books or the selUng of news broad-sheets {yomiuri or kawaraban) were issued in 1684, only to be reissued at surprisingly frequent intervals as they were disobeyed. Ibid., p. 17. According to the edict, writings on heterodoxy, pornography,

264 writings which negatively reflect the house of illustrious samurai, or anything about the Tokugawa family was prohibited. [Hamada Keisuke, “Shuppan janarizumu tanjô,” in Bunka ryôrcm, pp. 35-37 ] The effect of this edict was that any criticism of society, however minor,could be prohibited on the grounds that it was a criticism against the Tokugawa family which governed Japanese society. One should not completely eliminate the possibility of kaidan as a camouflage. Relating to the topic of the fantastic and censorship of the late Edo period, see Sumie Jones, “The Other Side of the Hakone: Ghosts, Demons, and Desire for Narrative in Edo Literature,” in The Desire for Monogatari: Proceedings of the Second Midwest Research/Pedagogy Seminar on Japanese Literature (Indiana, Purdue University, 1994), pp. 53-78.

* For example, when an attaché of a Korean diplomat was killed in 1764, the young culprit was apprehended, tortured, then decapitated. [Matsuda Osamu writes that Akinari considered the young culprit a scapegoat, and the real mastermind an avaricious man of a higher cast. Matsuda Osamu, "Sei tôbôsha, Ueda Akinari," Subaru 13 (June 1973): 28.] Akinari decried the culprit’s cruel treatment by the authorities as “mugor (merciless). [Ueda Akinarishu, pp. 289-90.] Akinari stood firm against conspiracy and manipulation of the weak.

265 General Bibliography

Abbreviations

HJAS — Harvard Journal o f Asiatic Studies JAS — Journal of Asian Studies MN — Monumenta Nipponica

A. Primary Sources 1. Akinari's works

Asano Sanpei ed. Ugetsu monogatari, Kuse monogatari Tokyo, Shinchôsha, 1979.

Fujii Otô ed. Akinari ibun Tokyo, Shûbunkan, 1919.

Iwasaki Koyata q ± Ueda Akinari zenshû 2 vols. Tokyo, Kokusho Kankôkai, 1970.

MaruyamaSueo ed. Harusame monogatari ####. Tokyo, Koten Bunko, 1951.

Miyama Yasushi ed. Harusame monogatari, Kakizome kigenkai # % # # # . Tokyo, Shinchôsha, 1980.

Nakamura Yukihiko Ue(ki Akinari shû Nihon Koten Bungaku Taikei 0 56. Tokyo, Iwanami Shoten, 1959.

266 Nakamura Yukihiko, Takada Mamoru and Nakamura Hiroyasu eds. Hanabusa zôshi, Nishiyama monogatari, Ugetsu monogatari, Harusame monogatari # # # #Nihon . Koten Bungaku Zenshû 0 48. Tokyo, Shôgakukan, 1973.

ShigetomoKi Qd. Ueda Akinari shû Nihon Koten Zensho 0 Tolqro, Asahi Shimbunsha, 1957.

Suzuki Toshiya Ueda Akinari zenshû. Tokyo, Fuzanbô, 1938.

Ueda Akinari Zenshu Henshu linkai ed. Ueda Akinari zenshû vols. 11. Tokyo, Chûô Kôronsha, 1990-94.

Urushiyama Matashirô ed. Urushiyamabon Harusame monogatari Tokyo, Iwanami Shoten, 1950.

2. Translations of Akinari's works in English

Allen, Lewis. "'The Chrysanthemum Vow,' from the Ugetsu Monogatari (1776) by Ueda Akinari." Durham University Journal 28 (1967): 108-16.

Blacker, Carmen, and W.E. Skillend. "Muô no rigyo (The Dream Carp)." Selections from Japanese Literature (12th to 19th Centuries), ed. F.J.Daniels. London, Lund Humphries, 1959, pp. 164-71.

Chambers, Anthony. "Hankai: A Translation from Harusame monogatari by Ueda Akinari." A/V 25 (1970): 371-406.

Hamada Kengi. Tales of Moonlight and Rain: Japanese Gothic Tales by Uyeda Akinari. Tokyo, University of Tokyo Press, 1971. 267 Hansey, Alf. "The Blue Hood." The Young East 2 (February 1927): 314-19.

Hearn, Lafcadio. "Of a Promise Kept,” "The Story o f Kôgi the Priest.” A Japanese Miscellany. Strange Stories - Folklore Gleanings — Studies Here & There. Tokyo, Charles E. Tuttle Co., 1967; reprint, 1971, pp. 11-17,61-71.

Jackman, Barry. Tales o f the Spring Rain. Tokyo, University of Tokyo Press, 1975.

Sasaki Takamasa. Tales o f a Rain'd Moon. Illustrations by Kaburaki Kiyotaka. Tokyo, Hokuseidô Press, 1980.

Saunders, E. Dale. "Ugetsu monogatari, or Tales of Moonlight and Rain." MN1\ (1966): 171-202.

Ueda Makoto. "A Blue Hood." San Francisco Review 1. 4 (1960): 42-47.

Whitehouse, Wilfrid, and M.A. Matsumoto. "Ugetsu monogatari: Tales of a Clouded Moon.”MN I (1938): 242-58, (July 1938): 257-75,4 (1941): 166-91.

Young, Blake Morgan. "'Hankai', a Tale from the Harusame monogatari by Ueda Akinari (1734-1809)." HJAS 32 (1972): 150-207.

Zolbrod, Leon M. "Shiramine (White Peak), from Ugetsu monogatari (Tales of Moonlight and Rain), by Ueda Akinari (1734-1809)." Literature East and West 11 (1967): 402-14.

. Ugetsu monogatari: Tales o f Moonlight and Rain. Vancouver, University of British Columbia Press, 1974.

268 3. Works Other than Akinari's

Abe Kimio and Asô Isoji eds. Kinsei haiku kaibun shû Nihon Koten Bungaku Taikei 92. Tokyo, Iwanami Shoten, 1964.

Arai Hakuseki Oritaku shiba no ki Tokyo, Iwanami Shoten, 1939.

Bakhtin, Mikhail M. The Dialogic Imagination, tr. Caryl Emerson and Michael Holquist. Austin, University of Texas Press, 1981.

. Shôsetsu no kotoba Translated by Itô Ichiro. Tokyo, Shinjidai-sha, 1978.

. Rablelais and His World. Translated by Helene Iswolsky. Bloomington, Indiana University Press, 1984.

Bishiop, John Lyman. The Colloquial Short Story in China. Massachusetts, Harvand University Press, 1956.

Brandon, James R. Kabuki, Five Classic Plays. Cambridge, 1975.

Endô Yoshimoto and Kasuga Kazuo # 0 eds. Nihon ryôiki 0 Nihon Koten Bungaku Taikei 70. Tokyo, Iwanami Shoten, 1967.

Feng, Meng-lung, ed., Chuan-hsiang Ku-chin hsiao-shuo Hai- hsia wen i chu pan she; Fu-chien sheng Hsin hua shu tien ching hsiao, 1985.

Hearn, Lafcadio. Exotics and Retrospectives. Rutland, C.E.Tuttle Co., 1971.

. In Ghostly Japan. Boston, Little, Brown, and Company, 1899.

. Kottô. New York, The Macmillan Company, 1902. 269 Hearn, Lafcadio. Kuwaidan: Stories and Studies of Strange Things. Boston and New York, Houghton MifQin Company, 1904.

. Shadowings. Boston: Little Brown and Company, 1902.

Ihara Saikaku The Great Mirror of Male Love. Translated with an Introduction by Paul Gordon Schalow. Calfomia, Stanford Press, 1990.

Kaibara Ekiken, Murô Kyûsô, Nihon shisô taikei 34, eds. Araki Kengo and Inoue Tadashi. Tokyo, Iwanami Shoten, 1970.

Kinko kikan 1 Chûgoku Koten Bungaku Zenshû 18. Translated by Chida Kuichi, et. al. Tokyo, Heibonsha, 1962.

Kobayashi Chisho ed. Ujishûi monogatari Nihon Koten Bungaku Zenshû 28. Tokyo, Shôgakukan, 1973.

KonnoEnsuke 4-^ 0#. Nihon kaidan-shû: Yûrei-hen B Tokyo, Shakai Shisô-sha, 1969.

Kurashima Sesshd ed. Kinsei kaikidan Koten Bunko 551. Tokyo, Koten Bunko, 1992.

Kuriyama Riichi ISIiLS—, Yamashita Ikkai LÜT— Maniyama Kazuhiko Alli—#, and Matsuo Yasuaki eds.Kinsei haiku haibun shû Nihon Koten Bungaku Zenshû 42. Tokyo, Shôgakukan, 1972.

Ma, Y. W. and Joseph S.M.Lau, eds. Traditional Chinese Stories. New York, Columbia University Press, 1978.

Mabuchi Kazuo Kunisaki Fumimaro and Konno Tôru eds. Konjaku monogatari shû 3 Nihon Koten Bungaku Zenshû 23. Tokyo, Shôgakukan, 1974.

270 Munemasa Isoo Matsuda Osamu and Teruoka Yasutaka eds. Ihara Saikaku-shû Nihon Koten Bbmgaku Zenshû 39. Tokyo, Shôgakukan, 1973.

Noda Hisao ed. Kana Zôshishû I Nihon Koten Zensho Tokyo, Asahi Shinbunsha, 1960.

Ôkubo Tadashi ::k^^iE, ed. Motoori Norinaga Zenshû vols. 8 and 9. Tokyo, Chikuma Shobo, 1968 and 72.

Saeki Umetomo, ed. Kokin wakashu Nihon Koten Bungaku Taikei 8. Tokyo, Iwanami Shoten, 1958.

Sanari Kentarô fëj5È^;kêlî. Yôkyoku taikan vols. 1 and 5. Tokyo, Meiji Shoin, 1930 and 31.

Sangokusi engi /, 2 Chûgoku Koten Bungaku Zenshû 8 and 9. Translated by Tatsuma Shôsuke. Tokyo, Heibonsha, 1959.

Sentô shinwa, Sentôyowa, etc., Chûgoku Koten Bungaku Zenshû 20. Translated by lizuka Akira and Yoshio Imamura. Tokyo, Heibonsha, 1962.

Suikoden 7KÜW6 . Chûgoku Koten Bungaku Zenshû. 10-12. Translated by Komada Shinji. Tokyo, Heibonsha, 1959-62.

Takada Mamoru, ed. Edo Kaidan-shû 3 vols. Tokyo, Iwanami Shoten, 1989.

Takada Mamoru, et al, ed. Honcho suikoden, Kikô, Mino nikki, oriorigusa 0 12, ÿ f # #Shin . Nihon Koten Bungaku Taikei #f 0 {New Outline of Classical Japanese Literature) 79. Tokyo, Iwanami Shoten, 1992.

Terakado Seiken. Edo hanjôki vol. 2. Translated by Taketani Chôjirô. Tokyo, Kyôikusha, 1980. 271 Teruoka Yasutaka and Kawashima Tsuyu eds. Buson shû, Issa shû Nihon Koten Bungaku Taikei 58. Tokyo, Iwanami Shoten, 1964.

Tokugawa bungei ruishû vol.4, ed. Kokusho Kankôkai. Tokyo, Kokusho Kankôkai, 1970.

Tokuda Takeshi and Yokoyama Kuniharu eds. Shigeshigeyawa, Kyokutei denki hanakanzashi, Saibara kidan, Toribeyama shirabe no itomichi AîZZlij##.Shin Nihon Koten Bungaku Taikei (New Outline of Classical Japanese iterature) 80. Tokyo, Iwanami Shoten, 1992.

Yamaguchi Takeshi iJj P S'J, ed. Nihon meicho zenshû f# # . Kaidan Meisaku Shû Tokyo, Nihon Meicho Zenshû Kankôkai, 1927.

Yu-Han Sin $ # # .Kaiyûroku Translated by Tokyo, Heibonsha, 1974.

B. Secondary Sources 1. Books in Japanese

Aoki Masaji Ugetsumonogatari #0^. vols. 2, Tokyo, Kôdansha, 1981.

Aoki Masaru W;=t^IEi^. Aoki Masaru zenshû vol. 2, Tokyo, Shunjûsha, 1970.

Asano Sanpei ##54^Akinari . zenkashû to sono kenkyû t Tokyo, Ôfûsha, 1969.

Asano Sanpei. Kinsei shôsetsu no kenkyû Tokyo, Ôfûsha, 1975.

272 Asano Sanpei. Ueda Akinari no kenkyû Tokyo, Ôfûsha, 1985.

Asô Isoji Edo bungaku ta chûgoku bungaku je# . Tokyo, Sanseidô, 1955.

. Edo shôsetsu gairon Tokyo, Yamada Shoin, 1956.

. Kinsei shôsetsu Tokyo, Shibundô, 1952.

. Nihon bungakushi gairon. Tokyo, Meiji Shoin, 1967.

Bito Masahide # # ïE ^ , et al., eds.Kinsei 5 jStfc. Iwanami Kôza Nihon Rekishi 13. Tokyo, Iwanami Shoten, 1977.

Ebara Taizô M M ##. Ebara Taizô chosaku shû vols. 13 and 17. Tokyo, Chûô kôronsha, 1979 and 1980.

.Kana zôshi . Iwanami Kôza 19. Tokyo, Iwanami Shoten, 1933.

Edo no kaiki, gensô kûkan, Kokubungaku Kaishaku to kyôzai no kenkyû. 3 7 .9 (August 1992).

Ema Tsutomu K # # . Ema Tsutomu chosakushû vol 6. Tokyo, Chûô Kôronsha, 1977.

EtôJun K ##. Kindai izen ÆftGl#. Tokyo, Bungei Shunjûsha, 1985.

Gunji Masakatsu Kabuki no bigaku ##(^(7)##. Tokyo, Engeki Shuppansha, 1976.

Hattori Sachio. Sakasama no yûrei è è ^ Tokyo, Heibonsha, 1989.

273 Hinatsu Kônosuke 0 Hinatsu Kônosuke zenshû 0 vol. 4. Tokyo, Kawade Shobo Shinsha, 1976.

Hino Tatsuo 0 Norinaga to Akinari a #t Tokyo, Chikuma Shobo, 1984.

Hisamatsu Sen'ichi . Nihon bungaku kenkyû shi 0 Hisamatsu Sen'ichi Chosaku shû II. Tokyo, Sibundo, 1969.

Hisamatsu Sen'ichi, et al, ed. Nihon Bungaku Shi 0 6 vols. Tokyo, Shibundô, 1964.

HôjôHideo Shinshû Asai Ryôi Tokyo, Kazama Shoin, 1974.

Hongô Takamori et al. eds. Kinsei shisô-ron Kôza Nihon Kinsei Shi 0 9. Tokyo, Yûhikaku, 1981.

Dceda Yasaburô Nihon no yûrei 0;$:(7)##. Tokyo, Chûô Kôronsha, 1959.

Inada Atsunobu ed. Akinari: katari to genmu >3 6 ^ # . Nihon Bungaku Kenkyû Shiryô Sinshû 0 8. Tokyo, Yûseido Shuppan, 1987.

Ishizaki Matazô Kinsei nihon ni okeru Shina zokugo bungaku shi iS# 0 ft 6 Tokyo, Shimizu Kôbundô Shobô, 1967.

Iwahashi Koyata Ueda Akinari Tokyo, Yûseidô, 1975.

Iwata Jun’ichi . Honchô nanshoku kô Ise: Private printing, 1973.

274 Kami to hotoke #t {L. Nihon Minzoku Bunka Taikei 4 8 Miyata Noboni ed. Tokyo, Shôgakukan, 1983

Kasahara Nobuo. Bi to aku no dentô #t Tokyo, Ôfûsha, 1969.

Katsukura Toshikazu # # -# —.Ugetsu monogatari kôsô-ron Tokyo, Kyôiku Shuppan Sentâ, 1977.

Kawase Kazuma h i#—# . Nihon shuppan bunka-shi Tokyo, Nihon Edita Sukûru Shuppanbu, 1983.

Kayanuma Noriko Akinari bungaku no sekai Tokyo, Kazama Shoin, 1979.

Kidan, kibun Nihon Shomin Seikatsu Shiryô Shûsei 16 0 Tokyo, San’ichi Shobô, 1970.

Kindai Bungakushi Kenkyû no Kai ed. Kinsei chiiki bungaku no kenkyû Tokyo, Kazama Shoin, 1971.

Kobayashi Hideo Motoori Norinaga. Tokyo, Shinchôsha, 1977.

Komatsu Kazuhiko Hyôreishinkô-ron Tokyo, Arina Shobô, 1984.

Komparu Kunio The Noh Theater. Tokyo, Weatherhill, 1983.

Konta YÔZÔ Edo no hon'ya san Tokyo, Nihon Hôsôkyôkai, 1977.

M aedaAi Genkei no Meiji Maeda Ai Chosaku shû 4. Tokyo, Chikuma Shobô, 1989.

275 Maeda Ai. Kindai dokusha no seiritsu Tokyo, Chikuma Shobô, 1989.

Maruyama Masao . Nihon seiji sisô shi kenkyû Tokyo, Tokyo Daigaku Shuppan, 1952.

Matsuda Osamu Nihon kinsei bungaku no seiritsu Tokyo, Hôsei daigaku Shuppan, 1972.

Matsuda Osamu. Edo itan bungaku nooto — h. Tokyo, Seidosha, 1993.

Matsuda Osamu, et al, eds. Ueda Akinari^ Zusetsu Nihon no Koten 17. Tokyo, Shûeisha, 1981.

Matsuo Yasuaki ed. Kinsei bungaku ronkô: kenkyû to shiryô. Tokyo, Ôfûsha, 1985.

Mitamura Engyo Mitamura Engyo Zenshû Vol. 12. Tokyo, Chûô Kôronsha, 1976.

Miyazaki Michio Arai Hakuseki no kenkyû Yoshikawa Kôbunkan, 1958.

Miyazaki Ninshô. Henro: sono kokoro to rekishi Tokyo, Shôgakukan, 1974.

Mizuki Shigeru TKÿ^Llfà. Yôkai gadan Tokyo, Iwanami Shoten, 1994.

Monta Kirô Ueda Akinari Tokyo, Kinokuniya Shoten, 1969.

, ed. Kôchû Ugetsu monogatari Tokyo, Kazama Shoin, 1974.

276 Moriyama Shigeo Ueda Akinari shoki ukiyo-zoshi hyôshaku _h Tokyo, losho Kankôkai, 1977.

. Gen'yô no bungaku Ueda Akinari Tokyo, San’ichi Shobô, 1982.

. Akinari: Kotoba no henkyô to ikai Tokyo, San’ichi Shobô, 1989.

. Chûsei to kinsei no genzô Tokyo, Shin dokushosha, 1965.

. Hôken shomin bungaku no kenkyû Tokyo, San’ichi Shobô, 1960.

. Kinsei no katari to geki <9 tM . Tokyo, San’ichi Shobô, 1987.

. Ueda Akinari Shiteki jônen no sekai Tokyo, San’ichi Shobô, 1987.

Motoyama Yukihiko Motoori Norinaga. Tokyo, Shimizu Shoin, 1978.

Morohashi Tetsuji Daikartwa Jiten vol. 3. Tokyo, Taishukan, 1984.

Munemasa Isoo Kinsei Kyoto shuppan bunka no kenkyû j® Kyoto, Dôhôsha Shuppan, 1982.

Murata Noboru Kinsei bungei no bukkyôteki kenkyû Tokyo, Hyakkaen, 1963.

Nagasawa Kikuya Shina gikyoku shôsetsu no kenkyû Nagasawa Kikuya Chosakushû 5. Tokyo, Kyûko Shoin, 1985.

277 Nagashima Hiroaki Ueda Akinari Tokyo, Shinchôsha, 1991.

Nagatomo Chiyoji ftfo. Kinsei no dokusho Tokyo, Seimodô, 1987.

Nakagawa Akira at al. Nihon no Yûrei. Osaka, Osaka Shoseki, 1982.

Nakamura Yukihiko, ed. Akinari Nihon Koten Kanshô Kôza 0 24. Tokyo, Kadokawa Shoten, 1969.

. Kinsei bungei shichôkô Tokyo, Iwanami Shoten, 1975.

. Kinsei sakka kenkyû Tokyo, San'ichi Shobô, 1961.

. Kinsei shdsetsushi no kenkyû Tokyo, Ôfûsha, 1961.

Nakamura Yukihiko and Mizuno Minoru 7 k # # , eds. Akinari, Bakin Kanshô Nihon Koten Bungaku 0 4;^A:):# 35. Tokyo, Kadokawa Shoten, 1977.

Nakamura Yukihiko and Nishiyama Matsunosuke eds. Bunka rydran Nihon Bungaku no Rekishi 0 8. Tokyo, Kadokawa Shoten, 1967.

Nihon Bungaku Kenkyukai 0 ed. Nihon bungaku no kenkyû Tokyo, Bunri Shoin, 1974.

Nihon Bungaku Kenkyû Shiryô Kankôkai 0 ed. Nihon bungaku kenkyû shiryô sôsho: Akinari 0 # Tokyo, Yûseidô Shuppan, 1972.

278 Nihon no Yûrei 0 Toida Michizô and Hirai Teüchi, eds., Kokubungaku: kaishaku to kyôzai no kenkyû b # # ( 0 #% . Tokyo, Gakutôsha, 19.9 (August, 1974).

Nihon shûkyô jiten Murakami Shigeyoshi # ed. Tokyo, Kôdansha, 1978.

Nihon shûkyô Jiten. Ono Yasuhiro /]'# # {# , et. al. eds. Tokyo, Kobundô, 1985.

Noda Hisao Kinsei bungaku no haikei Tokyo, Kôshobô, 1964; rpt. 1971.

Noda Hisao. Kinsei shôsetsushi ronkô Tokyo, Haniwa Shobô, 1961.

Noguchi Takehiko # P K # . Aku to Edo bunka #b rXF jtfk. Tokyo, Asahi Shinbunsha, 1980.

. Edo no rekisika Tokyo, Chikuma Shobô, 1979.

. Taihei no kôzu: Bunmei no seijuku Tokyo, Kadokawa Shoten, 1990.

Noma Kôshin. Kinsei sakkaden kô Tokyo, Chûô kôronsha, 1985.

Ôba Osamu Edo Jidai ni okeru chûgoku bunka Juyô no kenkyû 6 f Tokyo, Dôhôsha Shuppan, 1984.

Ôba Shunsuke Akinari no tenkanshô to démon b Tokyo, Ashi Shobô, 1969.

Ôsawa Hideki éd., Dôdô nihonshi: ÔEdo yôkai boomu 0 ^ A. Produced by Nihon Hôsô Kyôkai 0 4 ^ ^ # 60 min. Nihon Hôsô Kyôkai, 1996, Television. 279 Ogasawara Kyôko, ed. Kabuki no sekai. Nihon bungaku kenkyû shiryô shinshû 9. Tokyo, Yûseidô Shuppan, 1988.

Ôwa Yasuhiro Ueda Akinari: sono ikikata to bungaku ±ffl Tokyo, Shunjûsha, 1982.

. Ueda Akinari bungaku no kenkyû Tokyo, Kazama Shoin, 1976.

Sakai Koicbi . Ueda Akinari Tokyo, San'ichi Shobô, 1959.

Sekine Eiji Utano hibiki 9 Tokyo, Shinwa sha, 1996.

Shigetomo Ki. Akinari no kenkyû (Study on Akinari). Tokyo, Bunri Shoin, 1971.

. Kinsei bungakushi no shomondai Tokyo, Meiji Shoin, 1963.

. Ugetsu monogatari hydshaku Tokyo, Meiji Shoin, 1957.

. Ugetsu monogatari no kenkyû Kyoto, Daiyaesu Shuppan, 1946.

Shimizu Takayuki and Kuriyama Riichi. Buson, Issa. Kanshô Nihon Koten Bungaku 0 32. Tokyo, Kadokawa Shoten, 1979.

Shintô daijiten eds. Kyoto, Nozomikawa Shoten, 1981.

Suzuki Toshiya. Akinari to Bakin Tokyo, Chôjiya, 1948.

280 Tachikawa Kiyoshi Kinsei kaii shôsetsu kenkyû Tokyo, Kazama Shoin, 1979.

TaharaTsuguo HirataAtsutane Tokyo, Yoshikawa Kôbunkan, 1963.

Taishû bunka jiten: Encyclopedia o f Popular Culture. Ishikawa Hiroyoshi, et al. eds. Tokyo, Kobundô, 1985.

Takada Mamoru, ed., Akinari shû Kanshô Nihon no Koten B 18. Tokyo, ShôgakuTosho, 1981.

, éd., Kyôdô kenkyû Akinari to sono jidai #1^#% t Tokyo, Benseisha, 1994.

. Ueda Akinari kenkyû josetsu Tokyo, Nara Shobô, 1968.

. Ueda Akinari nempu kôsetsu Tokyo, Meizendô Shoten, 1964.

Takada Mamoru, et al. Akinari Shinpojiumu Nihon no Bungaku '> 10. Tokyo, Gakuseisha, 1977.

Takahashi Katsuhiko éd., Kaidan Tokyo, Sakuhinsha, 1996.

Tamura Yoshirô and Minamoto Ryôen ^ T R , eds. M/ion w okeru sei to shi no shisô Tokyo, Yûhikaku, 1977.

Teruoka Yasutaka. Kinsei bungaku no tenbô Tokyo, Meiji Shoin, 1953.

Toita Yasuji ed. Jôruri, Kabuki # # 1 ^Kanshô . Nihon Koten Bungaku 30. Tokyo, Kadokawa Shoten, 1977.

281 Tsuda Sôkichi Bungaku ni arawaretani waga kokumin shiso no kenkyû vols. 3 and 4. Tokyo, Rakuyô-do, 1918 and 1923.

Ueda Akinari: Gensô no hôhô. Kokubungaku kaishaku to kanshô iiffl

m x ^ f m 4 1 . 9 . Tokyo, Shibundô, 1976.

Ueda Akinari: gôsuto to meiroku no monogatari b 6 ^ # (7)#^, ed. Kokubungaku kaishaku to kyôzai no kenkyû. 40. 7. Tokyo, Gakutôsha, 1995.

Ueda Akinari: kaiiyûkei no bungaku ed. Kuwahara Shigeo Bessatsu Gendaishi Techô # # # 3. Tokyo, Shichôsha, 1972.

Ueda Akinari to Ugetsu monogatari

Ueda Akinari no sôgôtankyû ed. Hosaka Hiroshi. Kokubungaku vol. 4. Tokyo, Gakutôsha, 1959.

Ujiie Mikito Bushidô to erosu ^ p ^ . Tokyo, Kôdansha, 1995.

Uzuki Hiroshi # . Nihon koten hyôshaku: Ugetsu monogatari hyôshaku 5 PHTokyo, Kadokawa Shoten, 1969.

Wakan Hikaku Bungakkai ed. Kinsei bungaku to kanbungaku t Wakan Hikaku Bungaku Sôsho f o # 7. Tokyo, Hankô Shoin, 1988.

Yamaguchi Takeshi. Edo bungaku kenkyû Tokyo, Tokyodô, 1933.

282 Yamaguchi Takeshi. Kinsei shôsetsu 3 vols. Tokyo, Sôgensha, 1941.

Yanagita Kimio Yanagita Kunio shû Nihon Kindai Bungaku Taikei 0 45. Tokyo, Kadokawa shoten, 1973.

. Yôkai-dangi Tokyo, Kôdansha, 1977.

Yoshikawa Kôjirô Yoshikawa Kojirô Zenshû vol. 1. Tokyo, Chikuma Shobô, 1968.

2. Articles in Japanese

Aoki Masaji Nakamura Hiroyasu, and Matsuda Osamu "Sinpojiumu: Ueda Akinari o megutte" J i f f l ^ iô C o T . Nihon bungaku 0 20 (January 1971): 1-43.

Araki, James T. "Ueda Akinari no sakuhin kôsei no gihô" Kokubungaku Shunjû 2 (Febrary 1973).

Asano Akira. "Akinari to Saikaku" t Bungei kenkyû 33 (November 1959): 10-18.

Fujita Yukiko. “Edo no onna — shiitagerareta oimatachi.” Kokubungaku kaishaku to kanshô 20. 10 (December, 1959): 154-60.

Gotô Tanji "Chûgoku no tenseki to Ugetsu monogatari" 4*0(7) Kokugokokubun 0 ^ 0 :5 : 21. 11 (December 1952): 791-806.

. "Eihan nisho to Ugetsu monogatari no kankei" # Kokugo kokubun 25 (March 1956): 1-16.

283 Gotô Tanji. ""Gozasso to Ugetsu monogatari^'’ 2 $ # ^ ^ Rekishi Nihon 1 (December 1942): 162-66.

. "Ugetsu monogatari no seiritsu to Sentô shinwa" t Kokugo kokubun 22 (July 1953): 482-97.

. "Ugetsu monogatari no shutten o saguru" Kokubungaku kaishaku to kanshô 265 (June 1958): 52-64.

Hakura Yoshihisa. "Ueda Akinari to Ozawa Roan" t Kokugakuin zasshi 55 (June 1954): 126-32.

Hamada Keisuke “Bakin ni okeru shoshi, sakusha, dokusha no mondai” in Nihon Bungaku Kenkyû shiryô kankôkai, éd., Nihon bungaku kenkyû shiryô sôsho Bakin. Tokyo, Yôseidô, 1974, pp. 233-246.

Hisamatsu Sen'ichi. "Nihon ni okeru bimtai no ishild no hensen" B ioUNihon bungaku 10 (April 1961): 14-21.

Inoue Taishi ''"Ugetsu monogatari no \iyàgQVL^ Bôeidaigaku kiyô jinbun kagaku bunshitsu ^ 67 (September 1993): 11-24.

Ishikawa Jun "Akinari shiron" Bungaku 27 (August 1959): 83-88.

Kayanuma Noriko. "Ueda Akinari no shisô: Kokubungaku kara mita" _bffl Nihon bungaku (June 1973): 39-53.

Komatsu Hisao /j-'# # # . Ugetsu monogatari' no bunshô” T jif ^ # Kokugo to kokubungaku 602 (April 1974): 109-122.

284 Kondô Tadayoshi "'Hakujaden' to jasei no in'" F t . Nihon Bungaku 0 6 (Feb. 1957): 82-85; (Mar. 1957): 220-222; (May 1957): 376-379; (Sep. 1957): 654-656; (Oct. 1957): 686-689, 800-802; (Nov. 1957): 852-855.

Koyama Issei ’’“'Ugetsu monogatari to Shiromine-dera engi oyobi shikoku henrei reijôki ITS# Risshôdaigaku kokugo kokubun

IPPI (March 1975): 1-9.

Maeshiba Ken'ichi . " Hyaku monogatari hyoban' no rinri" Fg Nihon bungeigaku 26 (December 1989): 40-50.

Maeno Sadao. "Ueda Akinari no Man'yô gakii" Kokubungaku kaishaku to kyôzai no kenkyû t # # (7 )# % 4 (June 1959): 62-71.

Maruyama Sueo "Akinari no haikai to waka" t fp # . Kokubungaku kaishaku to kanshô 265 (June 1958): 12-19.

Matsuda Osamu. "Sei tôbôsha, Ueda Akinari" Subaru 13 (June 1973): 25-37.

. "Kikka no Chigiri ron" Bungei to shisô t # # 24 (February 1963): 18-35.

Miyamoto Saburô "Akinari no buntai to gohô" ^ ^ ( d XW- tmm. Kokubungaku mX^ 4. 7 (1948): 13-20.

Moriyama Shigeo. "Minwa to bungaku no hôhô — hakujaden to 'jasei no in’" ^m tX'^(D :ffm ^ Nihon bungaku 04^ 7 (February 1958): 1-18; (March 1958): 16-33.

. "Ueda Akinari ni tôei sita kaigai bungaku" X^. Kokubungaku (Feburary 1961): 94-103.

285 Moriyama Shigeo. "Ueda Akinari no bungaku no seiritsu" cofiêïr. Bungaku (March 1955): 21-34.

Nagashima Hiroaki "Akinari no jitsubo to sono shûhen" #:j5èco t -Çrcoüia. Bungaku 50 (May 1982): 86-104.

. "Akinari to Tennô" t Nihon bungaku 40 (March 1991): 24-32.

. 'Dansei bungaku to shite no Ueda Akinari" Nihon bungaku Special Edition: Kinsei ni okeru bunshô to katari 42. 10 (1993): 10-18.

Nakamura Hiroyasu. “‘Chikatabira’ to soragoto no hôhô” t <î: (D^^. Kokubungaku kenkyû 65 (June 1978): 82-90.

. "Ueda Akinari no shisô to buntai" t Nihonbungaku 11 (March 1962): 43-53; (July 1962): 44-60.

. "Ueda Akinari no shinpi shisô” Kokubungaku kenkyû 26 (1962): 96-105.

Nakamura Yukihiko. "Akinari den no shomondai" Kokubungaku kaishaku to kanshô 23. 6 (June 1958): 7-11.

. "Akinari to haikai" 6 # # . Haiku 24 (January 1975): 53-59.

. "Ueda Akinari to sono kôyû" h Rekishi to jinbutsu @5^^ A # 27 (November 1973): 152-160.

. "Ueda Akinari no shi, Tsuga Teishô" # # # # . Rekishi to Jinbutsu 27 (Febrary 1974): 124-135.

Noda Hisao. "Kaiishôsetsu no keifu to Akinari" in Kôza nihon bungaku: Kinsei-hen B A 2. Zenkoku Daigaku Kokugo Bungakkai, ed. Tokyo, Sanseidô, 1970. 286 Noda Hisao. "Ugetsu monogatari ni tsuite" #.9 'T . Nihon bungaku 5 (October 1956): 23-41.

Ogura Ryôichi . "Akinari 'Muô no rigyo' ron" #Jam. Joshidai kokubun 108 (December 1990): 25-39.

. "'Kibitsu no kama' kô" # . Joshidai kokubun 111 (June 1992): 81-93.

Ogata Isamu "Chûgoku hakuwa shôsetsu to Hanabusa zôshi'" 4'® am /hm t . Bungaku 34 (March 1966): 251-260.

Origuchi Shinobu Ilf P fH Jc, “Jokeishi no tanjô” In Origuchi Shinobu Zenshu ÿr P vol. 1. Tokyo, Chûô Kôronsha, 1965.

Shigetomo Ki. "Akinari to shi no sekai" t ^ (7 )# # . Kokubungaku kaishaku to kanshô (June 1948): 52-57.

. "Hon'yaku horian bungaku to shite no kindai shôsetsu" t Kokugo to kokubungaku 168(April 1938): 574- 595.

. "Saikaku to Akinari." Koten kenkyû 4 (October 1939): 15-28.

. "Ueda Akinari to Chûgoku shôsetsu" 1 (Ueda Akinari and Chinese Fiction). Bungaku 21 (September 1953) : 921-26.

Suzuki Toshiya. "Kaii shôsetsu sakka to shite no Ueda Akinari" Koten kenkyû 4 (October 1939): 29-46.

Tachikawa Kiyoshi. “Kaidankai kara kaii shôsetsu e” ^ Kokugo kokubun kenkyû 24 (1963): 10-19. 287 Tachikawa Kiyoshi. " Ugetsu monogatari no zengo" Kinsei bungaku kenkyû 4 (July 1971).

Takada Mamoru. "Akinari o kenkyû sum hito no tame ni” 6 Kokubmgaku kaishaku to kyozai no kenkyu 4 (June 1959): 77-80.

. "Kidansakusha no yumegatari: Akinari, Teishô, Ayatari o megutte" Bungaku 43 (June 1975): 40-57; (July 1975): 21-32.

Tanaka Kôji #% . "Tsukiyono kaii: Kibitsunokama'no rasuto siin notsuki” ^ >^40<"oT. Nihon bungaku Special Edition: Kinsei ni okeru bunshô to katari iÆ 4 2 . 1 0 ( 1 9 9 3 ): 28-36.

Uchida Tadayoshi “Edojin no fiishigi no basho” Shinn 5^# 73. 6 (November 1990): 115-142.

Uzidd Hiroshi. "Ugetsu monogatari kenkyû nôto (2), 'Jasei no in'" — h . Kokubungaku kenkyû 25 (March 1962): 150-54.

Wakui Takashi "Kinsei no bunshô-go to katari" *9. Nihon bungaku Special Edition: Kinsei ni okeru bunshô to katari 42. 10(1993): 37-48.

Warashina Katsuyuki "Ugetsu monogatari ni okeru kana no jiritsu to kanji no kino" r 6 Nihon bungaku Special Edition: Kinsei ni okeru bunshô to katari 42. 10(1993): 19-27.

Watanabe Norikimi "Ugetsu monogatari ' Asaji ga yado' no bunseki"

288 3. Books in English

Addiss, Stephen, ed. Japanese Ghosts & Demons: Art of the Supernatural. New York, George Braziller, Inc., 1985.

Bettelheim, Bruno. The Uses of Enchantment. New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 1977.

Booth, Wayne C. The Rhetoric o f Fiction. Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1961.

Brandon, James R., William P. Malm, and Donald H. Shively. Studies in Kabuki. University Press o f Hawaii, 1978.

Chatman Seymour. Story and Discourse. Ithaca and London, Cornell University Press, 1978.

The Classic Chinese Novel., ed. and trans. by C. T. Hsia. New York, Columbia University Press, 1968.

Company, Robert Ford. Strange Writing: Anomaly Accounts in Early Medieval China. Albany, SUNY Press, 1996.

DeBary, Theodore W.M. and Irene Bloom, eds. Principle and Practicality: Essays in Neo-Confiicianism and Practical Learning. New York, Columbian University Press, 1979.

Devi, Shanti. "Hospitality for the Gods: Popular Religion in Edo, Japan, an Example." Ph.D. dissertation.. University o f Hawaii, 1986.

Dore, R.P. Education in Tokugawa Japan. Berkeley and Los Angeles, University of California Press, 1965.

Drake, C. Christopher. “Saikaku's Requiem Haikai, a Thousand Haikai Alone in a Single Day. Its Context, Dynamic and Haibun Extensions.” Ph.D. dissertation. Harvard University, 1987.

289 Dubrow, Heather. Genre. London and New York, Methuen, 1982.

Eco, Umberto. Six Walks in the Fictional Woods. Massachusetts, Harvard University Press, 1994.

Fenno, Shelley. “Unity and the Three Principles of Composition in a No play.” Ph.D. dissertation, Indiana University, 1986

Foley, John Miles. Immanent Art. Indiana University Press, Bloomington, 1991.

Fowler, Edward. The Rhetoric o f Confession. Los Angeles, University of Calfomia Press, 1988.

Gerstle, C. Andrew. Circles o f Fantasy: Convention in the Plays of Chikamatsu. Harvard University Press, 1986.

Gunji Masakatsu. Kabuki. Translated by John Bester. Tokyo, Kodansha International Ltd., 1969.

Hegel, Robert E. The Novel in Seventeenth Century China. New York, Columbia University Presss, 1981.

Hibbett, Howard. The Floating World in Japanese Fiction. Tokyo, Charles E. Tuttle Co., 1959; reprint, 1986.

Hor, Annie Yuen-mun. “The Stone — An Interpretation o f the Supernatural in the Honglou Afcwg.” M.A.thesis, Ohio State University, 1988.

Idema, W. L. Chinese Vernacular Fictuion: The Formative Period. Leiden, E.J. Brill, 1974.

Iser, Wolfgang. The Implied Reader. Baltimore and London, The John Hopkins University Press, 1974.

. Prospecting. Baltimore and London, The John Hopkins University Press, 1989. 290 Iwasaka Michiko and Barre Toelken. Ghosts and the Japanese: Cultural Experience in Japanese Death Legends. Utah, Utar State University Press, 1994.

Iwasaki Haruko. "The World of Gesaku: Playful Writers of Late Eighteenth Century Japan." Ph.D. dissertation. Harvard University, 1984.

Japanese-English Buddhist Dictionary. Revised edition. Tokyo, Daitô Shuppansha, 1991.

Katô Shûichi. A History of Japanese Literature, vol. 2, The Years of Isolation, tr. Don Sanderson. Tokyo, Kodansha International, 1979.

Keenan David L. “The Forms and Uses of the Ghost Story in 18th Century China As Recorded in the ‘ Yueh-Wei Ts’aoT’ang Pi-chi’ o f Chi Yun (1724-1805).” Ph.D. dissertation. Harvard University, 1987.

Keene Donald. World Within Walls: Japanese Literature o f the Pre- Modem Era, 1600-1867. New York, Grove Press, 1976.

Kiej'e Nicholas. Japanese Grotesqueries. Rutland, Vermont, 1973.

Konishi Jin'ichi. The Archaicand Ancient Ages, A History o f Japanese Lliterature 1. Translated by Aileen Gatten and Nicholas Teele, and Edited byEarl Miner. New Jersey, Princeton University Press, 1984.

Leutner, Robert. Shikitei Sanba and the Comic Tradition in Edo Fiction. Boston, Harvard University Press, 1985.

MaClain, James L., John M. Merrian, and Ugawa Kaoru, ed., Edo and Paris: Urban Life and the State in the Early Modem Era. Ithaca, Cornell University Press,

Major Plays of Chikamatsu. Translated by Donald Keene. New York, Columbia University Press, 1961; reprint, 1990. 291 Markus, Andrew Lawrence. The Willow in Autumn: Ryutei Tanehiko. Cambridge, Mass., Harvard University Press, 1992.

Martin, Jo Nobuko. "Santo Kyôden and His Sharebon.” Ph.D. dissertation. University o f Michigan, 1979.

Matsumoto Shigeru. Motoori Norinaga, 1730 to 1801. Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1970.

Miller, Alan Lee. "Chinese Influence on the Indigenous Folk Religion of Japan." Ph.D. dissertation. University o f Chicago, 1968.

Miner, Earl. An Introduction to Japanese Court Poetry. Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1968.

Morris, Ivan, ed. and trans. The Life of an Amorous Woman and Other Writings by Ihara Saikaku. Connecticut, New Directions, 1963.

Morson, Cary Saul and Caryl Emerson. Mikhail Bakhtin: Creation of a Prosaics. Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1990.

Napier, Susan J. The Fantastic in Modem Japanese Literature: the subversion of modernity. Routledge, London and N.Y., 1996.

Nozaki, Kiyoshi. Kitsune: Japan's Fox of Mystery, Romance and Humor. Tokyo, Hokuseidô, 1961.

Ong, J. Walter. Oraligy and Literacy. London & New York, Methuen &Co. Ltd., 1982.

Plaks, Andrew H. The Four Masterworks o f the Ming Novel. New Jersey, Princeton University Press, 1987.

Pyle, Kenneth B. The Making o f Modem Japan. Toronto, D C . Heath and Co., 1978.

292 Sansom, G.B. Japan: A Short Cultural History. Stanford, Stanford University Press: 1931; reprint, 1978.

Slander, Mark Howard. The Yomihon Illustrations o f Katsushika Hokusai. Washinton, 1977.

Song, Whi-chi. "Yomeigaku as a Philosophy of Action in Tokugawa Japan: Ôshio Heihatirô (1793-1837) and His Rebelion in 1837." Ph.D. dissertation. University of Sourthen California, 1982.

Thomas, Roger K. "Plebian Travelers on the Way of Shikishima: Waka Theory and Practice during the Late Tokugawa Period." Ph.D. dissertation, Indiana University, 1991.

Todorov, Tzvetan. The Fantastic: A Structural Approach to a Literary Genre. Ithaca, New York, Cornell University Press, 1973.

Tôgasaki Fumiko. “Santo Kyôden’s Kibyôshi: Visual/Vertical and Contemporary/Classical Intercommunication.” Ph.D. dissertation, Indiana University, 1995.

Totman, Conrad. Japan Before Perry. Berkeley, University of California Press, 1981.

Tsunoda Ryûsaku, W.M. Theodore DeBary, and Donald Keene, comp. Sources o f Japanese Tradition, vol. 1. New York, Columbia University Press, 1958.

Tucker, Mary Evelyn. Moral and Spiritual Cultivation in Japanese Neo- Confucianism: The Life and Thought ofKaibara Ekken (1630-1714). New York, University o f New York Press, 1989.

Varley, Paul H. Japanese Culture. Honolulu, Universitiy of Hawaii Press, 1973.

Watt, Ian. The Rise of the Novel. California, University of California Press, 1957.

293 Welleck, René and Austin Warren. Theory o f Literature. New York; Harcourt, Brace & World, Inc, 1956.

Yasuhara Eri, Fujita. "Buson and Haishi: A Study of Free-form Haishi Poetry in Eighteenth Century Japan." Ph.D. dissertation. University of California, Losangeles, 1982.

Young Black Morgan. Ueda Akinari. Vancouver, University of British Columbia Press, 1982.

Yu Yin-shih. Shih in Chinese Culture. Shang-hai, Shang-hai People's Publication Company, 1987.

Zolbrod, Leon M. Takizawa Bakin. New York: Twayne Publishers Inc., 1967.

4. Articles in English

Addis Stephen. "Supernatural Art in Japan." Orientations. 16. 6 (June 1985): 18-29.

Akiyama Masayuki. "James and Nanboku: A Comparative Study of Supernatural Stories in the West and East." Comparative Literature Studies 22 (Spring 1985): 43-52.

Araki, James T. "A Critical Approach to the Ugetsu monogatari." MN22 (1967): 49-64.

Araki, James T. "The Dream Pillow in Edo Fiction." 25. 1/2 (1970): 43-105.

"The Belief in Inari — the God with the Fox as His Messenger." The East 10. 8 (October 1974): 30-39.

294 Bitô Masahide. "Religion and Society in the Edo Period as Revealed in the Thought of Motoori Norinaga." M odem Asian Studies 18 part 4 (1984): 581-592.

Blacker, Carmen. "The Religious Traveller in the Edo Period." Modem Asian Studies 18 part 4 (1984): 593-608.

Buchanan, Rev. D C. "Inari: Its Origin, Development and Nature." Transactions of the Asiatic Society o f Japan, 3d ser. 12 (1935).

Casal, U.A. "The Goblin Fox and Badger and Other Witch Animals of Japan." Folklore Studies 17 (1959): 1-91.

Cheung, Dominic. " Chrysanthemum Tryst' and Fan Chu-ch'ing's Eternal Friendship': A Comparative Study o f Two Ghost-Friendship Tales in Japan and China." Tamkang Review 8. 2 (October 1977): 121-132.

Crites, Stephen. "Angels We have heard" in Religion as Study, James B. Wiggins, ed. Harper Forum Books, 1975.

De Visser, Marinus Willem. "The Fox and Badger in Japanese Folklore.: Transactions of the Asiatic Society o f Japan 36, pt.3 (1964):1-159.

Devitt, Jane. "Santo Kyôden and the Yomihon." HJAS 39. 2 (December 1979): 253-274.

Fessier, Susanna. “The Nature o f the Kami: Ueda Akinari and Tandai Shôshin RokuT MN 51.1 (Spring 1996): 1-15.

Harada Violet H. "The Badger in Japanese Folklore." Asian Folklore Studies 35. 1 (1976): 1-6.

Harris, Trudier. “Genre.” JoMma/o f American Folklore 108. 430 (Fall 1995): 509-527.

Idema, W.L. "Storytelling and the Short Story in China." ToungPao 59 (1973): 1-67.

295 Dceda Yuriko. "Oni or Orgres in Japanese Literature." Waseda Journal of Asian Studies 1 (1979) : 34-47.

Itasaka Gen. "Characteristics o f the Literature o f Edo." Japan Foundation Newsletter 9. 5 (December 1981- January 1982): 1-5.

Jones, Sumie. “The Other Side o f the Hakone: Ghosts, Demons, and Desire for Narrative in Edo Literature,” in The Desire for Monogatari: Proceedings of the Second Midwest Research/Pedagogy Seminar on Japanese Literature. Indiana, Purdue Kuniversity, 1994.

Keene Donald. "Characteristic Responses to Confucianism in Tokugawa Literature." in Peter Nosco, ed. Confucianism and Tokugawa Culture. Princeton, New Jersey, Princeton University Press, 1984.

Komicki, P.P. "The Survival o f Tokugawa fiction in the Meiji Period." ™ 5 4 1 . 2 (1981): 461-482.

Lane Richard. "The Beginnings o f the Modem Japanese Novel {Kanazoshi, 1600-1682)" HJAS 20 (1957): 644-701.

Mori Masato. "Konjaku monogatari shû: Supernatural Creatures and Order." Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 9. 2-3 (June - September 1982): 147-70.

Najita Tetsuo. "History and nature in eighteenth-century Tokugawa thought." In The Cambridge History o f Japan, ed. John Whitney Hall. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1991.

Razs, Jacob. "Kuzunoha the Devoted Fox-wife: a Storyteller's version." Journal of Asian Studies 2. 1 (September 1984): 64-93.

Reynolds, David S. “The Role o f Cultural Biography.” The Chronicle of Higher Education, 25 April 1997, B4-5.

296 Sasaki Genjin H. "Fox Obssession in Japan: the Indian Background." Shakti 5. 3 (March 1968): 27-29.

Screech, Tim. "Japanese Ghost." Mangajin 40 (November 1994): 14-19,69.

Tsutsumi Kimihiko. "Weird Tales from Tokugawa Times" Connections with Buddhist Fable." Undercurrent 1 (March 1983): 31-41.

Umehara Takeshi. "Revengefiil Spirits and the Repose of the Dead." The East 17. 5, 6 (June 1981): 45-51.

Washburn, Dennis. "Ghostwriters and Literary Haunts: Subordinating Ethics to Art in Ugetu monogatari." MN 45. 1 (Spring 1990): 39- 74.

Wiston Davis. "Pilgrimage and World Revewal: A Study of Rehgion and Social Values in Tokugawa Japan." History o f Religion 23 (November 1983): 197-221.

Wong, Timothy C. “Entertainment as Art: An Approach to the Ku-Chin Hsiao-Shuo''* Chinese Literature: Essays, Articles, Reviews 3. 2 (July 1981): 235-50.

. "Morality as Entertainment: Altruistic Friendship in the Ku-chin hsiao-shuo." Rept. from Tamkang Review 13. 1 (Fall 1982): 55-69.

Yoshida Teigo. "Spirit Possession and Kinship System." East Asian Cultural Studies 11. 1/4 (March 1972): 44-57.

Young, Blake Morgan. "A Tale of the Western Hills: Takebe Ayatari's Nishiyama monogatari." MN 37 (1982): 77-121.

Zolbrod, Leon M. "A Comparative Approach to 'Tales of Moonlight and Rain.'" Humanities Association Bulletin 21 (Spring 1970): 48-56.

. ^^Kusazôshi: Chapbooks of Japan,”The Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan 10 (August 1968): 117-18. 297 Zolbrod, Leon M. "Yomihon; The Appearance of the Historical Novel in Late Eighteenth Century and Early Nineteenth Century Japan. JAS 25 (1966): 485-98.

298