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Chadic Lexical Database Issue III Sibilants and Sibilant Affricates S, Z, Z, C, ˆ, Č, Š, Ѕ

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Chadic Lexical Database Issue III Sibilants and Sibilant Affricates S, Z, Z, C, ˆ, Č, Š, Ѕ Institute of Oriental Studies Russsian Academy of Sciences Olga Stolbova Chadic Lexical Database Issue III sibilants and sibilant affricates s, z, z, c, ˆ, č, Š, ѕ Moscow -Kaluga 2009 «Наша полиграфия» Introduction This issue continues the publication of Chadic Lexical Database. It includes words with initial sibilants and sibilant a ricates. Sibilant area is the most complicated fragment of the Chadic phonological system from the comparative point of view. The number of phonemes (s, , z, c, c , ‰, ‰, ʒ, have the phoneme status in different languages) in addition to various positional changes (typical of almost all the languages) provoke serious problem in reconstructing the Proto-Chadic system. The present issue includes lexical material of some more languages (as compared to issue II): West Chadic Kofyar, Mushere, Bade, Duwai, Central Chadic Zina, as well as additional data on Maghawul (Sura), Warji, Miya, Makari, Kuseri, Afade. I am most grateful to all the colleagues who allowed the free access to their dictionaries, grammars, sociolinguistic surveys, articles, word-lists and other data. My special thanks to D.Lhr and H.Tourneux. External parallels in this issue were restricted to Semitic data. Of special interest was to nd out if there exist s a one-to-one correspondence between Chadic *c- and Semitic *s-. 2 Conventional signs. In what follows we use the system of notation introduced by A.Dolgopolsky [Dolgopolsky 1973]. This system allows to render uniformly all the phonemes under consideration, using one set of signs (s, z for sibilants, c, ӡ - for `hissing' affricates) and two diacritics - (to render palatalized character) and a dot below - - to render emphatic character. alveolar palatal Sibilants voiceless s « voiced z ј Affricates voiceless c č voiced ӡ ¾ emphatic Š The reconstructed Proto-Chadic system includes two sibilants ( s and z) and five affricates ( c - - č - Š - ¾ ). Proto-Chadic *s-. It can not be excluded that a palatal sibilant («) should also be reconstrucred for Proto- Chadic (as it has been suggested in [Newman 1977]. On the other hand, there are a lot of contradicting arguments: a) the most typical environment for « - positionn before a front vowel or before -w-; b) - quite often reflect Chadic lateral fricative (in Makari it appears only as such); c) in a number of languages there is only one sibilant (s- in dangla and mubi groups, in Tangale, Tumak; «- in Kirfi). There is no supporting evidence outside Chadic - Proto-Semitic and Egyptian have only one sibilant. Thus, Chadic *« (if at all existed) most probably resulted from a split of Chadic *s- under some condition. To answer this question a serious research of Chadic vocalism is needed. Of special interest should be vowel assimilation, hindering the original vocalism. Before it is done, we prefere to reconstruct one voiceless sibilant for Proto- Chadic. Chadic *s- > s- in almost all the languages, but yields h- in Bele, Buduma,Tumak, Ndam. Tangale and Dera reflect su- as wu-, si- as yi-. Proto-Chadic *z-. 3 Chadic *z- > z- in almost all the languages. Palatalization (z-> ј-) is typical of most of the languages (before a front vowel or before -w-), but, strangely enough, Chadic *ј (as an independent phoneme) was never under discussion. In Hausa *zi - > ¾-, in Tangale, Bachama, lele and sokoro groups *z- > s-. Devoicing is typical of the sura group, in this very case *z- > z- seems to be an exception or to reflect z- < *nz-, *HVz- . Bele, Buduma, Tumak, Ndam reflect *z- as h-. Followed by -o-, Chadic *z- regularly yields ¾- in dangla languages (it seems to be the only case of position dependant variant in this group). In Bolewa z- and ѕ- are becoming free variants. Proto-Chadic *c-. Almost all the languages do not distinguish between reflexes of Chadic *s- and *c-. Exceptions are as follows: warji and some of kotoko languages reflect *c- as c-, Hausa - as -. Proto-Chadic *, *č and Š. The most difficult task - is to distinguish between reflexes of these phonemes. Only a few warji languages preserve the full set. All other languages are lacking Š1. Hausa reflect emphatic affricates as , Chadic *č- as č-. Sura, ngizim, ron, kera, lele, languages reflect *- as s-, both palatal affricates - as č. Similar reflexes show Karekare, other bolewa languages have a single reflex for the whole set. Tangale, Ndam, Tumak reflect *- as s-. Languages of bura2, higi, bata and mandara groups mostly reflect *- as c-, *č- and *Š- as č-. Kotoko languages reflect both emphatic affricates as ṣ (Logone, Makari, Kuseri) or (Afade). Musgu dialects reflect the whole set as s, but Mbala reflects palatal affricates as č. Languages of dangla and mubi groups raflect *- as s-, *č- as č-, and show ejective voiced affricate (rendered by ḍy3) as the reflex of Chadic *Š. Mokilko all the set as s-. The most complicated is the situation in the matakam group. After the idea of Palatalization Prosody was generally accepted, one can find the following commentry to the list of phonemes: `les consonnes centrales se realisant apico-alveolaires au contact des voyelles non-anterieures (dans les mots non-palatalises) et palato-alveolaires au contact des voyelles anterieures (dans les mots palatalises)'. Accordingly, not the real word, but a sort of reconstructed form can be found in a dictionary (*tse, instead of če). In addition, in different dictionaries 1 In Makari Š reflects only Chadic fricative lateral emphatic łʔ, but never - Chadic palatal empatic affricate. 2 Bura often reflects Chadic *Š as c- (especially - before -i-). 3 In his earlier publications H.Jungraithmayr used ʔ¾ instead. 4 one and the same `basic' element may be renderd with different symbols (c or ts ). In addition to provoking misunderstanding, such a method hinders the fact that there exist cases violatiing the rule. At least, they can be found in any dictionary rendering real words. It is also clear, that this distribution is not stable and the palatal variant tends to overpower in the matakam group. For example, in Cuvok only č can be found in contact position, while in Mofu č- ousted c- in general. Note, that in other CChadic languages, the contrary tendency can be traced (note eliminating of palatal affricates in kotoko). The theory of Prosodies is adequate to the contemtorary situation in matakam languages, but is of no use in comparative studies. In what follows two variants of words with anlaut affricates for Podoko, Mada, Ouldem, Zulgo, Mbuko, Zime Batna will be given - the real word and the variant from the dictionary in brackets, namely: Ouldem čef [tsef], caf [tsaf], Mbuko čiw [ciw], car [car], etc. Proto-Chadic *¾ West and East Chadic languages show a single reflex, namely ¾. In central Chadic *¾- is regularly preserved before front vowels, in other environments ¾- is being ousted by ӡ-. The distribution is similar to that of c- and č-. Vowel assimilation may account for violation of reflexes. For example, cases like Bana ¾ǝwǝ (with irregular ¾- before - ǝ-) may result from vowel assimilation < *¾iwǝ. Method of reconstructing. Diversity of reflexes (also due to the position), on the one hand, and rather short word-lists, on the other, provoke serious problems in reconstructing of voiceless affricates *, *č, *Љ. The following method has been applied to cope with them. For each phoneme the following two parameters have been determined: a) languages showing unambiguous reflex (independent of environments); b) the set of reflexes needed for a reconstruction. For example, combination of reflexes: sura/or dangla s-, kotoko *ṣ point to Chadic *, while Hausa/or sura/ or dangla č identify Chadic *č, the same set in combination with matakam c- point to Chadic *č- before a back vowel, Hausa in combination with sura/Ngizim č point to Chadic *. Strangely enough, the crucial evidence was provided by languages with the shortest set of phonemes under consideration. It turned out that they yield the most regular and independent reflexes. Languages of the ECh dangla group (Dangla, Migama, Bidiya) reflect *- as s (and the have no š-), *č- as č-, *Љ- as ʔǯ (a voiced ejective affricate, rendered in what follows as ḍy-). However, there is a serious problem with dangla languages also. Contrary to CChadic, in dangla languages reflexes of Chadic lateral 5 and palatal affricates merged (Chadic *š- > dangla č-, Chadic *šʔ- > dangla ʔǯ/ḍy-, i.e - the same reflexes as Chadic *č and *Љ). Thus, one should be careful not to analyze dangla lexicon already included into the previous issue of the Database (`Lateal fricatives’). The most regular and decisive reflexes are given below. * *č * Hausa č Karekare, Sura, Angas, Ngizim s, « č č Siri ṣ, č Bura c č č-, but ci- Gude c č č-, but cǝ- Afade Makari ṣ s ṣ E 5 s č ḍy In such a difficult situation, the importance of reliable parallels in Semitic languages can hardly be overestimated. Of special value are: Arabic parallels to roots with emphatics *- and *Љ- (ṣ and ẓ, correspondingly) and Hebrew or/and Sabaic s s2) for reconstructing Chadic *c- (the latter can be distinguished from /[ס ] ’sameh`) Chadic *s- by c- in warji languages4 and in Afade and by - in Hausa only). Proto- Semitic counterpart to Chadic *c- (rendered usually by *s-) is also the weakest element ,( ס ,’of the Semitic sibilant system. It yields specific reflexes in Hebrew (s-, `samex Sabaic (s2 ), Akkadian, Ug s. Reflexes of Semitic *- and *s- merged in Arabic and Ethiosemitic. Chadic -Semitic comparison could contribute to HS reconstruction as well as to solve internal Chadic problems (i.e. distinguish between Chadic *c - and *s- ). The list of Semitic roots with initial *s- in the present research included: a) the full list of Sabaic words with initial s2, collected by H.Ohotin [Ohotin 2003]; b) Hebrew words with initial s- (as presented in [KB]).
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