The Management of Global Interdependencies
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History and Development of the Communication Regulatory
HISTORY AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE COMMUNICATION REGULATORY AGENCY IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA 1998 – 2005 A thesis presented to the faculty of the College of Communication of Ohio University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts Adin Sadic March 2006 2 This thesis entitled HISTORY AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE COMMUNICATION REGULATORY AGENCY IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA 1998 – 2005 by ADIN SADIC has been approved for the School of Telecommunications and the College of Communication by __________________________________________ Gregory Newton Associate Professor of Telecommunications __________________________________________ Gregory Shepherd Interim Dean, College of Communication 3 SADIC, ADIN. M.A. March 2006. Communication Studies History and Development of the Communication Regulatory Agency in Bosnia and Herzegovina 1998 – 2005 (247 pp.) Director of Thesis: Gregory Newton During the war against Bosnia and Herzegovina (B&H) over 250,000 people were killed, and countless others were injured and lost loved ones. Almost half of the B&H population was forced from their homes. The ethnic map of the country was changed drastically and overall damage was estimated at US $100 billion. Experts agree that misuse of the media was largely responsible for the events that triggered the war and kept it going despite all attempts at peace. This study examines and follows the efforts of the international community to regulate the broadcast media environment in postwar B&H. One of the greatest challenges for the international community in B&H was the elimination of hate language in the media. There was constant resistance from the local ethnocentric political parties in the establishment of the independent media regulatory body and implementation of new standards. -
Final Report
Project no. CIT2-CT-2004-506027 Project acronym: EMEDIATE Project full title: Media and Ethics of a European Public Sphere from the Treaty of Rome to the ‘War on Terror’ Instrument: Specific Targeted Research or Innovation Project Priority 7 Citizens and Governance in a Knowledge Based Society EMEDIATE Work Package Eight, Deliverable Fifteen (D15) Month 36 Final Report Due date of deliverable: Actual submission date: Start date of project: 1 September 2004 Duration: Three Years and One Month Organisation name of lead contractor for this deliverable: European University Institute Project co-funded by the European Commission within the Sixth Framework Programme (2002-2006) Dissemination Level PU Public X PP Restricted to other programme participants (including the Commission Services) RE Restricted to a group specified by the consortium (including the Commission Services) CO Confidential, only for members of the consortium (including the Commission Services) Contents: Introduction .............................................................................................................................. 3 Crisis Eras................................................................................................................................. 5 Public Sphere.......................................................................................................................... 10 Media Research ...................................................................................................................... 16 Constructions of ‘Europe’ -
Codebook Indiveu – Party Preferences
Codebook InDivEU – party preferences European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies December 2020 Introduction The “InDivEU – party preferences” dataset provides data on the positions of more than 400 parties from 28 countries1 on questions of (differentiated) European integration. The dataset comprises a selection of party positions taken from two existing datasets: (1) The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File contains party positions for three rounds of European Parliament elections (2009, 2014, and 2019). Party positions were determined in an iterative process of party self-placement and expert judgement. For more information: https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/65944 (2) The Chapel Hill Expert Survey The Chapel Hill Expert Survey contains party positions for the national elections most closely corresponding the European Parliament elections of 2009, 2014, 2019. Party positions were determined by expert judgement. For more information: https://www.chesdata.eu/ Three additional party positions, related to DI-specific questions, are included in the dataset. These positions were determined by experts involved in the 2019 edition of euandi after the elections took place. The inclusion of party positions in the “InDivEU – party preferences” is limited to the following issues: - General questions about the EU - Questions about EU policy - Questions about differentiated integration - Questions about party ideology 1 This includes all 27 member states of the European Union in 2020, plus the United Kingdom. How to Cite When using the ‘InDivEU – Party Preferences’ dataset, please cite all of the following three articles: 1. Reiljan, Andres, Frederico Ferreira da Silva, Lorenzo Cicchi, Diego Garzia, Alexander H. -
Transnational Party Political Actors:The Difficulties of Seeking a Role and Significance
『日本EU学 会 年 報 』 第26号, pp.63-83平 成18年 Transnational party political actors:the difficulties of seeking a role and significance Stephen DAY 1.0. Introduction The goal of this paper is to highlight the possibilities and difficulties associated with establishing transnational party political actors as key players at the transnational level. In so doing, its primary focus will be upon the European Political Parties (henceforth Euro-parties) which have sought, and continue to seek, to play such a role. Reference will also be made to the global Party Internationals (Pls), which despite having a longer history remain far less developed, as a way of highlighting a plethora of organizational difficulties faced by such bodies. Justification for the study of such entities can be gleamed from many sources. In 2000, for example, the Commission Green Paper on European Governance claimed that in the face of globalization new modes of governance were needed in order to rectify public issues of concern. From their perspective while events were shifting '•c towards an international/supranational space not governed by the traditional forms of democracy' the consciousness of the European public remained'•cgrounded in political mythology of national sovereignty and parliamentary democracy.' Was this a clarion call for political parties beyond the state ? Could such parties give substance to democracy and representation at the transnational level and replicate what political parties had done at the national level a la E. E. Schatt- schneider:'political parties created democracy and modern democracy is 63 『日本EU学 会 年 報 』 第26号,平 成18年9月 unthinkable save in terms of parties' ? Although the subsequent 2001 Laeken Declaration pinned its hopes, primarily, on a transnational network of civil society it also argued that there was a role for the Euro-parties to play. -
Power, Communication, and Politics in the Nordic Countries
POWER, COMMUNICATION, AND POLITICS IN THE NORDIC COUNTRIES POWER, COMMUNICATION, POWER, COMMUNICATION, AND POLITICS IN THE NORDIC COUNTRIES The Nordic countries are stable democracies with solid infrastructures for political dia- logue and negotiations. However, both the “Nordic model” and Nordic media systems are under pressure as the conditions for political communication change – not least due to weakened political parties and the widespread use of digital communication media. In this anthology, the similarities and differences in political communication across the Nordic countries are studied. Traditional corporatist mechanisms in the Nordic countries are increasingly challenged by professionals, such as lobbyists, a development that has consequences for the processes and forms of political communication. Populist polit- ical parties have increased their media presence and political influence, whereas the news media have lost readers, viewers, listeners, and advertisers. These developments influence societal power relations and restructure the ways in which political actors • Edited by: Eli Skogerbø, Øyvind Ihlen, Nete Nørgaard Kristensen, & Lars Nord • Edited by: Eli Skogerbø, Øyvind Ihlen, Nete Nørgaard communicate about political issues. This book is a key reference for all who are interested in current trends and develop- ments in the Nordic countries. The editors, Eli Skogerbø, Øyvind Ihlen, Nete Nørgaard Kristensen, and Lars Nord, have published extensively on political communication, and the authors are all scholars based in the Nordic countries with specialist knowledge in their fields. Power, Communication, and Politics in the Nordic Nordicom is a centre for Nordic media research at the University of Gothenburg, Nordicomsupported is a bycentre the Nordic for CouncilNordic of mediaMinisters. research at the University of Gothenburg, supported by the Nordic Council of Ministers. -
Russian and European Gas Interdependence Can Market Forces Balance out Geopolitics?
Laboratoire d'Economie de la Production et de l'Intégration Internationale Département Energie et Politiques de l'Environnement (EPE) FRE 2664 CNRS-UPMF CAHIER DE RECHERCHE LEPII Série EPE N° 41 bis Russian and European gas interdependence Can market forces balance out geopolitics? Dominique FINON Catherine LOCATELLI janvier 2007 LEPII - EPE BP 47 - 38040 Grenoble CEDEX 9 - France 1221 rue des Résidences - 2e étage - 38400 Saint Martin d'Hères Tél.: + 33 (0)4 56 52 85 70 - Télécopie : + 33 (0)4 56 52 85 71 [email protected] - http://www.upmf-grenoble.fr/lepii-epe/ 1 Russian and European gas interdependence. Can market forces balance out geopolitics? Dominique FINON, CIRED, CNRS and EHESS, Paris Catherine LOCATELLI, LEPII-EPE, Université de Grenoble Summary This article analyses the economic risk associated with the dominant position of the Russian vendor in the European market, with a view to assessing the relevance of possible responses by European nations or the EU. It considers various aspects of the Russian vendor's dependence on the European market, before turning to the risks that Gazprom exerts market power on the European market. It concludes by considering the relevance of the possible responses open to the EU and member states to limit any risks by creating a gas single buyer or more simply by encouraging the development of a denser pan-European network, with additional sources of supply and increased market integration. 2 1. Introduction A great deal has been written recently on relations between European Union countries and Russia with respect to gas. Alarmed by the fears stirred up by the supply cuts following the gas dispute between Russia and Ukraine in January 2006, European states are increasingly concerned about their growing dependence on Russian gas (40% of imports) and the strategy of the quasi-public company Gazprom, which aims to take control of some major gas companies in certain countries without offering anything very substantial in return. -
The Nordic Council – Our Council the Nordic Council – Our Council © Nordic Council, 2012 ISBN 978-92-893-2372-7 DOI ANP 2012:737
The Nordic Council – our council The Nordic Council – our council © Nordic Council, 2012 ISBN 978-92-893-2372-7 DOI http://dx.doi.org/10.6027/ANP2012-737 ANP 2012:737 Editors: Silje Bergum Kinsten and Heidi Orava Design: Jette Koefoed Photos: Karin Beate Nøsterud; Ingram; Image Select; Ojo; Søren Sigfusson; Ludwig Ehlers/Landesarchiv Berlin; Photos from “50 år Nordisk Råd 1952–2002” Copies: 1500 Print: Rosendahls-Schultz Grafisk, Albertslund Printed in Denmark Nordic co-operation Nordic co-operation is one of the world’s most extensive forms of regional collaboration, involving Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, Sweden, and the Faroe Islands, Greenland, and Åland. Nordic co-operation has firm traditions in politics, the economy, and culture. It plays an important role in European and international collabora- tion, and aims at creating a strong Nordic community in a strong Europe. Nordic co-operation seeks to safeguard Nordic and regional interests and principles in the global community. Common Nordic values help the region solidify its position as one of the world’s most innovative and competitive. Nordic Council Ved Stranden 18 DK-1061 Copenhagen K Telefon (+45) 3396 0200 www.norden.org The Nordic Council – our council Council Nordic The This brochure will provide you with a deeper insight into what the Nordic Council is all about. You will discover that the work of the Council exerts an influence on your life. Perhaps you would like to help exert influence on the Council. 4 The Nordic Council – our council Introduction 7 Out of the ashes 8 The first steps 10 Timeline 10 What issues does the Nordic Council address? 14 Closer to the people 17 Facts about the Nordic Council 22 It is also important that the people of the Region continue to consider the Council relevant to their lives. -
Paths in Austrian and Finnish History
Smallcons Project A Framework for Socio-Economic Development in Europe? The Consensual Political Cultures of the Small West European States in Comparative and Historical Perspective (No. HPSE-CT-2002-00134) Work Package 10 Paths in Austrian and Finnish History Helmut Konrad, Martin Pletersek, Andrea Strutz (eds.) Department of History/Contemporary History, University of Graz September 2004 Contributors: Helmut Konrad, Martin Pletersek, Johanna Rainio-Niemi, Henrik Stenius, Andrea Strutz 2 Contents Helmut Konrad, Martin Pletersek, Andrea Strutz Paths in Austrian and Finnish history – a tentative comparison Helmut Konrad Periods in the History of Austrian Consensualism Henrik Stenius Periodising Finnish Consensus Martin Pletersek, Andrea Strutz A Monarchy and Two Republics – the Austrian Path (including comparative context of neighbouring new EU-members) Johanna Rainio-Niemi Paths in the Austrian and Finnish history: FINLAND (including comparative context of neighbouring new EU-members) 3 Paths in Austrian and Finnish history – a tentative comparison Helmut Konrad, Martin Pletersek, Andrea Strutz The smallcons-project "A Framework for Socio-economic Development in Europe? The Consensual Political Cultures of the Small West European States in Comparative and Historical Perspective" reserves a particular place for Austria and Finland because "[…] these cases suggest that the communication capacity conditional for consensualism can emerge within only a few decades." (Annex to the contract: 3). As opposed to the other project countries, the project proposal assumes that the two are the discontinuity cases whose historical paths didn't seem to point towards consensualism. In the words of Peter Katzenstein, "[…] the Austrian train was at every branch switched in a direction opposite from the other small European states." (1985: 188). -
The Nordic Countries Without Borders
The Nordic countries without borders A report from the special envoy Poul Schlüter 2004 ANP 2004:787 The Nordic countries without borders A report from the special envoy Poul Schlüter 2004 ANP 2004:787 © Nordic Council of Ministers, Copenhagen 2004 ISBN 92-893-1081-2 Print: Ekspressen Tryk & Kopicenter, Copenhagen 2004 Copies: 300 Printed on environmentally friendly paper. This publication can be ordered from www.norden.org/publikationer. On the website you will find more information about other publications and also be able to read and download some of our publi- cations. Printed in Denmark Nordic Council of Ministers Nordic Council Store Strandstræde 18 Store Strandstræde 18 DK-1255 Copenhagen K DK-1255 Copenhagen K Phone (+45) 3396 0200 Phone (+45) 3396 0400 Fax (+45) 3396 0202 Fax (+45) 3311 1870 Homepage: www.norden.org The Nordic Council of Ministers was established in 1971. It submits proposals on cooperation between the governments of the five Nordic countries to the Nordic Council, implements the Council’s recommendations and reports on results, while directing the work carried out in the targeted areas. The Prime Ministers of the five Nordic countries assume overall responsibility for the cooperation measures, which are co-ordinated by the ministers for cooperation and the Nordic Cooperation committee. The composition of the Council of Ministers varies, depending on the nature of the issue to be treated. The Nordic Council was formed in 1952 to promote cooperation between the parliaments and governments of Denmark, Iceland, Norway and Sweden. Finland joined in 1955. At the sessions held by the Council, represen- tatives from the Faroe Islands and Greenland form part of the Danish delegation, while Åland is represented on the Finnish delegation. -
Please Download Issue 1 2013 Here
A quarterly scholarly journal and news magazine. April 2013. Vol. VI:1. 1 From the Centre for Baltic and East European Studies (CBEES) The economic Södertörn University, Stockholm projects of Linnaeus The return of the Nordic model BALTIC Urban spaces: comparing Riga, Belgrade, Prague & Tirana WORLDSbalticworlds.com Modern archeology in the Baltic states Childhood in a country that no longer exists History is present in Romania T he role of culture in the Russian drama also in this issue Illustration: Ragni Svensson YURI LOTMAn’S SEMIOTICS / GRASS’S FLOUNDER / TOURISM IN ALBANIA / POVERTY IN POLAND / IKEA IN GERMAN / SOVIET DESIGN news short takes Welcome aboard, Joakim Ekman! “On Identity – No Identity” JOAKIM EKMAN, Profes- I am certainly no stranger to editorial work, SINCE THE END OF the East-West conflict, a regional “Baltic sor of political science at having served for a number of years now Sea Identity” has been claimed by a variety of people. At CBEES, has now taken as the Swedish editor for the Scandinavian first glance, the case for a (common) regional identity is not on the position known in journal Nordisk Østforum (NUPI, Oslo). I obvious, since the history of the Baltic Sea region (BSR) is Swedish as ansvarig utgi- am constantly involved in conventional one of cooperation and conflict, notes Bernd Henningsen vare, which is usually trans- editorial tasks such as proofreading and (see also page 44 in this issue) in a detailed paper “On lated with the somewhat assigning peer reviewers. Since 2012, I Identity – No Identity: An Essay on the Constructions, Pos- inelegant, though correct have also been part of the editorial board of sibilities and Necessities for Understanding a European term “legally responsible the Swedish journal Utbildning & Demokrati Macro Region, The Baltic Sea”. -
2009 European Parliament Elections: Parties, Polls and Recent Developments
2009 European Parliament Elections: parties, polls and recent developments Standard Note: SN/IA/4954 Last updated: 29 January 2009 Author: Vaughne Miller Section International Affairs and Defence Section The European Parliament (EP) elections will be held in the UK on 4 June 2009, alongside local elections. This Note looks at the EC Treaty base for the elections, public views and voter turnout, and European political groups and parties. It complements SN 4952, “2009 European Parliament Elections”, 27 January 2009. This information is provided to Members of Parliament in support of their parliamentary duties and is not intended to address the specific circumstances of any particular individual. It should not be relied upon as being up to date; the law or policies may have changed since it was last updated; and it should not be relied upon as legal or professional advice or as a substitute for it. A suitably qualified professional should be consulted if specific advice or information is required. This information is provided subject to our general terms and conditions which are available online or may be provided on request in hard copy. Authors are available to discuss the content of this briefing with Members and their staff, but not with the general public. Contents 1 Introduction 2 2 Treaty base 3 2.1 Lisbon or Nice? 3 2.2 Lisbon Treaty provisions 3 2.3 European Council decision on EP seats 5 3 Voter turnout and public interest in EP elections 5 3.1 Voter turnout 5 3.2 2008 Eurobarometer poll 7 4 European political groups and parties -
European Alliance for Apprenticeships - Assessment of Progress and Planning the Future
European Alliance for Apprenticeships - Assessment of progress and planning the future Annexes Request for Services VT/2015/074 under Framework Contract EAC-47-2014 Written by ICF May – 2017 Social Europe EUROPEAN COMMISSION Directorate-General for Employment, Social Affairs and Inclusion Directorate E — Skills Unit E.3 — VET, Apprenticeships and adult learning Contact: Pirkko PYÖRÄLÄ E-mail: [email protected] European Commission B-1049 Brussels EUROPEAN COMMISSION European Alliance for Apprenticeships - Assessment of progress and planning the future Final Report Request for Services VT/2015/074 under Framework Contract EAC-47-2014 European Commission Directorate-General for Employment Social Affairs and Inclusion Directorate E Europe Direct is a service to help you find answers to your questions about the European Union. Freephone number (*): 00 800 6 7 8 9 10 11 (*) The information given is free, as are most calls (though some operators, phone boxes or hotels may charge you). LEGAL NOTICE This document has been prepared for the European Commission however it reflects the views only of the authors, and the Commission cannot be held responsible for any use which may be made of the information contained therein. More information on the European Union is available on the Internet (http://www.europa.eu). Luxembourg: Publications Office of the European Union, 2017 ISBN 978-92-79-70519-9 doi:10.2767/130819 © European Union, 2017 Reproduction is authorised provided the source is acknowledged. European Alliance for Apprenticeships - Assessment of progress and planning the future - Annexes Table of Contents Annex 1 EAfA Analytical framework ........................................................... 1 Annex 2 Case Studies ..............................................................................