Introduction 1 a Farmworker's Life 3 Moving Toward Justice 5 Wages
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FARMWORKER JUSTICE MOVEMENTS (4 Credits) Syllabus Winter 2019 Jan 07, 2019 - Mar 15, 2019
1 Ethnic Studies 357: FARMWORKER JUSTICE MOVEMENTS (4 credits) Syllabus Winter 2019 Jan 07, 2019 - Mar 15, 2019 Contact Information Instructors Office, Phone & Email Ronald L. Mize Office Hours: Wed 11:30-12:30, or by Associate Professor appointment School of Language, Culture and Society 541.737.6803 Office: 315 Waldo Hall Email [email protected] Class Meeting: Wednesdays, 4:00 pm - 7:50 pm, Learning Innovation Center (LINC) 360, including three off- campus service/experiential learning sessions. The course is four credits based on number of contact hours for lecture/discussion and three experiential learning sessions. Course Description: Justice movements for farmworkers have a long and storied past in the annals of US history. This course begins with the 1960s Chicano civil rights era struggles for social justice to present day. Focus on the varied strategies of five farmworker justice movements: United Farm Workers, Farm Labor Organizing Committee, Pineros y Campesinos Unidos Noroeste, Migrant Justice, and the Coalition of Immokalee Workers. This course was co-designed with a founder of PCUN, Larry Kleinman, who actively co-leads the course as his schedule allows. The course is structured around the question of the movement and its various articulations. Together, we will cover some central themes and strategies that comprise the core of farm worker movements but the course is designed to allow you, the student, to explore other articulations you find personally relevant or of interest. This course is designated as meeting Difference, Power, and Discrimination requirements. Difference, Power, and Discrimination Courses Baccalaureate Core Requirement: ES357 “Farmworker Justice Movements” fulfills the Difference, Power, and Discrimination (DPD) requirement in the Baccalaureate Core. -
Farm Labor, Reproductive Justice: Migrant Women Farmworkers in the US
Galarneau Charlene Galarneau, PhD, AM, MAR, is Assistant Farm labor, reproductive justice: Professor in the Women’s and Migrant women farmworkers in the US Gender Studies Department at Wellesley College, Wellesley, Charlene Galarneau MA, USA. Abstract Please address correspon- dence to the author, at: Little is known about the reproductive health of women migrant farmworkers in the Women’s and Gender Studies US. The health and rights of these workers are advanced by fundamental human Department, 106 Central rights principles that are sometimes conceptually and operationally siloed into three Street, Wellesley College, approaches: reproductive health, reproductive rights, and reproductive justice. I focus Wellesley, MA, USA 02481, on the latter framework, as it lends critical attention to the structural oppression email: cgalarne@wellesley. central to poor reproductive health, as well as to the agency of communities organiz- edu. ing and leading efforts to improve their health. I review what is known about these women’s reproductive health; identify three realms of reproduction oppression affecting Competing interests: None their reproductive health: labor/occupational conditions, health care, and social rela- declared. tions involving race, immigration and fertility; and then highlight some current efforts at women farmworker-directed change. Finally, I make several analytical observations Copyright © 2013 Galarneau. that suggest the importance of the reproductive justice framework to broader discus- This is an open access article sions of migrant worker justice and its role in realizing their right to health. distributed under the terms of the Creative Common Introduction Attribution Non-Commercial License (http://creativecom- Summer 1978 in rural Colorado: Luz was 14 years old, working in the melon mons.org/licenses/by-nc/3.0/), fields, and pregnant. -
On Luis Valdez
ashley lucas university of north carolina at chapel hill Reinventing the Pachuco The Radical Transformation from the Criminalized to the Heroic in Luis Valdez’s Play Zoot Suit n 12 January 1943, at the highly publicized Sleepy Lagoon mur- der trial, a court wrongly convicted seventeen young men from Othe 38th Street neighborhood for murder and assault associated with the death of a young Mexican American named José Díaz.1 Th e Zoot Suit Riots occurred later that spring when members of the U.S. Navy and Marines attacked Mexican American youths, beat them, and stripped them naked in the streets of Los Angeles.2 In 1978, Luis Valdez’s landmark play Zoot Suit opened at the Mark Taper Forum in Los Angeles and in doing so became the first professionally produced Chicana/o play.3 All three events reflect the performance of terror in Mexican American communities and the processes of racial othering that create that terror. In his book Stages of Terror: Terrorism, Ideology, and Coercion as Th eatre History, Anthony Kubiak describes the fundamental links between the performance of terror in life to the performance of terror in theater and the media.4 He sees acts of terror as necessarily taking place in view of a specific audience, those being terrorized. Acts committed with the intention of inspiring terror in others possess a theatrical or performative quality; they put on a show to elicit the specific emotional response of terror. This article examines the ways in which the play Zoot Suit reshapes performances of terror from the Journal for the Study of Radicalism, Vol. -
EL TEATRO CAMPESINO Curated By
CURATED BY Daniela Lieja Quintanar Samantha Gregg ) 5 7 9 1 ( b m u l P i m i M : o t o h P 2 EL TEATRO CAMPESINO (1965-1975) Curated by Daniela Lieja Quintanar Samantha Gregg Introduction/Introducción pg 4 The Stage/Escenarios pg 5 Family/La familia pg 8 March to Sacramento/Marcha a Sacramento pg 9 Masks and Villains/Máscaras y Villanos pg 11 Actos pg 13 Humor and/y Rasquachismo pg 15 The Chicano Theater Movement/ El Movimiento de Teatro Chicano pg 18 Peter Brook pg 19 Video pg 20 Radicality/Radicalidad pg 23 Boycott/Boicot pg 24 El Malcriado pg 27 Maya and/y Aztec (Sun Mural/Mural del Sol) pg 28 United Farm Workers pg 30 Exhibition Views/Vistas de la Exposición pg 36 Actos, Soundtrack and/y Bibliography/Bibliografía pg 41 Checklist pg 45 An Homage to Diane Rodriguez (1951-2020)/ Homenaje a Diane Rodriguez (1951-2020) pg 53 2 1. Patroncito (Boss) mask used in No Saco Nada de la Escuela (I Don’t Get Anything Out of School), paper maché, ca. 1969. Courtesy of El Teatro Campesino. 2. United Farm Workers, flag prop, fabric and wood, ca. 1969. Courtesy of El Teatro Campesino. 1. Máscara del Patroncito, utilizada en No Saco Nada de la Escuela, papel maché, ca. 1969. Cortesía de El Teatro Campesino. 2. Bandera de utilería, Sindicato de Trabajadores Campesinos (UFW, United Farm Workers), ca. 1969. Cortesía de El Teatro Campesino. 3 In 1965, El Teatro Campesino was founded in California on the picket lines of the Delano Grape Strike. -
Migration, Mobilization, and the Cultural Work of El Teatro Campesino
On Strike and On Stage: Migration, Mobilization, and the Cultural Work of El Teatro Campesino Elizabeth Rodriguez Fielder University of Mississippi Abstract: This essay looks at the role of labor activism through the cultural work of El Teatro Campesino, the theater company that emerged from the farmworkers’ strike led by Cesear Chavez in Delano, California, during the mid-1960s. Through make- shift performances along the picket line, the farmworkers and their creative visionary, Luis Valdez, innovated Chicano/a performance and created an activist aesthetic that has continued to influence Chicano/a performance and art. Their productions, which started as small improvisational actos, drew from a wealth of transnational influences as well as from a larger proletariat and activist theater tradition. However, El Teatro Campesino adapted these techniques to their local resources. The result created a unique forum that enabled promotional education about unions and workers’ rights to exist side-by-side with themes of self-reflection and criticism concerning the risks of identity politics. The essay explores the methods by which El Teatro Campesino ques- tioned and critiqued ethnic identity and argues for a more complex approach to their earlier picket-line entertainment. It proceeds to consider the importance of cultural production for labor mobilization, and argues for a more integrated analysis of the relationship between activism and art. Keywords: Chicano/a studies, performance, labor studies, transnationalism, Global South, multi-culturalism, -
Strategies of Narrative Disclosure in the Rhetoric of Anti-Corporate Campaigns." Dissertation, Georgia State University, 2012
Georgia State University ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University Communication Dissertations Department of Communication Spring 3-20-2012 Strategies of Narrative Disclosure in the Rhetoric of Anti- Corporate Campaigns Richard A. Herder Georgia State University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.gsu.edu/communication_diss Recommended Citation Herder, Richard A., "Strategies of Narrative Disclosure in the Rhetoric of Anti-Corporate Campaigns." Dissertation, Georgia State University, 2012. https://scholarworks.gsu.edu/communication_diss/32 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Department of Communication at ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Communication Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. STRATEGIES OF NARRATIVE DISCLOSURE IN THE RHETORIC OF ANTI-CORPORATE CAMPAIGNS by RICHARD ALEXANDER HERDER Under the Direction of Dr. Michael Bruner ABSTRACT In the years following World War II social activists learned to refine rhetorical techniques for gaining the attention of the new global mass media and developed anti-corporate campaigns to convince some of the world’s largest companies to concede to their demands. Despite these developments, rhetorical critics have tended to overlook anti-corporate campaigns as objects of study in their own right. One can account for the remarkable success of anti-corporate campaigns by understanding how activists have practiced prospective narrative disclosure, a calculated rhetorical wager that, through the public circulation of stories and texts disclosing problematic practices and answerable decision makers, activists can influence the policies and practices of prominent corporations. In support of this thesis, I provide case studies of two anti-corporate campaigns: the Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union vs. -
“They Tried to Bury Us, but They Didn't Know We Were Seeds.” “Trataron De Enterrarnos, Pero No Sabían Que Éramos Semil
"They Tried to Bury Us, But They Didn't Know We Were Seeds." "Trataron de Enterrarnos, Pero No Sabían Que Éramos Semillas" - The Mexican American/Raza Studies Political and Legal Struggle: A Content Analysis Item Type text; Electronic Dissertation Authors Arce, Martin Sean Citation Arce, Martin Sean. (2020). "They Tried to Bury Us, But They Didn't Know We Were Seeds." "Trataron de Enterrarnos, Pero No Sabían Que Éramos Semillas" - The Mexican American/Raza Studies Political and Legal Struggle: A Content Analysis (Doctoral dissertation, University of Arizona, Tucson, USA). Publisher The University of Arizona. Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction, presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author. Download date 24/09/2021 20:52:15 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/656744 “THEY TRIED TO BURY US, BUT THEY DIDN’T KNOW WE WERE SEEDS.” “TRATARON DE ENTERRARNOS, PERO NO SABÍAN QUE ÉRAMOS SEMILLAS.” - THE MEXICAN AMERICAN/RAZA STUDIES POLITICAL AND LEGAL STRUGGLE: A CONTENT ANALYSIS by Martín Arce ______________________________ Copyright © Martín Arce 2020 A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the DEPARTMENT OF TEACHING, LEARNING & SOCIOCULTURAL STUDIES In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY In the Graduate College THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA 2020 3 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Without the love and support of my familia, the completion of this dissertation would not have been possible. My brothers Tom Arce, Gil Arce, and Troy Arce are foundational to my upbringing and to who I am today. -
************G********************************* * Reproductions Supplied by EDRS Are the Best That Can Be Made * from the Original Document
DOCUMENT RESUME CE 052 195 TITLE Employment in the Year 2000: A Candid Look at Our Future. Hearings before the Subcommittee on Investment, Jobs, and Prices of the Joint Economic Committee, Congress of the United States, One Hundredth Congress, Second Session (April 11, 12, 18, and 19, 1988). INSTITUTION Joint Economic Committee, Washington, D.C. REPORT NO Senate-Hrg-100-728 PUB DATE Apr 88 NOTE 452p. AVAILABLE FROMSuperintendent of Documents, Congressional Sales Office, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, DC 20402. PUB TYPE Legal/Legislative/Regulatory Materials (090) Viewpoints (120) EDRS PRICE MFO1 /PC19 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS Demography; *Educational Needs; Elementary Secondary Education; Emp.,.yees; *Employment Potential; *Employment Proj ctions; Females; *Futures (of Society); Hearing.1; Illiteracy; Inservice Education; Job Skills; Job Training; Labor Market; *Labor Needs; Minority Groups; Unemployment IDENTIFIERS Congress 100th ABSTRACT This document reports the oral and written testimony of a large number of witnesses who testified at Congressional hearings in April 1988 on the topic of employment by the year 2000. The ':^ur days of hearings were convened to assess the nation's ability to respond adequately to the changes in domestic labor markets, projected employment opportunities, increased international trade competition, and projected skill deficits in the labor force through the year 2000. The testimony showed that this nation must use its collective resources to invest in the technical competency and intellectual capacity of its people. Economists, labor industry experts, academicians, local government officials, and representatives from varied public interest groups had one principal concern: that the employment prospects of a large share of the future labor force are seriously threatened with too few and inadequate training opportunities, a decline in low-skilled jobs, illiteracy, criminal activity, drugs, and a growing underclass. -
Mexican-Americans in the Pacific Northwest, 1900--2000
UNLV Retrospective Theses & Dissertations 1-1-2006 The struggle for dignity: Mexican-Americans in the Pacific Northwest, 1900--2000 James Michael Slone University of Nevada, Las Vegas Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalscholarship.unlv.edu/rtds Repository Citation Slone, James Michael, "The struggle for dignity: Mexican-Americans in the Pacific Northwest, 1900--2000" (2006). UNLV Retrospective Theses & Dissertations. 2086. http://dx.doi.org/10.25669/4kwz-x12w This Thesis is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by Digital Scholarship@UNLV with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Thesis in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Thesis has been accepted for inclusion in UNLV Retrospective Theses & Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Digital Scholarship@UNLV. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE STRUGGLE FOR DIGNITY: MEXICAN-AMERICANS IN THE PACIFIC NORTHWEST, 1900-2000 By James Michael Slone Bachelor of Arts University of Nevada, Las Vegas 2000 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment Of the requirements for the Master of Arts Degree in History Department of History College of Liberal Arts Graduate College University of Nevada, Las Vegas May 2007 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. UMI Number: 1443497 INFORMATION TO USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. -
Understanding Mexican Migrant Civil Society
Mapping Mexican Migrant Civil Society 1 Jonathan Fox Latin American and Latino Studies Department University of California, Santa Cruz [email protected] comments welcome This is a background paper prepared for: Mexican Migrant Civic and Political Participation November 4-5, 2005 Co-sponsored by the Latin American and Latino Studies Department University of California, Santa Cruz and the Mexico Institute and Division of United States Studies Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars www.wilsoncenter.org/migrantparticipation 1 This paper draws on ideas presented in Fox (2004, 2005a, 2005b, and 2005c) and Fox and Rivera-Salgado (2004). The research was made possible by grants from the Rockefeller and Ford Foundations, as well a 2004-2005 fellowship from the Woodrow Wilson Center. This paper was informed by ongoing conversations with colleagues too numerous to thank here, but I would like to express my special appreciation for input from Xóchitl Bada and Gaspar Rivera-Salgado. Summary: This paper “maps” the diverse patterns of Mexican migrant social, civic and political participation in the US, reviews current research and poses analytical questions informed by a binational perspective. While some migrants are more engaged with organizations focused on the US, others participate more in groups that are concerned with Mexico. At the same time, some Mexican migrants are working to become full members of both US and Mexican society, constructing practices of "civic binationality" that have a great deal to teach us about new forms of immigrant integration into US society. These different forms of participation are analyzed through the conceptual lens of “migrant civil society,” which includes four migrant-led arenas: membership organizations, NGOs, communications media and autonomous public spheres. -
Chicano Studies Research Center Annual Report 2018-2019 Submitted by Director Chon A. Noriega in Memory of Leobardo F. Estrada
Chicano Studies Research Center Annual Report 2018-2019 Submitted by Director Chon A. Noriega In memory of Leobardo F. Estrada (1945-2018) 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS I. DIRECTOR’S MESSAGE 3 HIGHLIGHTS 5 II. DEVELOPMENT REPORT 8 III. ADMINISTRATION, STAFF, FACULTY, AND ASSOCIATES 11 IV. ACADEMIC AND COMMUNITY RELATIONS 14 V. LIBRARY AND ARCHIVE 26 VI. PRESS 43 VII. RESEARCH 58 VIII. FACILITIES 75 APPENDICES 77 2 I. DIRECTOR’S MESSAGE The UCLA Chicano Studies Research Center (CSRC) was founded in 1969 with a commitment to foster multi-disciplinary research as part of the overall mission of the university. It is one of four ethnic studies centers within the Institute of American Cultures (IAC), which reports to the UCLA Office of the Chancellor. The CSRC is also a co-founder and serves as the official archive of the Inter-University Program for Latino Research (IUPLR, est. 1983), a consortium of Latino research centers that now includes twenty-five institutions dedicated to increasing the number of scholars and intellectual leaders conducting Latino-focused research. The CSRC houses a library and special collections archive, an academic press, externally-funded research projects, community-based partnerships, competitive grant and fellowship programs, and several gift funds. It maintains a public programs calendar on campus and at local, national, and international venues. The CSRC also maintains strategic research partnerships with UCLA schools, departments, and research centers, as well as with major museums across the U.S. The CSRC holds six (6) positions for faculty that are appointed in academic departments. These appointments expand the CSRC’s research capacity as well as the curriculum in Chicana/o and Latina/o studies across UCLA. -
The Genesis of Binational Latino Advocacy on Trade from Central America to Mexico by Antonio Gonzalez, September 4, 2018
BINATIONAL TALES, VIGNETTE 7 SEPTEMBER 4, 2018 The Genesis of Binational Latino Advocacy on Trade From Central America to Mexico By Antonio Gonzalez, September 4, 2018 “Oh no that It was spring “carancho” is at 1991 and Fast it again,” Track blurted SVRI Authority to President Andy Hernandez. I approve trade was surprised agreements because back between the then Andy was US and other a United countries Methodist without any Reverend and intemperate legislative language was amendments unusual for was coming Raul Yzaguirre him. But I had Andy Hernandez up for a vote NCLR President SVRI President to agree. in May. SVRI’s Latin America Project -my responsibility- Insiders knew Fast Track was to be used to had been focused on Central America for three negotiate a trade deal between the US, Mexico years now, and Andy had been focused on legislative redistricting. and Canada (known as NAFTA in shorthand). The inability to amend a trade deal meant the Thus, SVRI was distracted as the Bush ability for labor and environmental advocates to Administration moved rapidly to clear a path for negotiation and approval of a free trade agreement shape the pact would be nullified. Therefore, the with Mexico. issue was hot in DC but in the Latino community (as well as the rest of the country) it was barely on the radar screen. Into the void had stepped National Council of La Raza whose President Raul Yzaguirre had been a longtime rival of (SVRI deceased founder) Willie In early 1991 Mexican Americans supported a Velasquez and his top hand Hernandez.