FARMWORKER JUSTICE MOVEMENTS (4 Credits) Syllabus Winter 2019 Jan 07, 2019 - Mar 15, 2019
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DOCUMENT RESUME Chicano Studies Bibliography
DOCUMENT RESUME ED 119 923 ric 009 066 AUTHOR Marquez, Benjamin, Ed. TITLE Chicano Studies Bibliography: A Guide to the Resources of the Library at the University of Texas at El Paso, Fourth Edition. INSTITUTION Texas Univ., El Paso. PUB DATE 75 NOTE 138p.; For related document, see ED 081 524 AVAILABLE PROM Chicano Library Services, University of Texas at El Paso, El Paso, Texas 79902 ($3.00; 25% discount on 5 or more copies) EDRS PRICE MF-$0.83 HC-$7.35 Plus Postage DESCRIPTORS Audiovisual Aids; *Bibliographies; Books; Films; *library Collections; *Mexican Americans; Periodicals; *Reference Materials; *University Libraries IDENTIFIERS Chicanos; *University of Texas El Paso ABSTRACT Intended as a guide to select items, this bibliography cites approximately 668 books and periodical articles published between 1925 and 1975. Compiled to facilitate research in the field of Chicano Studies, the entries are part of the Chicano Materials Collection at the University of Texas at El Paso. Arranged alphabetically by the author's or editor's last name or by title when no author or editor is available, the entries include general bibliographic information and the call number for books and volume number and date for periodicals. Some entries also include a short abstract. Subject and title indices are provided. The bibliography also cites 14 Chicano magazines and newspapers, 27 audiovisual materials, 56 tape holdings, 10 researc°1 aids and services, and 22 Chicano bibliographies. (NQ) ******************************************14*************************** Documents acquired by ERIC include many informal unpublished * materials not available from other sources. ERIC makes every effort * * to obtain the best copy available. -
Siete Lenguas: the Rhetorical History of Dolores Huerta and the Rise of Chicana Rhetoric Christine Beagle
University of New Mexico UNM Digital Repository English Language and Literature ETDs Electronic Theses and Dissertations 2-1-2016 Siete Lenguas: The Rhetorical History of Dolores Huerta and the Rise of Chicana Rhetoric Christine Beagle Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/engl_etds Recommended Citation Beagle, Christine. "Siete Lenguas: The Rhetorical History of Dolores Huerta and the Rise of Chicana Rhetoric." (2016). https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/engl_etds/34 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Electronic Theses and Dissertations at UNM Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in English Language and Literature ETDs by an authorized administrator of UNM Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Garcia i Christine Beagle Candidate English, Rhetoric and Writing Department This dissertation is approved, and it is acceptable in quality and form for publication: Approved by the Dissertation Committee: Michelle Hall Kells, Chairperson Irene Vasquez Natasha Jones Melina Vizcaino-Aleman Garcia ii SIETE LENGUAS: THE RHETORICAL HISTORY OF DOLORES HUERTA AND THE RISE OF CHICANA RHETORIC by CHRISTINE BEAGLE B.A., English Language and Literature, Angelo State University, 2005 M.A., English Language and Literature, Angelo State University, 2008 DISSERTATION Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY ENGLISH The University of New Mexico Albuquerque, New Mexico November 10, 2015 Garcia iii DEDICATION To my children Brandon, Aliyah, and Eric. Your brave and resilient love is my savior. I love you all. Garcia iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS First, to my dissertation committee Michelle Hall Kells, Irene Vasquez, Natasha Jones, and Melina Vizcaino-Aleman for the inspiration and guidance in helping this dissertation project come to fruition. -
The United Colors of Low-Wage Workers
Black and Brown: The United Colors of Low-Wage Workers By Stephen Lerner onventional wisdom holds that tensions between Black and Latino workers are on the rise as the two ethnic C groups compete for the same low-wage service sector jobs in many of our nation’s big cities. But recent success- ful efforts by both groups of workers, to form unions and organize for pay increase and health insurance, show that workers and leaders from both communities are crossing racial lines to help improve the very jobs that they are supposed to be fighting over. In high-profile strikes this year by Service behind the bleak economic outlook are not other Employees International Union (SEIU) janitors in ethnic groups, but the large corporations that are Houston and Miami, Black and “brown” national driving our nation’s service economy. leaders united to support a largely immigrant A lot of attention is given to the fact that the workforce. Dozens of African American leaders— service sector currently drives the overall American many of them veterans of the civil rights movement economy, but what is often ignored is the fact that of the 1960s and leaders in the ongoing struggle the real estate sector drives the service economy. The 33 against racism and discrimination, such as Rev. entities that own, control, and invest in office James M. Lawson and Charles Steele, Jr.—lent their buildings and shopping malls—companies like support to help mostly Latino workers win better Goldman Sachs and JP Morgan Chase—either jobs, using many of the same non-violent, civil dis- directly or indirectly control the jobs of more than obedience tactics that helped spur the civil rights nine million service workers (janitors, security movement. -
The Chicano Movement in Houston and Texas: a Personal Memory
The Chicano Movement in Houston and Texas: A Personal Memory by Carlos Calbillo c/s 116th Annual Meeting The four major themes of “Chicanismo” are generally considered to be: (1) the power of the March 1–3, 2012 creative earth and labor upon it; (2) political transformation through collective efforts; Become a TSHA (3) strong familial ties extending back into Mesoamerican pre-history; and (4) spiritually- Member and Omni Houston Hotel influenced creative artistic imagination as reflected in the visual ARTS. Receive FREE Keynote Address: Civil Rights in Texas ell, what a long and strange trip it was, or should I say, and white ministers, priests, a rabbi or two in attendance, I Whas been. Carlos Guerra is gone, Lupe Youngblood became curious to see if I could find any Latinos in the large Registration* by Darlene Clark Hine, Ph.D., Northwestern University is gone, Poncho Ruiz, El Tigre, Ernie Valdés. And Mateo crowd. To my surprise, I found only one, other than me. Vega, if not gone, is certainly missing in action or something I walked up to him after the march and introduced like that. These names are some of the brothers; there were myself to Leonel J. Castillo. He would eventually become also sisters that I worked with in the movement beginning the first Latino in Houston elected to city-wide office as city in, for me, April 1968. controller. Subsequently, he became the first Latino com- Sessions Speakers Exhibitors The Chicano movement of the 1960s and 1970s was es- missioner of the Immigration and Naturalization Service, sentially a grassroots community insurrection and rebellion appointed by President Jimmy Carter. -
The Partisan Trajectory of the American Pro-Life Movement: How a Liberal Catholic Campaign Became a Conservative Evangelical Cause
Religions 2015, 6, 451–475; doi:10.3390/rel6020451 OPEN ACCESS religions ISSN 2077-1444 www.mdpi.com/journal/religions Article The Partisan Trajectory of the American Pro-Life Movement: How a Liberal Catholic Campaign Became a Conservative Evangelical Cause Daniel K. Williams Department of History, University of West Georgia, 1601 Maple St., Carrollton, GA 30118, USA; E-Mail: [email protected]; Tel.: +1-678-839-6034 Academic Editor: Darren Dochuk Received: 25 February 2015 / Accepted: 3 April 2015 / Published: 16 April 2015 Abstract: This article employs a historical analysis of the religious composition of the pro-life movement to explain why the partisan identity of the movement shifted from the left to the right between the late 1960s and the 1980s. Many of the Catholics who formed the first anti-abortion organizations in the late 1960s were liberal Democrats who viewed their campaign to save the unborn as a rights-based movement that was fully in keeping with the principles of New Deal and Great Society liberalism, but when evangelical Protestants joined the movement in the late 1970s, they reframed the pro-life cause as a politically conservative campaign linked not to the ideology of human rights but to the politics of moral order and “family values.” This article explains why the Catholic effort to build a pro-life coalition of liberal Democrats failed after Roe v. Wade, why evangelicals became interested in the antiabortion movement, and why the evangelicals succeeded in their effort to rebrand the pro-life campaign as a conservative cause. Keywords: Pro-life; abortion; Catholic; evangelical; conservatism 1. -
The Heart of an Industry: the Role of the Bracero Program in the Growth of Viticulture in Sonoma and Napa Counties
THE HEART OF AN INDUSTRY: THE ROLE OF THE BRACERO PROGRAM IN THE GROWTH OF VITICULTURE IN SONOMA AND NAPA COUNTIES by Zachary A. Lawrence A thesis submitted to Sonoma State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in History Copyright 2005 By Zachary A. Lawrence ii AUTHORIZATION FOR REPRODUCTION OF MASTER’S THESIS I grant permission for the reproduction of parts of this thesis without further authorization from me, on the condition that the person or agency requesting reproduction absorbs the cost and provide proper acknowledgement of authorship. Permission to reproduce this thesis in its entirety must be obtained from me. iii THE HEART OF AN INDUSTRY: THE ROLE OF THE BRACERO PROGRAM IN THE GROWTH OF VITICULTURE IN SONOMA AND NAPA COUNTIES Thesis by Zachary A. Lawrence ABSTRACT This study examines the role of the Bracero Program in the growth of Sonoma and Napa County viticulture in an attempt to understand how important bracero labor was to the industry. While most histories of the Bracero Program are nationwide or statewide in scope, this study explores the regional complexities of how and why the program was used in Sonoma and Napa Counties, how both the growers and laborers in the region felt about it, and how this was different from and similar to other regions. Government documents provided the statistics necessary to determine the demographic changes in the region due to the Bracero Program. Important primary source material that provided the human side of the story includes a number of oral history interviews I conducted, the collection of Wine Industry Oral Histories, and various regional newspaper articles. -
Chicano Nationalism: the Brown Berets
CHICANO NATIONALISM: THE BROWN BERETS AND LEGAL SOCIAL CONTROL By JENNIFER G. CORREA Bachelor of Science in Criminology Texas A&M University Kingsville, TX 2004 Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate College of the Oklahoma State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF SCIENCE July 2006 CHICANO NATIONALISM: THE BROWN BERETS AND LEGAL SOCIAL CONTROL Thesis Approved: Dr. Thomas Shriver Thesis Adviser Dr. Gary Webb Dr. Stephen Perkins Dr. A. Gordon Emslie Dean of the Graduate College ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter Page I. INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................................1 II. REVIEW OF LITERATURE ………………………………………………………7 Informants and Agent Provocateurs .........................................................................8 Surveillance, Dossiers, Mail Openings, and Surreptitious Entries ……………….14 Violent Strategies and Tactics ……………………………………………………20 III. METHOD OLOGY……………………………………………………………….29 Document Analysis ................................................................................................30 Telephone Interviews .............................................................................................32 Historical Analysis .................................................................................................34 IV. FINDINGS .............................................................................................................36 Mexican -American History ...................................................................................36 -
Farm Labor, Reproductive Justice: Migrant Women Farmworkers in the US
Galarneau Charlene Galarneau, PhD, AM, MAR, is Assistant Farm labor, reproductive justice: Professor in the Women’s and Migrant women farmworkers in the US Gender Studies Department at Wellesley College, Wellesley, Charlene Galarneau MA, USA. Abstract Please address correspon- dence to the author, at: Little is known about the reproductive health of women migrant farmworkers in the Women’s and Gender Studies US. The health and rights of these workers are advanced by fundamental human Department, 106 Central rights principles that are sometimes conceptually and operationally siloed into three Street, Wellesley College, approaches: reproductive health, reproductive rights, and reproductive justice. I focus Wellesley, MA, USA 02481, on the latter framework, as it lends critical attention to the structural oppression email: cgalarne@wellesley. central to poor reproductive health, as well as to the agency of communities organiz- edu. ing and leading efforts to improve their health. I review what is known about these women’s reproductive health; identify three realms of reproduction oppression affecting Competing interests: None their reproductive health: labor/occupational conditions, health care, and social rela- declared. tions involving race, immigration and fertility; and then highlight some current efforts at women farmworker-directed change. Finally, I make several analytical observations Copyright © 2013 Galarneau. that suggest the importance of the reproductive justice framework to broader discus- This is an open access article sions of migrant worker justice and its role in realizing their right to health. distributed under the terms of the Creative Common Introduction Attribution Non-Commercial License (http://creativecom- Summer 1978 in rural Colorado: Luz was 14 years old, working in the melon mons.org/licenses/by-nc/3.0/), fields, and pregnant. -
The Chicano Movement
The Chicano Movement By Fawn-Amber Montoya, Ph.D. The Chicano Movement represented Mexican Americans’ fight for equal rights after the Second World War. The rights that they desired included equality in education and housing, representation in voting, equal conditions in labor, and the recognition and celebration of their ethnic heritage. The Chicano Movement includes leaders such as Cesar Chavez, United Farm Workers (UFW) who worked to achieve better sanitation and wages for farm workers. Chavez advocated non violent action as the best method of achieving the goals of the UFW. He encouraged striking, boycotting, and marching as peaceful methods to achieve one’s goals. While the UFW was formed in California Chavez encouraged and participated in boycotts and strikes throughout the Southwestern United States. In New Mexico, Reyes Lopez Tijerina fought to regain lands that had been taken from Hispanics after the Mexican-American War. Tijerina believed that if the government and Anglo land owners failed to return lands unlawfully or unethically taken from Mexican Americans after the war in 1848, then Chicanos should use force. In Texas, Jose Angel Gutierrez assisted in the formation of La Raza Unida party which encouraged Mexican Americans to participate in voting, and to run for local, state, and national positions of leadership. La Raza Unida brought together Chicanos throughout the Southwest, but was most successful in Crystal City Texas, where the party was successful in electing local Chicanos to the school board. Rudulfo “Corky “ Gonzalez assisted in establishing the Crusade for Justice in Colorado. The Crusade aided high school and university students in gaining more representation at Colorado universities and establishing Chicano Studies courses and programs in high schools and universities. -
On Luis Valdez
ashley lucas university of north carolina at chapel hill Reinventing the Pachuco The Radical Transformation from the Criminalized to the Heroic in Luis Valdez’s Play Zoot Suit n 12 January 1943, at the highly publicized Sleepy Lagoon mur- der trial, a court wrongly convicted seventeen young men from Othe 38th Street neighborhood for murder and assault associated with the death of a young Mexican American named José Díaz.1 Th e Zoot Suit Riots occurred later that spring when members of the U.S. Navy and Marines attacked Mexican American youths, beat them, and stripped them naked in the streets of Los Angeles.2 In 1978, Luis Valdez’s landmark play Zoot Suit opened at the Mark Taper Forum in Los Angeles and in doing so became the first professionally produced Chicana/o play.3 All three events reflect the performance of terror in Mexican American communities and the processes of racial othering that create that terror. In his book Stages of Terror: Terrorism, Ideology, and Coercion as Th eatre History, Anthony Kubiak describes the fundamental links between the performance of terror in life to the performance of terror in theater and the media.4 He sees acts of terror as necessarily taking place in view of a specific audience, those being terrorized. Acts committed with the intention of inspiring terror in others possess a theatrical or performative quality; they put on a show to elicit the specific emotional response of terror. This article examines the ways in which the play Zoot Suit reshapes performances of terror from the Journal for the Study of Radicalism, Vol. -
EL TEATRO CAMPESINO Curated By
CURATED BY Daniela Lieja Quintanar Samantha Gregg ) 5 7 9 1 ( b m u l P i m i M : o t o h P 2 EL TEATRO CAMPESINO (1965-1975) Curated by Daniela Lieja Quintanar Samantha Gregg Introduction/Introducción pg 4 The Stage/Escenarios pg 5 Family/La familia pg 8 March to Sacramento/Marcha a Sacramento pg 9 Masks and Villains/Máscaras y Villanos pg 11 Actos pg 13 Humor and/y Rasquachismo pg 15 The Chicano Theater Movement/ El Movimiento de Teatro Chicano pg 18 Peter Brook pg 19 Video pg 20 Radicality/Radicalidad pg 23 Boycott/Boicot pg 24 El Malcriado pg 27 Maya and/y Aztec (Sun Mural/Mural del Sol) pg 28 United Farm Workers pg 30 Exhibition Views/Vistas de la Exposición pg 36 Actos, Soundtrack and/y Bibliography/Bibliografía pg 41 Checklist pg 45 An Homage to Diane Rodriguez (1951-2020)/ Homenaje a Diane Rodriguez (1951-2020) pg 53 2 1. Patroncito (Boss) mask used in No Saco Nada de la Escuela (I Don’t Get Anything Out of School), paper maché, ca. 1969. Courtesy of El Teatro Campesino. 2. United Farm Workers, flag prop, fabric and wood, ca. 1969. Courtesy of El Teatro Campesino. 1. Máscara del Patroncito, utilizada en No Saco Nada de la Escuela, papel maché, ca. 1969. Cortesía de El Teatro Campesino. 2. Bandera de utilería, Sindicato de Trabajadores Campesinos (UFW, United Farm Workers), ca. 1969. Cortesía de El Teatro Campesino. 3 In 1965, El Teatro Campesino was founded in California on the picket lines of the Delano Grape Strike. -
Migration, Mobilization, and the Cultural Work of El Teatro Campesino
On Strike and On Stage: Migration, Mobilization, and the Cultural Work of El Teatro Campesino Elizabeth Rodriguez Fielder University of Mississippi Abstract: This essay looks at the role of labor activism through the cultural work of El Teatro Campesino, the theater company that emerged from the farmworkers’ strike led by Cesear Chavez in Delano, California, during the mid-1960s. Through make- shift performances along the picket line, the farmworkers and their creative visionary, Luis Valdez, innovated Chicano/a performance and created an activist aesthetic that has continued to influence Chicano/a performance and art. Their productions, which started as small improvisational actos, drew from a wealth of transnational influences as well as from a larger proletariat and activist theater tradition. However, El Teatro Campesino adapted these techniques to their local resources. The result created a unique forum that enabled promotional education about unions and workers’ rights to exist side-by-side with themes of self-reflection and criticism concerning the risks of identity politics. The essay explores the methods by which El Teatro Campesino ques- tioned and critiqued ethnic identity and argues for a more complex approach to their earlier picket-line entertainment. It proceeds to consider the importance of cultural production for labor mobilization, and argues for a more integrated analysis of the relationship between activism and art. Keywords: Chicano/a studies, performance, labor studies, transnationalism, Global South, multi-culturalism,