Representation of Culture in English Translation of Javanese Culture-Specific Items in Okky Madasari’S Entrok

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

LOSSES OF MEANINGS AND (MIS)REPRESENTATION OF

CULTURE IN ENGLISH TRANSLATION OF JAVANESE

CULTURE-SPECIFIC ITEMS IN OKKY MADASARI’S ENTROK

COVER PAGE

A THESIS

Presented as Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements to Obtain the Magister Humaniora Degree in English Language Studies

by Damiana Maria Resya Nugrawidhanti Student Number: 166332030

GRADUATE PROGRAM IN ENGLISH LANGUAGE STUDIES SANATA DHARMA UNIVERSITY YOGYAKARTA 2019

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

LOSSES OF MEANINGS AND (MIS)REPRESENTATION OF

CULTURE IN ENGLISH TRANSLATION OF JAVANESE

CULTURE-SPECIFIC ITEMS IN OKKY MADASARI’S ENTROK

TITLE PAGE

A THESIS

Presented as Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements to Obtain the Magister Humaniora Degree in English Language Studies

by Damiana Maria Resya Nugrawidhanti Student Number: 166332030

GRADUATE PROGRAM IN ENGLISH LANGUAGE STUDIES SANATA DHARMA UNIVERSITY YOGYAKARTA 2019

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

ADVISOR APPROVAL PAGE

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

DEFENSE APPROVAL PAGE

iii

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

STATEMENT OF WORK ORIGINALITY

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

LEMBAR PERNYATAAN PERSETUJUAN PUBLIKASI KARYA

ILMIAH UNTUK KEPENTINGAN AKADEMIS

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to express my respect and gratitude to my thesis advisor, Dr.

Emanuel Sunarto for his insight and support in guiding me to complete my master thesis.

I also would like to express my gratitude to English Language Studies

Sanata Dharma University for granting the scholarship to me so I can learn and get many experiences during my study. My sincere gratitude also goes to all lecturers and staff in English Language Studies, especially to Paulus Sarwoto,

Ph.D., Dr. B. B. Dwijatmoko, M.A., and Novita Dewi, Ph.D. as the reviewers and examiners of this thesis, as well as to F.X. Mukarto, Ph.D. and Dr. J.

Bismoko for their trust, support, and guidance during my study in ELS.

Furthermore, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my mother,

Dra. K. M. Widi Hadiyanti, M.Pd. for her endless love, prayers, and support for me, especially her suggestions for the development of my thesis. My gratitude also goes to Scolastica Wedhowerti, S.Pd., M. Hum. for her assistance and suggestions and also to Elizabeth Ratri Dian Jati and Tola Augusta Jufany for their input for my thesis and their willingness to be discussion partners.

Last but not least, I would like to express my gratitude to my fellow students in ELS for their support and insight which has helped during my study in ELS and also during the process of my master thesis writing.

Damiana Maria Resya Nugrawidhanti

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

TABLE OF CONTENTS

TITLE PAGE ...... i

ADVISOR APPROVAL PAGE ...... ii

DEFENSE APPROVAL PAGE ...... iii

STATEMENT OF WORK ORIGINALITY ...... iv

LEMBAR PERNYATAAN PERSETUJUAN PUBLIKASI ...... v

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...... vi

TABLE OF CONTENTS ...... vii

LIST OF TABLES ...... xi

LIST OF FIGURES ...... xii

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ...... xiii

LIST OF APPENDICES ...... xiv

ABSTRACT ...... xv

ABSTRAK ...... xvii

CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION ...... 1

A. Research Background ...... 1

B. Research Questions ...... 9

C. Research Objectives ...... 9

D. Research Benefits ...... 10

vii

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

CHAPTER II LITERATURE REVIEW ...... 11

A. Review of Related Literature ...... 11

1. Translation ...... 11

a. Concept of Translation ...... 11

b. Translation Loss ...... 13

c. Meanings in Translation ...... 15

d. Translation and Culture...... 18

e. Ideology and Translation ...... 20

2. Culture-Specific Items ...... 23

a. Definition of Culture-Specific Items ...... 23

b. Classification of Culture-Specific Items ...... 25

c. Translatability of Culture-Specific Items ...... 29

d. Techniques to Translate CSI ...... 31

3. Postcolonial Ideology ...... 34

a. Overview of Postcolonialism ...... 34

b. Orientalism ...... 36

c. Postcolonial Approach to Translation ...... 38

4. Review of Entrok and the Translator’s Background ...... 41

B. Review of Related Studies ...... 42

C. Theoretical framework ...... 47

viii

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

CHAPTER III METHODOLOGY ...... 49

A. Type of Study ...... 49

B. Research Data ...... 50

1. Source of Data ...... 50

2. Data Collection ...... 51

D. Data Presentation ...... 53

E. Data Analysis ...... 54

F. Research Validity / Trustworthiness ...... 55

CHAPTER IV RESULTS AND DISCUSSION ...... 56

A. Politics, Organisation and Concepts ...... 58

1. Spiritual and Religious References ...... 58

2. Art and Culture ...... 69

3. Concepts, Values, and Norms ...... 74

4. Mythical Spirits and Characters...... 80

5. Phenomenon, Customs, and Activities ...... 82

6. Local Political Functions and Institutions ...... 84

B. Social Culture ...... 85

1. Kinship and Addressing Terms ...... 86

2. Social Class ...... 91

3. Social Custom ...... 95

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

4. Work and Occupations ...... 98

5. Games and Leisure ...... 99

C. Material Culture ...... 101

1. Food and Drink ...... 101

2. Clothes and Accessories ...... 108

3. Appliances and Tools ...... 112

D. Gestures and Habits ...... 113

1. Figurative Language ...... 114

2. Interjections and Swear Words ...... 117

3. Politeness Markers ...... 117

E. Ecology 119

1. Geographical Feature ...... 119

2. Name of Plant ...... 120

CHAPTER V CONCLUSIONS AND SUGGESTIONS ...... 122

A. Conclusions 122

B. Suggestions 125

1. Suggestions for Translators ...... 125

2. Suggestions for Other Researchers ...... 126

BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 127

APPENDICES ...... 135

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1. Classification of Culture-Specific Items in the Study ...... 28

Table 2. Example of Data Collection Table ...... 52

Table 3. Example of Data Classification Table ...... 53

Table 4. Classification of Javanese Culture-Specific Items in Entrok ...... 56

Table 5. Losses of Meanings in English Translations of Javanese CSIs ...... 57

Table 6. Losses of Meaning in Politics, Organisation and Concepts ...... 58

Table 7. Losses of Meaning in Category of Social Culture ...... 85

Table 8. Losses of Meaning in Category of Material Culture...... 101

Table 9. Losses of Meaning in Category of Gestures and Habits ...... 114

Table 10. Losses of Meaning in Category of Ecology ...... 119

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1 Theoretical Framework of the Study ...... 48

xii

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

CSI : Culture-Specific Items

SL : Source Language

ST : Source Text

TL : Target Language

TT : Target Text

xiii

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

LIST OF APPENDICES

Appendix 1 Javanese Culture-Specific Items in Entrok ...... 136

Appendix 2.1 Culture-Specific Items in Ecology ...... 168

Appendix 2.2 Culture-Specific Items in Material Culture ...... 169

Appendix 2.3 Culture-Specific Items in Social Culture ...... 177

Appendix 2.4 Culture-Specific Items in Organizations, Customs, Ideas ...... 185

Appendix 2.5 Culture-Specific Items in Gestures and Habits ...... 200

xiv

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

ABSTRACT

Nugrawidhanti, Damiana Maria Resya. (2019). LOSSES OF MEANINGS AND (MIS)REPRESENTATION OF CULTURE IN ENGLISH TRANSLATION OF JAVANESE CULTURE-SPECIFIC ITEMS IN OKKY MADASARI’S ENTROK. Yogyakarta: The Graduate Program in English Language Studies, Sanata Dharma University.

Translating literary texts requires awareness of cultural aspects represented in the language in which the literature is written. Therefore, it is important to pay attention to translation of Culture-Specific Items (CSI). As Indonesia attempts to introduce Indonesian literatures as a part of Indonesian cultures to a broader audience by translating more literary works into English, it is important to study how the source culture is represented. This study analysed the translation of CSI in Entrok into its English translation, The Years of the Voiceless as one of Indonesian novels with rich cultural references that had been translated into English. This study aimed to address two research questions: (1) What are the losses of meaning found in English translation of Javanese culture-specific items (CSIs) in Entrok? and (2) Based on the losses of meaning, what the Javanese culture (mis)representations are found in English translation of Javanese CSIs in Entrok? The data in this study are Javanese CSIs in Entrok as the source text (ST) and their English translations in The Years of the Voiceless as the target text (TT). There are 230 English translations of 155 Javanese culture-specific items identified in the ST which were taken as the data in this study. The unit of analysis of this study is in the level of word or phrase. The analysis was carried out by collecting the culture-specific items in the source text and the translation in the target text, comparing the meaning between the source text item and the target text to find the loss, and analysing the implication of such losses in representing Javanese culture by referring to postcolonial theories, particularly orientalism. This study found that there are eighty-six occurrences of losses of meaning in translation of sixty-one items included in five classifications of CSI, namely (1) ecology, (2) material culture, (3) social culture, (4) politics, organization, and concepts, and (5) gestures and habits. The losses were caused by the use of general items to translate specific cultural references, loss of cultural, social and religious significance of the referents, loss of expressive meaning and loss of figurative meaning. The losses of meaning indicated the translator’s decision that lean towards the target readers and reflected the translator’s orientalist view. There are aspects of the source language culture that were misrepresented or omitted in the target text. In the material culture, the translations of gaplek (dried cassava) and kulupan (a dish from boiled vegetables and seasoned shredded coconut) show incomplete representation of the meaning of the items. The significance of priyayi (the gentry in Javanese society) as a social class and the culture of kledek (female dancer) were omitted in the target text. The Javanese concept of natural balance in the

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

term Mbah Ibu Bumi Bapa Kuasa was misrepresented by interpreting the concept using male-centred monotheist religious approach. The losses of meaning in translation of CSI also indicate invisibility of the source culture in the TT. The invisibility is indicated by translation of CSIs using general items, translation of figurative language using explicit meanings, omission of CSI and omission of associated meanings such as omission of negative association in translation of kledek and pesugihan (a ritual to seek for wealth).

Key Words: translation, culture-specific items, translation loss, representation

xvi

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

ABSTRAK

Nugrawidhanti, Damiana Maria Resya. (2019). LOSSES OF MEANINGS AND (MIS)REPRESENTATION OF CULTURE IN ENGLISH TRANSLATION OF JAVANESE CULTURE-SPECIFIC ITEMS IN OKKY MADASARI’S ENTROK. Yogyakarta: Program Magister Kajian Bahasa Inggris, Universitas Sanata Dharma.

Menerjemahkan teks-teks sastra membutuhkan kesadaran akan aspek budaya yang diwakili dalam bahasa yang digunakan dalam karya sastra tersebut. Oleh karena itu, penting untuk memperhatikan terjemahan istilah budaya. Bersama dengan upaya Indonesia untuk memperkenalkan sastra Indonesia sebagai bagian dari budaya Indonesia kepada khalayak yang lebih luas dengan menerjemahkan lebih banyak karya sastra ke dalam bahasa Inggris, penting untuk melihat bagaimana budaya bahasa sumber direpresentasikan dalam teks sasaran. Studi ini menganalisis terjemahan istilah budaya dalam novel Entrok ke dalam terjemahan bahasa Inggrisnya, The Years of the Voiceless sebagai salah satu novel Indonesia dengan referensi budaya yang kaya yang telah diterjemahkan ke dalam bahasa Inggris. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menjawab dua pertanyaan penelitian: (1) Apa kehilangan dan perolehan makna yang ditemukan dalam terjemahan bahasa Inggris istilah budaya Jawa dalam Entrok? dan (2) Berdasarkan kehilangan dan perolehan makna, (mis)representasi budaya Jawa apa yang ditemukan dalam terjemahan bahasa Inggris istilah budaya Jawa dalam Entrok? Data dalam penelitian ini adalah istilah budaya Jawa yang ditemukan dalam Entrok sebagai teks sumber dan terjemahan bahasa Inggrisnya dalam The Years of the Voiceless sebagai teks sasaran. Ada 226 terjemahan bahasa Inggris dari 155 istilah budaya Jawa yang diidentifikasi dalam teks sumber yang diambil sebagai data dalam penelitian ini. Unit analisis penelitian ini adalah tingkat kata atau frasa. Analisis dilakukan dengan mengumpulkan item budaya spesifik dalam teks sumber dan terjemahan dalam teks target, membandingkan makna antara item teks sumber dan teks target untuk menemukan kehilangan dan perolehan makna, dan menganalisis implikasi dari kehilangan dan perolehan makna dalam merepresentasikan budaya Jawa dengan mengacu pada teori poskolonial, khususnya orientalisme. Studi ini menemukan bahwa ada delapan puluh enam kehilangan makna dalam terjemahan enam puluh satu istilah yang termasuk dalam lima klasifikasi istilah budaya, yaitu (1) ekologi, (2) budaya material, (3) budaya sosial, (4) politik, organisasi, dan konsep, dan (5) gestur dan kebiasaan. Kehilangan makna tersebut disebabkan oleh penggunaan istilah yang lebih umum untuk menerjemahkan referensi budaya tertentu, kehilangan makna budaya, sosial dan religius dari referensi budaya, kehilangan makna ekspresif dan hilangnya makna kiasan. Kehilangan makna menunjukkan keputusan penerjemah yang condong ke arah target pembaca dan mencerminkan pandangan orientalis penerjemah. Ada

xvii

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

aspek budaya bahasa sumber yang salah diartikan atau dihilangkan dalam teks target. Dalam budaya material, terjemahan gaplek (singkong yang dikeringkan) dan kulupan (makanan dari sayur rebus dan kelapa parut berbumbu) menunjukkan representasi makna yang tidak lengkap. Pentingnya priyayi sebagai kelas sosial dan budaya kledek (penari wanita) dihilangkan dalam teks target. Konsep keseimbangan alam Jawa dalam istilah Mbah Ibu Bumi Bapa Kuasa salah diartikan dengan menafsirkan konsep menggunakan pendekatan agama monoteis yang berpusat pada laki-laki. Hilangnya makna dalam terjemahan istilah budaya juga menunjukkan tidak nampaknya budaya sumber di TT. Hal ini ditunjukkan oleh terjemahan CSI menggunakan item umum, terjemahan bahasa kiasan menggunakan makna eksplisit, penghilangan istilah budaya dan penghilangan makna terkait seperti penghilangan asosiasi negatif dalam terjemahan kledek dan pesugihan.

Kata Kunci: penerjemahan, istilah budaya, kehilangan penerjemahan, representasi

xviii

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

Introduction comprises four sections namely research background, research questions, research objectives, and research benefits. The first section provides the rationale of this study by presenting the concerns of this study and the reasons of conducting this study. The next section presents the formulated problems which will be the focus of this study. The third section states the objectives of this study.

Finally, the last section of this chapter presents the expected benefits of this study.

A. RESEARCH BACKGROUND

Language is an integral part of human lives which serves various functions.

It is a means of communication and interaction as well as a tool to express thoughts, ideas and beliefs. Since people around the world speak in different languages, some efforts must be made to enable people to comprehend each other even though they speak different languages and live by different cultures. One of the efforts to enable people with different languages and cultures to communicate is translation as a form of intercultural communication in which members of different socio-cultural groups come in contact (House, 2015).

According to Hatim & Munday (2004, p. 6), one definition of translation is

“the process of transferring a written text from SL (source language) to TL (target language), conducted by a translator, or translators, in specific socio-cultural context.” This definition implies that translation involves transferring texts from one language to another while considering the socio-cultural contexts of the texts

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

being transferred. According to Sapir and Whorf as cited in Bassnett (2002), languages always exist in the context of culture and no culture exists without having the structure of language as its centre. Similarly, Nida (1964) recognizes that translation always involves both different languages and different cultures as he believes that one cannot be separated from the other. Language is embedded in the culture: it expresses and shapes how people perceive cultural realities.

Meanings of linguistics unit can be understood only within the cultural context in which they are used. Therefore, translation is a form of intercultural communication as two cultures come into contact through the languages that represent them.

The intimate relationship between language and culture can be observed through their embodiment in literary works such as novels, short stories, play scripts, and poems. Literary works are usually written in the authors’ national or native language. Therefore, the texts are rich in cultural aspects represented by the literary works. The texts are translated in order to make other people from other cultures understand and are able to enjoy the literary work as well. Translating literary text is closely related to delivering messages which are loaded with culture and context of the literary texts.

Toury (1995) argues that the term ‘literary translation’ is actually afflicted by ambiguities as the term refers to two different things: (a) the translation of texts which are considered as literary works in the source culture and (b) the translation of any type of texts in such a way that the product can be acceptable to the recipient culture as literary works. The two senses of literary translation imply that

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

the product of translation of a text which is regarded as literary in the source culture does not always result in a text which is accepted as literary in the target culture. The differences are due to the notion that literature is a cultural institution.

Therefore, different cultures have different requirements to establish literariness of a text (Toury, 1995).

In relation to culture, translating literary texts often requires awareness of cultural aspects represented in the language in which the literature is written.

Newmark (1988, p. 44) identifies culture as “the way of life and its manifestations that are peculiar to a community that uses a particular language as its means of expression.” It highlights the relationship between language and culture, particularly when a language is translated into another language.

Further, it has been recognized that translation is not a neutral activity

(Hatim & Mason, 1997). First of all, translators would have to choose from options lying between two polarities, namely free and literal translations. Their choice would imply their bias in favour of employing a certain method to translate a text. It is a reflection of their perception or their ideology. Bassnett (2002) asserts that a translator who takes a text and transfer it into another culture needs to pay a great attention to the ideological implications. It implies that translation is not only about conveying a message in different languages but it also has something to do with considering cultural and ideological implication of the translation. The translation should consider the culture of the target readers and the intention of translation.

Venuti (1995) introduces that there are two polar strategies in translation,

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

namely domesticating and foreignizing. Translation process will revolve around the degree of the use of these strategies. Domesticating translation will be more in favour of the target audience and bring the source text closer to the target readers.

On the other hand, foreignizing translation will put the source text first and bring the target audience closer to the source text. In practice, these two strategies will go hand in hand even though commonly the dominant strategy or ideology will still be distinguishable.

The use of the two strategies is closely related to the notion of power relations between cultures due to the legacy of colonialism, particularly European colonialism. Translation is a form of contact between a colonized and colonizer culture that indicates power exercise of the colonizer upon the colonized

(Niranjana, 1992). This argument is based on the practice of translation from a language of colonizer into a language of the colonized which usually serves the purpose to disseminate the colonizer’s ideas, agenda and knowledge to the colonized culture in order to exercise the colonizer’s domination upon the colonies.

Further, Jacquemond (1992) argues that translation involving a language pair from a colonizer culture as the dominating culture into a colonized culture as the dominated culture will make this power relations discernible. One of the parameters is the representation of the dominated culture as the source text in the translation work. Jacquemond (1992) asserts that the dominated culture will be portrayed in a way that conform to the dominating culture stereotypes or perception towards them. Further, it relates to Venuti’s concept of domesticating

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

translation which brings the source text closer to the audience and presents foreign culture as ‘other’ which should be represented in a way that is understood by the target culture. However, it may lead to misrepresentation of the source language culture when it is not portrayed properly and accurately in the target text.

In addition to the cultural and ideological awareness in translation, another essential problem in translation is determining whether the ST meaning had been properly transferred into the TT (Hatim & Munday, 2004). In the process of transferring the meaning of a source text (ST) written in source language (SL) into the target text (TT) written in target language (TL), some aspects of the original text can lose. According to Vinay and Darbelnet (1995), one of the major concerns of translators is to ensure that the translation preserves the content of the original without any losses. However, Bassnett (2002) argues that loss in the translation process cannot be avoided as it is a result of differences between languages and cultures. Nevertheless, translation loss should be compensated in order to ensure the quality of the translation. Hatim and Munday (2004) argue that translation techniques serve as the compensation for translation losses. The losses are compensated by employing suitable techniques to minimise the losses.

Translation loss frequently occur in translation of concepts which are culturally specific. It is due to the difficulty of dealing with concepts and terms from different cultures. In this regard, Larson (1984) argues that translation between similar cultures poses less difficulty because both languages will be more likely to have terms that are considered equivalent for the various aspects of the culture. However, equivalent expressions are more difficult to find when the

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

cultures are very different. Consequently, translators should be able to select appropriate translation procedures and techniques so that the cultural references can be well-transferred even though loss may be inevitable in the process. A failure to employ the appropriate translation techniques may result in great loss of meaning.

Translation loss is likely to occur in translation of literary works which is rich in cultural references. A number of studies have attempted to analyse losses of meaning which take place in translation of literary works. A study by Twiyanti and Retnomurti (2017) analyses losses and gains of meaning in the English translation of an Indonesian novel entitled Lintang Kemukus from the semantic perspective. The findings indicate that losses occur in the translation of Lintang

Kemukus into English. An example of the loss is observable in the translation of bertayub into perform. The term bertayub means to perform a tayub dance, a kind of Javanese traditional dance performance. The term tayub derives from two

Javanese words, ditata (arranged) and guyub (harmonious). Therefore, bertayub entails the meaning of performing a dance which is an arrangement of movements in harmony with music from traditional musical instruments. The translation of tayub into perform losses several aspects of meaning. First, perform is too general compared to tayub since perform can refer to any kind of performance aside from dancing. The TL item also lacks of the meanings of arranged and harmonious which are contained in the SL item. The results of the study indicate that losses are more prevalent to happen in translation of culture-specific items as there is a cultural gap between the SL and the TL which makes it difficult to render the

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

meaning of SL item completely. Therefore, it is important to be aware of the possibility of the losses of meaning due to the cultural gap in order to create a more accurate translation.

Concerning the complication of translation of Culture-Specific items (CSI) which may lead to losses of meanings, the writer is interested in conducting a study to analyse the translation of Culture-Specific items, particularly Javanese cultural concepts, in an Indonesian novel which has been translated into English.

In this study, Entrok is chosen since the novel provides a lot of Culture-Specific items which are related to Javanese culture. Translation of CSIs is specifically essential in Entrok because this novel is rich with culture-specific contents which are essential to the readers' understanding of the settings, characters, and plot of the story. Entrok features a conflict between Javanese traditional spiritual practices and Moslem religious view depicted by the conflict between Marni, who firmly holds traditional Javanese religion, and her daughter, Rahayu, who is a devout Moslem. Thus, the cultural contents play a significant role in establishing the whole context of the story.

Entrok is the first novel written by Okky Madasari, an Indonesian writer whose writings consistently raise issues of human rights and freedom against any forms of repression. Her writings include Entrok (2010), 86 (2011), Maryam

(2012), Pasung Jiwa (2013), Kerumunan Terakhir (2016) and Mata di Tanah

Melus (2018). In 2012, she won Khatulistiwa Literary Award for her third novel,

Maryam. The English translation of Entrok is published 3 years after the publication of the original novel. Entrok portrays social and political conditions in

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

Indonesia, particularly in Central and East Java, under the military repression in the New Order era. The story is told from the perspectives of mother and daughter, Sumarni and Rahayu, who found themselves attempted to bridge the difference between Sumarni’s belief to Javanese traditional belief and Rahayu’s strong faith to Islam while fighting military oppression in their lives.

Entrok was translated by Nurhayat Idriyanto Mohamed. Dalang Publishing,

LLC (n.d.) mentions that Mohamed is the managing editor in Jakarta-based

English language mass media, Jakarta Globe. He was born and raised in Tanzania.

After graduating from college, he moved to Indonesia, his father’s native country.

He grew his interest on Indonesia and decided to work in this country. After working for some time in an Indonesian mass media, he was offered to translate

Madasari’s work, Entrok, into English. Mohamed continued to translate other

Madasari’s works including 86, the award-winning novel, Maryam (The Outcast), and Pasung Jiwa (Bound).

As Indonesia attempts to introduce Indonesian literatures as a part of

Indonesian cultures to a broader audience by translating more literary works into

English, it is important to study how the source culture is represented. The representation of Javanese culture in the translation works will be discernible from how the culture-specific items are translated. When there are a lot of losses occur, the translation will not be able to represent Javanese culture in the English translation properly. It is also related with the understanding that translation is never a transparent activity which is free from ideology and contexts (Bassnet &

Trivedi, 1999). In this case, the translator’s background and ideology as well as

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

the power relations between English representing European colonial culture and

Javanese representing the dominated culture present some influences in the translation process which can be analysed from postcolonial perspective.

Therefore, this study will focus on losses of meaning in English translation of

Javanese culture-specific items in Entrok in order to find how Javanese culture is represented, or possibly misrepresented, from postcolonial perspective particularly orientalism theory.

B. RESEARCH QUESTIONS

Based on the aforementioned research background, research questions are formulated as follows.

1. What are the losses of meaning found in English translation of Javanese

culture-specific items (CSIs) in Entrok?

2. Based on the losses of meaning, what Javanese culture

(mis)representations are found in English translation of Javanese CSIs in

Entrok?

C. RESEARCH OBJECTIVES

With regards to the aforementioned research questions, this study is intended to accomplish two main objectives. Firstly, this study aims to find translation losses occurring in the translation of Entrok into The Years of The

Voiceless. This objective will be accomplished by comparing ST and TT pairs and explaining the differences in meaning as well as historical and cultural differences which result in translation losses.

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

Secondly, this study has an objective to describe the (mis)representations of

Javanese culture by virtue of the losses found in the translation of CSI in Entrok into The Years of The Voiceless. This objective will be accomplished by discussing how the losses of meanings in the translation of Javanese CSIs contribute to the (mis)representation of Javanese culture from the perspective of postcolonial translation.

D. RESEARCH BENEFITS

The study is expected to contribute to the development of translation study, particularly translation of culture-specific items and the implication of culture- specific items in the translation process. This study is also expected to be beneficial for students of translation class as this study presents an analysis of translation practice in a specific scope, which is a translation dealing with cultural concepts from Indonesian into English in a literary work. In addition, since this study employs perspectives of both translation and cultural studies particularly postcolonial perspective on translation, this study is expected to reinforce the position of translation study as an interdisciplinary study.

Furthermore, in a wider perspective, this study is expected to raise awareness and provide insight regarding the importance of the translation of CSIs since the treatment of culture-specific items in a text may contribute to the perception of the source text’s culture within the culture in which the translated text is circulated.

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

CHAPTER II

LITERATURE REVIEW

Literature review provides a review of theories and findings of other studies which have influence on the analysis of this study as well as the framework of this study. This chapter consists of three sub-chapters, namely review of related literature, review of related studies and theoretical framework.

A. REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE

Review of related literature provides a review of theories which justify the analysis of this study. This sub-chapter comprises of four sections which will review theories related to the focus of this study, namely translation, culture- specific items (CSI), postcolonial ideology, as well as review of Entrok and translator’s background.

1. Translation

This section presents review of theories regarding concepts of translation, translation loss, translation and culture, as well as ideology and translation. a. Concept of Translation

Translation can be understood in many different ways. One of early definitions in modern translation studies is proposed by Catford (1965, p. 20) who argues that translation may be defined as “the replacement of textual material in one language (SL) by equivalent textual material in another language (TL)”. This definition underlines that translation involves finding equivalent to substitute

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

textual materials such as grammar and lexis in TL. Similarly, Larson (1984) argues that translation is transfer of meaning of the source language to the receptor language which is done by changing the form of a language into another language by means of semantic structure. This definition emphasizes that meaning is the most prominent aspect of a text which must be held constant in the process of translation. In line with Larson’s argument, Newmark (1988, p.5) mentions that translation is “rendering the meaning of a text into another language in a way that the author intended the text.” This definition points out that the translation should be faithful to the meaning of the source text. Another definition of translation is provided by Jakobson (1959) by making distinction between three types of written translation. The first type of translation is intralingual translation. It is the translation within the same language, which can be in form of rewording or paraphrase. The second type of translation is interlingual translation, which is translation from one language to another. The third type is intersemiotic translation. It involves translation of the verbal sign by a non-verbal sign, for example music or image. Jakobson only consider the second type of translation, interlingual translation, as the ‘translation proper’.

According to Hatim and Munday (2004), there are at least two different senses of translation. The first sense focuses on the process of translation, while the second sense defines translation as the product of translation. In favour to the first sense, the process of translation involves the changing of an original written text (the source text or ST) in the original language (source language or SL) into a written text (the target text or TT) in a different language (the target language or

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

TL). The second sense of translation is related to the use of term ‘translation’ to refer to the text which is the product of the said process according to the first sense. Further, Hatim and Munday (2004) establish threefold definition of the ambit of translation which comprises 1) the process of transferring a written text from SL to TL which is conducted by translators in a specific socio-cultural context, 2) the written product which results from that process and functions within the socio-cultural context of the TL, and 3) the cognitive, linguistic, visual, cultural and ideological phenomena which are inseparable from the process and the product of translation. This definition provides another aspect of translation which also encompasses a broad sense of phenomena occurring within the process and related to the product.

Based on definitions provided by various scholars, there are several important points in translation which shall be noted in this study. First, translation involves transferring meaning from a language which functions within a socio- cultural context into another language existing within a socio-cultural context.

Second, translation may refer to the process of transferring, the product of transfer, and the phenomena resulting from the process or the product. b. Translation Loss

In the process of translation, loss of meaning may occur due to the principle that there will be no two languages which are the same (Bassnett, 2002).

Differences among languages lead to loss which can occur in the process of transferring a text from SL to TL. According to Nida (1964), problems of loss in translation are related to the difficulties posed when the translator encounters

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

terms or concepts in the SL which do not exist or unfamiliar in the TL. In this case, the unfamiliarity usually emerges because of differences in how SL and TL cultures perceive a concept to be important. Therefore, the unfamiliar concepts or terms can be considered as culture-bound concepts or culture-specific terms. For example, Javanese culture is familiar with cassava as one of Javanese people’s staple food. They have various ways to turn cassava into food or to cure the cassava for long-term food preservation. Therefore, there are many terms in

Javanese that refer to names of food made or cured from cassava, such as gaplek or tiwul. The equivalence of these terms may not be found in other cultures which are not familiar with cassava as their staple food.

The process of finding the equivalence of these particularly culture-specific items may result in loss in the transfer from ST to TT (Bassnett, 2002). Loss in translation process may occur in terms of lexical and syntactic problems.

Translation of cultural-specific items, which mainly involves lexical problems, becomes a major cause of translation loss since it may pose problems of equivalence (Baker, 1992). Similarly, Al-Masri (2009) argues that translation loss may happen in the process of correlating the verbal signs of one culture to another culture as a result of misrepresenting and overlooking the source text which may take place when the translator is an ‘outsider’ of the SL culture.

Further, it is necessary to clarify the scope of discussion regarding translation loss in this study. The scope will be based on types of equivalence proposed by Popovic in Bassnett (2002). It classifies equivalence into four types of equivalence. The first type is linguistic equivalence, or lexical equivalence,

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

which applies on the word level, i.e. word for word translation. The second type of equivalence is paradigmatic equivalence, which works with elements of grammar as a higher category than linguistic equivalence. The next type of equivalence is stylistic (translational) equivalence, which is the functional equivalence that aims at expressive identity of various identical meanings. Finally, textual (syntagmatic) equivalence is the equivalence of form and shape of a text.

This study will focus on loss in the lexical level because the CSI are mostly classified as lexical items. Further, this study will also consider their implications on equivalence on stylistic level because the functions of the CSI are different throughout various contexts. c. Meanings in Translation

In the discussion of loss of meaning, it is essential to review the significance of ‘meaning’ in translation. Hatim and Munday (2004) argue that the analysis of linguistic meaning of individual word or phrase is important in translation.

Analysis of meaning can be a challenging aspect of translation because the ST may impose problems of ambiguities or culture-specific items which may be confusing. With regards to the analysis of meaning, Nida and Taber (1969) distinguish two kinds of linguistic meaning, namely referential and connotative.

Referential meaning deals with the words as signs or symbols. On the other hand, connotative meaning is the emotional response evoked in the hearer. Similarly,

Cruse in Baker (1992) argues that there are four types of meaning: propositional meaning, expressive meaning, presupposed meaning, and evoked meaning.

Propositional meaning is essentially similar to referential meaning.

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

According to Cruse (2004), this type of meaning identifies the intended referent(s), hence the label ‘referential’. Propositional or referential meaning is not tied to the speaker and setting of the current speech situation.

In addition, Cruse in Baker (1992) mentions that propositional meaning is usually contrasted with expressive meaning. Propositional meaning arises from the relation between the word and what it refers to in a real or imaginary world, as agreed by the speakers of the language to which the word belong. On the contrary, expressive meaning refers to meaning which is related to the speaker’s feelings or attitude rather than to what the word refers to. Further, Cruse (2004) describes expressional meaning as the meaning that expresses an emotional state which is restricted to the current state of the time of speaking. It is different from descriptive meaning which is not tied to the speech situation.

The next type of meaning is presupposed meaning. According to Cruse in

Baker (1992), this type of meaning is determined by restrictions on what word is expected to co-occur with another particular lexical unit. There are two types of the co-occurrence restrictions: selectional and collocational. Selectional restrictions refer to the function of the propositional meaning of a word.

Collocational restrictions are semantically arbitrary restrictions which appear in collocations.

Another type of meaning arises from the use of dialect and register variation. Particular dialect may evoke a certain meaning which is restricted to the use of a term in the dialect. Similarly, the use of a particular register also may evoke a certain situation which is related to the use of the register. Cruse (2004)

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

labels this type of meaning as evoked meaning.

Among all types of meaning described above, propositional meaning is the only one that relates to the truth of an utterance. Consequently, the proposition of an utterance can be challenged by a reader or a hearer. Meanwhile, other types of meaning contribute to the overall meaning of an utterance in more subtle and complex ways which may results in the difficulties to distinguish different types of meaning and analyse them separately (Baker, 1992). However, Baker (1992) adds that the distinction between types of meaning can be helpful for translators since they should be able to comprehend the meanings of words and utterances in a precise manner in order to accurately render them into another language.

Similarly, Larson (1984) argues that it is essential for translators to find the components of meaning in order to be able to translate accurately.

In the process of translation, a translator may encounter with various problems related to meaning. Hatim and Munday (2004) mention two possible challenges which are particularly related to understanding of culture in translating culture-specific items. First, a word can be polysemous. It implies that a word may have several different meanings. A translator needs to consider the other words around the problematic word, which is called as the co-text, to determine the correct sense of the word. Second, words can also have figurative meanings which need to be distinguished from the literal meanings. In this point, it also become clear that a translator should have adequate understanding of the source culture in order to be able identify such meanings as well as understanding of the target culture in order to be able to render the message properly using the TL.

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

d. Translation and Culture

As elaborated in the previous section, the significance of meaning in translation encompasses more than referential meaning. Connotative and expressive meanings are heavily influenced by the culture of the languages involved in the translation process. Translation theorists and practitioners had acknowledged the relations between translation and culture since the rise of modern translation studies. One important point in the study of translation and culture is the recognition of words and concepts which are closely related to culture and often pose difficulties in the translation process. Several scholars have discussed these problems; for example, Baker (1992) describes that problems of non-equivalence at word level are heavily influenced by the existence of the

“culture-specific concepts”. Newmark (1988) also discusses that ‘cultural’ language requires different treatment in translation as they are peculiar to a community that uses the cultural words as a means of expression.

Translation is also considered as a form of intercultural communication

(House, 2015). It facilitates people from different languages and cultures to understand each other. Moreover, translation works provide access for people from different socio-cultural background to learn about other cultures. Translation process involves an exchange of culture as different cultures come into contact and establish relations. Consequently, intercultural awareness is essential in translation Intercultural awareness is achieved when the translators are aware of cultural differences and able to mediate between cultures (Robinson, 2003).

Further, the relation between culture and translation has gone beyond the

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

intercultural contact taking place in translation. It has become more prominent when translation studies started to move from linguistic approach to translation to cultural approach to translation (Hatim & Munday, 2004). This turn was also indicated by more attention paid to cultural studies in analysing translation works.

In relation to culture, translation is one of the practices which enable any cultural groups to generate and construct powerful representation of other cultures (Baker,

1992). This idea is particularly apparent in postcolonial approach to translation.

Jacquemond (1992) argues that in the postcolonial context, power differences between cultures, particularly between more powerful dominant or “hegemonic” cultures and less powerful or “dominated” ones generates representations of the colonized as the “dominated” culture which serve the hegemonic cultures of the colonizer. The dominated cultures are often represented in ways that fulfil the expectations of the target audience in the dominant culture which are based on presumptions or stereotypes of the dominated cultures hold by the hegemonic cultures. Further, the representation of the dominated culture in translation into hegemonic culture tend to perpetuate the perception of ‘strangeness’ and

‘otherness’ of the dominated culture. In the translation practice, Jacquemond

(1992, p.155) indicates that translator from a dominated culture plays a role as

“authoritative mediator” who helps the hegemonic culture to consume the dominated linguistic-cultural object while at the same time keep perceiving the dominated culture as ‘other’.

In this study, Jacquemond’s findings and arguments become the point from which the analysis will be conducted. The loss of meaning in the translation of

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

culture-specific items is taken into consideration as an indicator of the translator’s perception towards how the Javanese culture as a culture of the dominated population in the ST should be represented in the English translation. e. Ideology and Translation

As translation scholars and practitioners started to turn their attention to the cultural aspects of translation, translation studies later developed a deeper concern towards ideological implications of translation as well (Hatim & Munday, 2004).

In its further development, studies in translation began to acknowledge that translation is a manipulative activity which is not isolated from influences from the context in which the translation process takes place (Bassnet & Trivedi, 1999).

Ideology certainly is not exclusively a concept in translation. It has been widely appreciated in many fields such as politics and economics. Thus, the term ideology has been defined in many different ways by a number of scholars.

However, this study uses a working definition by Hatim and Mason (1997, p. 120) who define ideology as “the tacit assumptions, beliefs, and value systems which are shared collectively by social groups.”

In translation, Hatim and Mason (1997, p. 120) make a distinction between

‘the ideology of translating’ and ‘translation of ideology’. Ideology of translating concerns choices a translator has in dealing with a text to be translated. It from the long-time recognition that translation would not be neutral as translation is considered to exist between two polarities of ‘free’ versus ‘literal’, ‘dynamic’ versus ‘formal’ equivalence (Nida E. , 1964). Translator’s choice to lean towards a certain pole might implicitly indicates the translator’s stance or belief on how

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

the text should be translated. Venuti’s (1995) ideas of the visibility of translator which is stated in distinction between ‘domesticating’ and ‘foreignizing’ translation makes the consequences of such choices become clearer. This classification by Venuti can be considered as one of widely used theories regarding ideology of translating. Venuti (1995) highlights the consequences of

‘domesticating’ and ‘foreignizing’ translation by showing how the predominant tendency towards ‘domesticating’ translation in Anglo-American culture in the last three hundred years has hindered the source texts producers, who are mostly from dominated cultures, in their attempts to project their voices. It happens because unlike ‘foreignizing’ translation in which the translator makes a deliberate choice to preserve foreign aspects of the source culture and thereby indicate the presence of the translator, in ‘domesticating’ translation, the translator makes him/herself invisible as if the process of translation never happened. In a

‘domesticating’ translation, foreign linguistic and cultural concepts are domesticated and brought closer to the target readers in the dominant culture in order to make it easier for them to enjoy and comprehend the text in a familiar note and situation, sometimes at the cost of leaving true intention or cultural meaning of the source text producers behind. This domestication can occur as a result of a deliberate attempt from the translator or executed without the translator knowing in the process of translation. However, the effect remains the same, namely the domestication or even elimination of foreign elements from the source text and culture when they are translated into a dominant or even hegemonic culture.

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

The other notion stated by Hatim and Mason (1997) is ‘the translation of ideology’. It is different from ‘ideology of translating’ because translation of ideology concerns more on how ideologies in the text are translated. Hatim and

Mason (1997, p. 122) argues that one way to reveal how ideologies are translated is by studying the degrees of mediation involved in the translation, that is “the extent to which translators intervene in the transfer process, feeding their own knowledge and beliefs into the processing of text.” The degrees of mediation may reveal the underlying motivation of translators’ decision, or at least say something about the filtering process done by the translators. Further, Hatim and Mason

(1997) agree that the mediation is observable through cohesion, transitivity, lexical choice, and style-shifting.

Hatim and Mason (1997) do not differentiate the degrees of mediation into a rigid classification. However, they provide examples of minimal mediation, partial mediation and maximal mediation. Minimal mediation implies that the source text is visible in the translated text due to little intervention of the translator. The maximal mediation implies greater extent of translator intervention in the text which results in possibility of the translation relays a different ideology from the one intended by the source text.

Furthermore, as the attention moved to cultural and ideological aspects of translation, the interdisciplinary nature of translation studies became more apparent (Hatim & Munday, 2004). Translation studies started to encompass other fields in cultural studies such as postcolonialism and gender studies. Moreover, the acknowledgement of the role of ideology in translation has introduced the

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

perspectives of critical discourse analysis to analyse translation works.

This study particularly employs postcolonial ideology or perspective to analyse how the losses of meaning in translation of culture-specific items reveal the (mis)representation of ST culture. Even though the ST itself do not explicitly convey postcolonial issues, the postcolonial perspective is employed in the analysis because the concern of this study is the translation from Javanese as a dominated culture into English as a dominant culture. The postcolonial perspective and ideas employed in this study will be elaborated in the Postcolonial

Ideology section.

2. Culture-Specific Items

As the main concern of this study is the translation of culture-specific items

(CSI), it is important to review several important points about the definition of

Culture-Specific items, classification of Culture-Specific items employed in the present study, untranslatability of Culture-Specific items and techniques to translate culture-specific items. a. Definition of Culture-Specific Items

As the name suggests, Culture-Specific Items (CSIs) are linguistic items which are related to culture. Experts have different terms to refer to cultural references. Newmark (1988) refers to cultural terms as cultural words, while

Baker (1992) calls them culture-specific concepts. The term culture-specific item is proposed by Aixela (1996). Since then, this term has been widely used and adopted by scholars of translation study (Davies, 2003). Therefore, this term will

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

be used in the present study.

The definition of CSI is also varied according to a number of translation scholars. Aixela (1996) argues that CSIs can be recognized intuitively since many discussions about CSI seem to refuse to provide a definition. The difficulties of providing definition on CSI are also due to the fact that everything is culturally produced, including the language itself which is also a product of culture. Further,

Aixela (1996) asserts that concept of CSIs is rather complicated because they occur when any reference represented by language in SL poses a translation problem due to the absence or difference of the given item in the TL culture.

However, some attempts have been made to define what items included as cultural reference or culture-specific items. Baker (1992) proposes that culture-specific concepts are concepts which are totally unknown in the target culture. Further,

Baker points out that the concept in question may be both abstract, as it may relate to a religious belief or a social custom, and concrete such as a type of food.

Similarly, Newmark (1988) asserts that cultural words are words which pose translation problems due to cultural ‘gap’ or distance between the source and target languages. Further, Aixela (1996, p.58) proposes a definition of CSI as follow.

“those textually actualized items whose function and connotations in a source text involve a translation problem in their transference to a target text, whenever this problem is a product of the nonexistence of the referred item or of its different intertextual status in the cultural system of the readers of the target text.”

The definition of culture-specific item proposed by Aixela (1996) adds an important point about the problems that may take place when translating

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

connotation and function of the referred item into the target culture due to different intertextual status of the item in the cultural system of the target text.

There are several common points from definitions of culture-specific items which shall be noted in this study. First, CSI refers to concepts or references which are related to SL culture or way of life. This point implies that the items are unique to SL culture and are not familiar to the readers in the TL culture, whether it is due to the nonexistence of the referents or due to different function or connotation of the item in the TL culture. Second, the translation of CSI usually poses problems for translators as it demands cultural competence to acknowledge that there is an inevitable gap between the SL and the TL cultures and the translators should be able to make decisions in order to establish a bridge between the cultures. Third, translation of CSI requires sufficient intertextual understanding of the items in the SL and TL cultures. It means the translator should be aware that the cultural references have relations to other texts outside of the ST. b. Classification of Culture-Specific Items

CSI can be classified into several categories which can be useful to better understand their meanings based on the settings and significance of each category.

Different translation scholars have proposed different classification of culture references or culture-specific items. Aixela (1996) argues that culture-specific items fall into two major categories: proper names and common expressions. The latter includes objects, institutions, habits, and opinions restricted to a certain culture and that cannot be included in proper names category. Proper names can

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

be divided into two categories: conventional and loaded. Conventional proper names do not have particular meanings of themselves. The examples of conventional names are names of toponyms, fictional or non-fictional figures. On the other hand, loaded proper nouns have particular meaning which are associated with certain historical or cultural contexts. Aixela’s classification is rather too general and cannot provide detailed identification of which items are included.

Another classification of CSI is proposed by Newmark (1988). According to

Newmark (1988), cultural references can be classified into five categories namely

1) ecology, including geographical features of nature and living things such as flora and fauna, 2) material culture, e.g. food, clothes, houses, and transportation,

3) social culture, comprising social activities, structures, work and leisure, 4) political and administrative organization, historical, international, religious and artistic terms, as well as 5) cultural-specific gestures and habits.

A more detailed classification of CSIs is provided by Pavlovic and Poslek

(1999). Their classification includes ecology, everyday life (types of dwelling, household appliances, food, meals, clothes, national costumes, means of transport, public services), material culture (trademarks and products), history, religion, economy, political and administrative functions and institutions, armed forces, education, forms of address, gestures and habits, work, leisure and entertainment

(sports, games, places of leisure, hobbies, TV programs, and famous personalities).

In addition to those classifications, Espindola and Vasconcellos (2006) propose another classification comprising toponyms, anthroponyms,

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

entertainment, means of transportation, fictional characters, legal system, local institutions, measuring system, food and drink, scholastic references, religious celebration, and dialect. Another scholar, Mikutyte (2005) proposes another classification of CSI which includes geographical realities (physical geography, meteorology realities, endemic plants and animals), ethnographic realities (food, drinks, public institutions, jewellery, housing, furniture, transportation, work, art, culture, rituals, holidays, games, ethnic objects, measurement, and religions), social and political realities (administrative-territorial division, settlements, government bodies and individuals, political movements and actors, title, military realities), situational/non-elemental realities (moral norms, values, behaviour, rules, superstition, gestures, signs and symbols), intertextuality (citations of traditional or historical events), personal names, places of interests, names of streets and squares, titles of periodicals, literature and works of art, and brands.

The classification of CSI used in this study was synthesized from different categorizations of CSI in order to accommodate the need of this study. The classifications were selected based on CSI found in the preliminary observation of the ST and the ones that are expected to have certain implications in the translation. Personal proper names are not included in this study because preliminary reading of the ST indicates that all of them are preserved in the translation. The framework of the classification is taken from Newmark (1988) with detailed sub-categories from Pavlovic & Poslek (1999), Mikutyte (2005), and

Espindola & Vasconcellos (2006). Table 1 shows the classification of CSI employed in this study.

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

Table 1. Classification of Culture-Specific Items in the Study

Samples of No Category Sub-category Proposed by Javanese CSI Geographical features (Newmark, blumbang 1. Ecology Plants and animal 1988) kantil 2. Material (Espindola & gaplek, pecel, Cultures Food and drink Vasconcellos, tahu petis 2006) Clothes and (Pavlovic & beskap, accessories Poslek, 2003) blangkon (Pavlovic & Parts of house pawon Poslek, 2003) (Pavlovic & Appliances and tools tenggok, jun Poslek, 2003) Means of (Pavlovic & lori transportation Poslek, 2003) 3. Social (Newmark, priyayi, Social class Cultures 1988) abangan (Newmark, rewang, Social customs 1988) jagong Work and occupation (Mikutyte, 2005) ndherep (Newmark, Games and leisure gateng 1988) Kinship/addressing (Pavlovic & Nduk, Nyi terms Poslek, 2003) 4. Organizations, Local political (Espindola & wedana, customs, ideas function and Vasconcellos, kamituwo institution 2006) gambyong, Art and culture (Mikutyte, 2005) ketoprak Mythical spirits and (Newmark, tuyul, Arjuna characters 1988) Spiritual and religious tirakat, references (Mikutyte, 2005) selametan (Newmark, Concepts, norms, and karma, kualat, 1988),(Mikutyte, value ngelangut 2005) Phenomenon, (Newmark, mringkili, customs, and activities 1988) ngenger

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

5. Gestures and Interjections and (Newmark, prek, gombal habits swear words 1988) (Newmark, Politeness markers monggo 1988) (Newmark, Figurative language seenak udel 1988) c. Translatability of Culture-Specific Items

Translatability is a major challenge in translating CSIs which has been discussed by experts for years, yet it remains a problem and challenge for translators. Indeed, the issue of translatability, which comes along with discussion of untranslatability, is raised from the difficulties encountered by the translator.

According to Larson (1984), wide range of differences in culture between SL and

TL may interfere with the translation since it is difficult to properly transfer the meaning of ST into TT while taking cultures into account.

Regarding the issue of untranslatability, Catford (1965) distinguishes two types of untranslatability, namely linguistic untranslatability and cultural untranslatability. Linguistic untranslatability is more straightforward as it can be observed when there is no lexical or syntactical substitute in TL for an SL item.

This type of untranslatability occurs because of differences in the SL and TL.

However, the second type of untranslatability is more complicated. Cultural untranslatability occurs because a certain situational feature in ST does not exist in TL culture. Further, Catford (1965) argues that cultural untranslatability does not apply to more abstract lexical items such as home and democracy because the equivalents for English phrases I’m going home or He’s at home can be found in most languages while the term democracy is used internationally.

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

Nevertheless, Bassnett (2002) argues that Catford’s arguments on cultural untranslatability related to his explanation on home and democracy fail to consider a number of significant factors. First, the content meaning of the SL may be only loosely produced even though the translation has provided seeming equivalent translation of the term. Then, the translation also needs to consider the context.

Moreover, home has a range of associative meanings which may be not translated by more restricted terms in other languages. In addition, the translation of democracy brings about more complexities. Although the term is present in many languages, the readers will have different concepts of the term based on their own cultural contexts and they will apply their own view accordingly. Therefore, even though the term is used internationally, it is used in different contexts and there is presumably no common ground among the readers. Regarding this issue, Bassnett

(2002) further argues that cultural untranslatability is always actually present in any process of translation.

In line with Catford’s classification of untranslatability, Popovic in Bassnett

(2002) also attempted to define untranslatability by distinguishing two types of untranslatability. The first is defined as a situation in which the linguistic elements of the source text cannot be replaced adequately because of a lack of denotative and connotative meaning. This type can be considered as parallel to Catford’s category of linguistic untranslatability. Meanwhile, the second type is defined as a situation where the relation between the subject and its linguistic expression in the source text is not expressed by an adequate linguistic expression in the translation.

The second type of Popovic’s untranslatability can be seen in Danish

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

phrases for expressing gratitude, such as Tak for mad which is an expression of gratitude said by guests to a host or hostess after a meal. This type of untranslatability is also similar with problems of equivalence proposed by Baker

(1992) in which a term may be difficult to translate because it has semantically complicated meanings in the SL which make it difficult to transfer to TL or because there is no equivalent lexical item available in the TL for a concept which is commonly used in SL culture. d. Techniques to Translate CSI

Given the complexities of translating culture-specific items as discussed in the previous section, it becomes apparent that the translation requires certain strategies and procedures. Newmark (1988) mentions that the selection of technique to translate cultural references should consider three important aspects.

Firstly, it depends on the particular text-type. Secondly, the requirements of the readership or the client. It is important to consider the readership acceptance in the process of translation. In addition, the client may request for a translation which disregard the presupposed type of the text and ask for a different style instead.

Thirdly, the translation technique also depends on the importance of the cultural word in the text. When the meaning of a cultural item is significant in terms of the understanding of the whole text, or even for a wider reason such as the depiction of identity of the culture, the translator should select translation techniques which are able to accommodate such significance.

Considering the importance of appropriate selection of translation techniques of CSI, different theorists have proposed different procedures of

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

translating CSI. Larson (1984) argues that there are three basic techniques to translate cultural words, namely describing the cultural word, using a loan word, and finding cultural substitutes. Describing the cultural word means the translator gives explanation on the meaning of the word by giving a description. Using loan word means the translator borrows the term and uses it in the translation. Finding cultural substitutes happens when the translator decides to use another term in TL that expresses more or less the same meaning with the cultural word in the SL.

Another set of procedures is proposed by Newmark (1988). The procedures are used to translate sentences and smaller units of language, including cultural terms. The procedures are transference (borrowing/transliteration), naturalization, cultural equivalent, neutralization (the use of ‘culture-free’ word or description of cultural word), literal translation, label (introducing a new term by literally translate the term and provide the translation as a label of the term), componential analysis, deletion, accepted standard translation, paraphrase, notes (footnotes, glossary), and couplet (combination of two procedures).

Aixela (1996) argues that procedures to deal with translation of CSI can be ordered based on the degree of intercultural manipulation. Aixela’s scale is divided in two major groups based on the nature of the procedure i.e. conservation and substitution. Conservative strategies are those which are closer to the source text. There are five translation procedures which belong to the conservation group, stated in order: repetition, orthographic adaptation (transcription and transliteration), linguistic (non-cultural) translation (pre-established translation), extratextual gloss, and intratextual gloss. On the other hand, substitutive

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

procedures lean towards the target text. There are six procedures which are included in this group: synonymy, limited universalization (the use of another reference which also belongs to the source text culture but more familiar to the target culture), absolute universalization (using neutral references), naturalization

(the use of a CSI which is considered specific in the target culture), deletion and autonomous creation. In addition to the specifically ordered procedures, Aixela

(1996) propose other potential strategies such as compensation (deletion + autonomous creation at another part of the text), dislocation (locating a reference in another part of the text), and attenuation (replacement of an item deemed inappropriate on the ideological basis of the target readers with something which is considered more appropriate).

While Aixela’s framework is considered as one of the most elaborated taxonomies of translation procedures dealing with CSI, Davies (2003) asserts that there are several questionable points in the framework. First, the distinction made by Aixela to differentiate the degree of manipulation is rather vague. There is no clear distinction between each degree thus it can be easily debated. Second, the use of the term ‘universalization’ may imply something more significant than simply replacing an item in the ST with another item in the TT. Eventually, the ordering of Aixela procedures may raise questions as different people may have different reasoning on how the procedures should be ordered. Based on those points, Davies (2003) proposes her own framework which is not specifically ordered in terms of the closeness to the source text or ranging from foreignized to domesticated. The procedures include preservation (lexical borrowing,

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

transliteration and literal translation without further explanation), addition

(including notes), omission, globalization (the use of more neutral or general item), localization (replacing a ST item with a TT item), transformation

(adaptation of titles), and creation of CSI of the SL which is not present in the original text.

3. Postcolonial Ideology

Postcolonial ideology needs to be reviewed in this study in its relation with the translation of CSIs. The postcolonial ideology is the foundation of analysis of the (mis)representation of culture indicated by the losses of meaning, which has been discussed in the sub-section of Translation and Culture. However, some basic understanding of postcolonialism needs to be presented in the overview of postcolonialism. In addition, orientalism will be discussed since it will be the focus of discussing the (mis)representation as indicated by Jacquemond (1992).

Further, it is essential to review how postcolonial ideology can be employed as an approach to analyse translation works, particularly in analysing how imbalance power involving different cultures interact in a translation work. a. Overview of Postcolonialism

Postcolonialism refers to a part of history undergone by countries which experienced European colonization, after they were separated from the colonizer and emerged to rebuild themselves (Guerin, Labor, Morgan, Reesman, &

Willingham, 2011). Historically, this term was originally used to designate a period of post-independence of post-colonial states after the Second World War

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

(Ashcroft, Griffiths, & Tiffin, 2007). Those two definitions are the initial reference of postcolonialism prior to the development of postcolonialism as a critical theory.

One essential milepost in the development of postcolonialism as a criticism is the emergence of Said’s Orientalism in 1978, which will be discussed more in the next section of this review. Said identifies a European cultural tradition of

‘Orientalism’, which is a particular and long-standing way of identifying the East as ‘Other’, an inferior to the West. Since Orientalism, studies in colonial discourse have encompassed a variety of cultural texts and practices including art works, scientific systems, education, ideas of beauty (Loomba, 2005). Later works from other postcolonial writers help develop postcolonialism as a criticism and theory. In particular, postcolonial writers from the former colonized societies have made efforts to reclaim their culture and to defy misleading preconception about their culture (Ashcroft, Griffiths, & Tiffin, 2007).

An essential point of postcolonial perspective is that it rejects the universal point of view in literature that regards human beings as the universal subject and readers while removing different experiences of different nations, particularly in terms of colonization and exploitation (Ashcroft, Griffiths, & Tiffin, 2007). It means that postcolonial perspective considers imbalance power relations that is inseparable from any exchange of culture in the postcolonial world. Hatim and

Munday (2004) points out that postcolonialism is related to formation of identities, particularly national or ethnic identities. The formation of identity in postcolonial societies is strongly influenced by the legacy of colonial imposed in

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

people from colonized culture. People in the former colonized communities will be influenced by the former colonizer, resulting in the unique-‘hybrid’ identity

(Bhabha, 1994). Further, the power relations also manifested in constructing representation of the colonized and colonizer (Ashcroft, Griffiths, & Tiffin, 2007).

Colonizer’s culture is represented as the dominant and hegemonic culture, while the colonized is represented as the inferior and marginalized. It is apparent in a wide range of cultural practices, including literature and popular culture. b. Orientalism

This section will present an overview of Said’s orientalism as well as key concepts of internal orientalism which becomes the basis of analysis in exploring how such perspective and ideology are implied in the way the SL culture is represented in the TT. The ideas of orientalism discussed in this section are mostly taken from Said’s Orientalism (1978) supported by ideas from other scholars.

Orientalism has been acknowledged as one of important key ideas which pioneered the development of postcolonial criticism. Said (1978) mentions that

Orientalism refers to three different meaning. First of all, Orientalism can refer to oriental studies or area studies which are concerned with the Orient – the East, both Near East (the Middle East) and Far East (Asian). A more general meaning of Orientalism encompasses ideas based on the ontological and epistemological distinction between “the Orient” or the East and “the Occident” or the West. This basic distinction has been accepted as the basis to establish writings and theories related to the Orient and the customs of its people. The third meaning of

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

Orientalism is related to Western society’s power exercise and attempt to reconstruct the Orient. Ashcroft, et al. (2007) assert that power, domination, and a varying degree of complex hegemony are the defining aspects of the relationship between the Occident and the Orient.

Orientalism plays an important role in shaping and constructing the representation of the Oriental ‘others’ to the Occident. Ashcroft, et al. (2007) argues that the Orient is constructed by the naturalizing Orientalist assumptions and stereotypes. It is in line with Said (1978) who argues that the exotic, romantic and antique images of the Orient as well as the memories of it are the Western creation which is derived from instilled stereotypes of the Orient. The Occident portrays the orient as “irrational, depraved (fallen), childlike, ‘different’” while claiming that the occident is “rational, virtuous, mature, ‘normal’” (Said, 1978, p.

40).

In the postcolonial situation, the Orientalist point of view is held not only by the Occident but also perpetuated by the ‘Orient’ in representing their own culture. The representations derived from long-held stereotypes and assumptions has constructed a powerful discourse of the Orient which is believed by both the colonizers and the colonized (Israel, 2014). There are several cases of such phenomenon related to translation involving the dominant colonizer’s culture and the dominated colonized culture. Niranjana (1990) argues that Indian culture as the colonial subject was constructed through translation into European language providing a range of Orientalist images which are internalized in the Indian intellectuals as their own culture (Niranjana, 1990). Another case is revealed in

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

English translation of Tagore’s Gitanjali and other anthologies which stressed the devotion aspects and sacrificing other moods, thus conforming the image of the

Oriental that is acceptable to the colonizer (Ramakrishna, 2000). In a similar spirit, Faiq (2005) elaborates the case of native foreigners, writers and translators from the ‘Oriental’ cultures who conform to the Orientalist ideology of how their cultures are represented. Even though they are the natives of their own culture, they deliberately portray their cultures in ways that are appealing to the foreigners. Those writers and translators seem to confirm the stereotypes and continue to utilize the Western’s long fascination with the Oriental culture, which is also supported by the patronage of publishers (Faiq, 2005). Those cases prove the colonial legacy which is perpetuated into the postcolonial era as translation during the colonial period served as an expression of the colonizer’s cultural power as well as the construction of the image of the subjugated world (Simon,

2000). c. Postcolonial Approach to Translation

Postcolonial approach to translation studies is considered as one of the most prominent area of contact between cultural studies and translation studies. In general, a postcolonial approach to translation generally attempts to address two questions regarding power relations of cultures involved in translation (Hui,

2013). Firstly, postcolonial approach poses the question of how power differences, particularly during the time of European colonialism upon other nations, have brought influence the practice of translation. It is in line with

Bassnet and Triverdi (1999) who argue translation is an activity which most of the

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

time involves an inequal relationship between texts, authors, or systems. The second question of interest for postcolonial translation scholars concerns the contribution of translation in exposing and challenging what the colonial-period has left as its legacy while resisting or even decolonizing the so-called neo- colonialism in a postcolonial era. Similarly, Hatim and Munday (2004) mention that postcolonial approach to translation is used to refer to the study of power relations between different cultures which encompasses language, literature and translation.

Niranjana (1992) argues that postcolonial approach to translation is relevant because translation is a part of discourses which become a means of colonial subjection over the colonies and a form of imbalance power relations. It is in line with the consequences of domesticating translation which is later developed by

Venuti (1995). The representation of the native identity embodied in language and culture is often sacrificed in domesticating translation as it inclines more towards the convenience for the target readers. In the postcolonial context, translation contributes to the representation of cultures as it continues to generate powerful representations of colonized cultures even after the colonialism has officially ended (Baker, 2014).

The issues of asymmetrical power relations arise when the source text comes from a dominated culture which is translated into a language of a dominating culture. Postcolonial approach employed by Jacquemond (1995) helps to establish the relations between dominated and dominating cultures in translation. His study focuses on translation pair involving French and Arabic. In

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

this case, France is the former colonizer which later is considered as the dominating culture, while Arab is the former colonized. One thing that should be noted here is that even though ‘dominated culture’ is understood as referring to cultures of former colonies mostly in Asia and Africa, this term also refers to other cultures and languages in Europe and America which are under domination of other culture and language. Jacquemond (1995) argues that translation from a dominated culture into a dominating culture often neglects the voice of the source culture, even to the point of making the source culture invisible by employing domesticating method in translating the text. In this case, the translator, whether deliberately or unknowingly, has decided to keep the dominated culture unheard and unseen in the translation work. Moreover, when the dominated source culture is apparent in the translation work, it will be depicted in a way that fulfils the dominating culture’s expectations of the ‘orient’ other.

On the contrary, translation from a dominating culture often acts as a means to exercise power as the translation functions to spread knowledge and ideas of the dominating culture to the dominated culture. The imbalance power relations are also apparent in the great number of translated texts from dominating culture, while only a limited number of texts from dominated culture have been translated into dominating culture.

Further, postcolonial approach to translation also discusses how translation can be an embodiment of resistance towards the colonizers through a process of re-translation (Niranjana, 1992). The idea of re-translation is driven by several motives including highlighting the differences in culture to enunciate the voice of

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

the dominated culture using the colonizer’s language and to subvert inferior identity as well as imbalance power relations formed in western-oriented translation (Hatim and Munday, 2004). The resistance through translation takes place in what Bhabha (1994) calls as the ‘in-betweenness’ or the ‘hybridity/third space’. The idea of ‘in-between’ space describes the dynamics happen in an environment where different cultures, languages, ethnicities, religions interact with one another, highlighting the differences between them and questioning identities which have been established by the conventional colonizers (Bhabha,

1994). Translation enables dominated culture to form their identity and to present it to the dominating culture by using the dominating culture’s language.

4. Review of Entrok and the Translator’s Background

Entrok is the first novel written by Okky Madasari. This novel was written as a means to recount the story that happened during the New Order period to the younger generation in a way that can raise people’s awareness of social and humanity issues (Madasari, 2017). In the spirit of raising awareness of issues in humanity, Entrok portrays social and political conditions in Indonesia, particularly in Central and East Java, under the military repression in the New Order era.

Madasari was inspired by her grandmother’s story in writing the novel. The story is told from the perspectives of mother and daughter, Sumarni and Rahayu.

Sumarni grew as an illiterate poor girl in a Javanese village who dedicate her life to free herself from poverty. She worked hard despite being confined by patriarchal view in Javanese society. Rahayu is Sumarni’s daughter. She spent her childhood enjoying her mother’s wealth.

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

As Rahayu grew older, she was introduced to Islamic faith through her education in school. Sumarni, who never knew anything about Islam, keep practicing Javanism (Kejawen) as she was taught by her mother. Soon they found themselves attempted to bridge the difference between Sumarni’s Javanese traditional belief and Rahayu’s strong faith to Islam. Both of them become estranged to each other as they began to drift apart in their life, slowly building tension among them while combating their real enemy: the military oppression in the New Order era.

The English translation of Entrok is published 3 years after the publication of the original novel. Entrok was translated by Nurhayat Idriyanto Mohamed, a managing editor in Jakarta-based English language mass media, Jakarta Globe

(Dalang Publishing, LLC, n.d.). He was born and raised in Tanzania before moving to Indonesia, his father’s native country. After working for some time in

Indonesian mass media, he was offered to translate Madasari’s work, Entrok, into

English. Mohamed continued to translate other Madasari’s works including 86, the award-winning novel, Maryam (The Outcast), and Pasung Jiwa (Bound).

B. REVIEW OF RELATED STUDIES

In the past several years, there have been a number of studies which are concerned about losses in translation of culture-specific items in various kinds of texts, such as novels (Twiyanti & Retnomurti, 2016), and short stories (Al-Masri,

2009). There are also studies which discuss the postcolonial approaches to translation in Africa (Kinyua, 2013) and Asia (Dewi, 2016) as well as cultural representation in translation of mass media (Kelly, 1998), literary works

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

(Abuelma'ati, 2005), and in a research setting (Kamler & Threadgold, 2003). The studies will be reviewed below in order to locate the present study among the previous related studies.

The first study is a study conducted by Al-Masri (2009) entitled Translation and Cultural Equivalence: A Study of Translation Losses in Arabic Literary Texts.

The study focuses mainly on translation losses in Arabic literary texts. Al-Masri analyses figurative languages and cultural terms in a collection of Arabic short stories written by Youssef Idris and the translations into English. The analysis shows that the translation is communicatively successful yet it fails to represent culture-bound and emotionally charged words. This study is similar to the present study since it also aims to analyse translation loss in literary texts. However, this study is different from the present study in terms of the language pair and method.

The next study is a study entitled Loss and Gain in Translation of Culture-

Specific Items in Ahmad Tohari’s Lintang Kemukus from Indonesian into English:

A Semantic Study by Twiyanti and Retnomurti (2016). They analyse loss and gain in translation of culture-specific items in Ahmad Tohari’s Lintang Kemukus from

Indonesian into English from semantic perspective. The study found that translation by more general word, translation by a more neutral/less expressive word, and translation by cultural substitution resulted in loss of meanings while gain is expressed in translation with explanation, translation by paraphrase using related words and translation by paraphrase using non-related word. This study has a similar focus with the present study since it analyses losses of meaning in the translation of a literary text. However, the present study will also take

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

postcolonial perspective to translation to deepen the discussion regarding the impact of losses in translation.

The next two studies are interested in employing postcolonial perspective in translation study. The first study is a study by Kinyua (2013) entitled A

Postcolonial Analysis of Bible Translation and Its Effectiveness in Shaping and

Enhancing the Discourse of Colonialism and the Discourse of Resistance: The

Gikuyu New Testament – A Case Study. Kinyua highlights that translation of the

Bible from English into Gikuyu, language used in central Kenya, entails two issues from postcolonial perspective. In the first place, the translation serves the colonialists’ agenda as they use the translation to subtly impose their belief and logic. On the other hand, translation of the Bible facilitates the formation of new identity among Africans that drives them to preserve their language and traditional concepts as a form of resistance towards colonial cultural and religious hegemony.

This study provides insight into the roles of translation in a postcolonial setting.

Another study about postcolonial approach to translation was conducted by

Dewi (2016), entitled Interface of Linguistics, Literature, and Culture in

Translating Singapore and Sri Lanka Postcolonial Poetry. The study explores the application of postcolonial understanding into practical translation of two English poems, written in Singaporean and Sri Lankan postcolonial contexts, into

Indonesian. Dewi (2016) finds that the two poems written in Singlish and Sinhala-

English were expressions of resistance towards colonial system in education, particularly the use of English, and translation of literary works depicting postcolonial societies in which politics, language and identity intertwined should

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

adjust accordingly. However, the translation of the Singaporean poem into

Indonesian showed more losses in terms of colloquial expressions in Singlish which cannot achieve the similar effects in Jakarta colloquial dialect used to translate the poem. Similar to the study by Dewi (2016), the present study also attempts to look into translation of a literary work from a postcolonial perspective.

The next three studies focus more on the contribution of translation in representation of culture, especially the culture of the source language. The first study is a study entitled Ideological Implications of Translation Decisions:

Positive Self and Negative Other Presentation by Kelly (1998). This study aims to find out how translator’s decisions regarding culture-bound terms in mass media influence the portrayal of the source culture in the target culture. She analysed a corpus of texts relating to Spain taken from the British press. This study shows that lexical choices and translation strategies employed in the translation contribute to the reproduction of negative stereotyped images of Spain as a foreign country and positive representation of the United Kingdom in order to maintain national consensus. This study provides an example of translator’s ideology that is reflected in the translation work.

The next study is a dissertation by Abuelma’ati (2005) entitled Translation and Cultural Representation: Globalizing Texts, Localizing Cultures. In this study, Abuelma’ati analysed translation of El-Saadawi’s novel Love in the

Kingdom of Oil from Arabic into English. The study finds that shifts of meaning in English translation of Love in the Kingdom of Oil contribute to the image of

Arabic women as repressed and powerless members of society. This image is a

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

stereotypical representation of Arabic culture which El-Saadawi tried to subvert in her works. This study strengthens the idea that cultural representation in translation of texts from dominated culture may conform stereotypical image of the culture.

The last study is a study entitled Translating Difference: Questions of

Representation in Cross-cultural Encounter conducted by Kamler & Threadgold

(2003). It studied cultural misunderstandings and misrepresentations in communication through translation in a narrative workshop involving Australian-

Vietnamese elder women who mostly did not speak English and Australian researchers who did not speak Vietnamese. The study found that mistranslation of metaphors or cultural gestures may generate misrepresentation of a culture which can lead to misunderstandings. The translator interpreted a Vietnamese woman’s feeling of being ‘deaf, dumb and crippled’ when she first moved to Australia as an inferiority because she felt uncivilized in a western culture country. However, it was revealed by another Vietnamese woman who spoke English that the

Vietnamese woman did not feel inferior. She just experienced difficulties because she could not speak English and could not drive a car.

The present study attempts to fill in the study gap in the field of translation particularly focusing on losses of meaning in translation and what those losses imply. Specifically, the present study attempts to look on how the losses of meaning in translation reflect cultural (mis)representation of the source language from a postcolonial perspective. In particular, the present study wants to broaden the instances of Javanese-English translation analysis.

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

C. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

This study focuses on the analysis of the translation losses in translation of culture-specific items (CSIs) and how those losses reflect the (mis)representation of Javanese culture in the translation work. For the analysis, this study employed several theories related to translation, culture-specific items, and postcolonial approach to translation. Since this study is considered to fall within the scope of translation study, it is important to review concepts of translation. Theories related to translation loss as well as theories of meanings in translation become the foundation in the process of analysing losses of meaning in translation. Further, theories regarding CSI, translation and culture, translation and ideology, as well as postcolonial approach to translation are employed in analysis of

(mis)representation of Javanese culture through the translation of Javanese CSIs into English.

Theories regarding definition and classification of CSIs are important to enable identification of CSI among other items in the ST. The definition of CSI is taken from Aixela (1996). The classifications of CSI were taken from Newmark

(1988), Pavlovic & Poslek (1999), Mikutyte (2005), and Espindola &

Vasconcellos (2006).

In addressing the first research question regarding the losses in translation of

CSI in Entrok, theories on translation loss (Nida, 1964; Baker, 1992; Vinay &

Darbelnet, 1995; Bassnett, 2002; Hatim & Munday, 2004), meaning in translation and techniques to translate CSIs (Newmark, 1988; Davies, 2003) are employed.

Then, to answer the second research questions regarding the (mis)representation

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

of Javanese culture, this study employs theories of translation and ideology

(Venuti, 1995; Hatim & Mason, 1997), postcolonial approach to translation

(Jacquemond, 1992; Niranjana, 1992; Babha, 1994; Hui, 2011), representation of culture in translation (Jacquemond, 1992) and orientalism (Said, 1978).

To provide a better understanding on the framework of this study, the following figure shows the flowchart of theoretical framework applied in this study.

Identification and Definition of CSI (Aixela,1996), classification of CSI in Classification of CSI (Newmark,1988; Pavlovic & Poslek,1999; Mikutyte, Entrok 2005; Espindola & Vasconcellos, 2006)

Levels of equivalent (Popovic in Analysis of the loss of Bassnett (2002); Vinay & meaning in English Darbelnet, 1995), Loss in translation (Baker, 1992; Vinay & Darbelnet, translation of CSI in Entrok 1995; Bassnett, 2002; Hatim & Munday, 2004)

Ideology and translation (Venuti, Analysis of 1995; Hatim & Mason, 1997), (mis)representation of Postcolonial translation Javanese culture indicated (Jacquemond, 1992; Niranjana, 1992; Babha, 1994; Hui, 2011), by the losses in English Representation of culture translation of Javanese (Jacquemond, 1992), Orientalism CSIs (Said, 1978)

Figure 1 Theoretical Framework of the Study

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

CHAPTER III

METHODOLOGY

This chapter discusses the methodology used in conducting the study. There are six sections in this chapter namely type of study, research data, data collection, data analysis, and data presentation.

A. TYPE OF STUDY

The present research is conducted by using qualitative approach. According to Merriam (2009), one of the interests of a qualitative research is revealing the meaning of a phenomenon. Further, there are four important characteristics describing the nature of qualitative research (Merriam, 2009). First, qualitative research mainly focuses on process, meaning and understanding of a phenomenon. Second, instrument of data collection and analysis of data in a qualitative research is the researcher. Third, qualitative research employs inductive thinking process in which the researcher gathers data to generate hypothesis and conclusion. Last, a qualitative research is richly described in words and pictures rather than numbers.

Further, this study belongs to product-oriented descriptive translation study.

According to Holmes (1988, p.71), descriptive translation study seeks to “describe the phenomena of translating and translation(s) as they manifest themselves in the world of our experience.” Product-oriented translation study is the area of translations study which describes existing translation including description of

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

individual translation, text-focused translation description, analyses of various translation of the same text, and comparative translation description (Holmes,

1988). Since this study focuses only on individual translation of Entrok, the present study is included in the text-focused translation description.

B. RESEARCH DATA

This section discusses two subsections: the source of data and data collection. The first sub-section mentions the source of data from which the data was obtained as well as the rationale of selecting the source of data. The second sub-section presents the process of collecting the data.

1. Source of Data

The data of this study were obtained from two kinds of texts: source text

(ST) and target text (TT). Both ST and TT are literary works in a form of novel.

The ST is an Indonesian novel entitled Entrok written by an Indonesian author,

Okky Madasari. The TT is the English translation of Entrok which is published as

The Years of The Voiceless translated by Nurhayat Indriyanto Mohamed. The ST was firstly published in Jakarta by Gramedia Pustaka Utama in 2010. It consists of

282 pages organized into eight chapters. The TT, the English translation of

Entrok, was firstly published by Gramedia Pustaka Utama three years after the publication of the original Indonesian novel. The English translation contains 264 pages organized into eight chapters. Both ST and TT are the primary source of data in this study.

Entrok was chosen as the data source since it provides many cultural

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

dynamics, particularly Javanese culture, embodied in the use of Culture-Specific items. The story takes place in East and Central Java during the post- independence era to the end of the New Order era. Besides, the prominent characters are depicted as Javanese and the author herself states that she holds

Javanese culture as she is originated from Magetan, East Java.

2. Data Collection

The data in this study are Javanese CSIs and their English translations found in Entrok as the ST and The Years of the Voiceless as the TT. The unit of analysis of this study is in the level of word or phrase. However, the data are presented in sentences in which the word or the phrase is contained in order to provide the context of the item. There are 230 English translations of 155 Javanese culture- specific items identified in the ST which were taken as the data in this study.

Since the number of CSIs in the ST are quite big, data selection and reduction are essential in order to keep the analysis focused to the main concern of this study. The data were selected based on the need of the study. The data in this study were selected according to three criteria. The first criterion is the item has to be in the word or phrase level. Next, the item should be in Javanese language. The other criterion is the item should conform with definition and classification of culture-specific items adopted in this study. Should an item be found in more than one part in the ST and translated differently in those parts, the different translations were all taken as data for the same item. If an item is found more than one time in the ST and translated using the same term, the most suitable instance considering context of the sentence will be taken as the data.

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

There were several steps conducted to collect the data. First, the writer read the ST thoroughly to identify Javanese Culture-Specific items in the ST based on the criteria of data selection. Then, the second step to collect the data was identifying each Culture-Specific item along with its co-text by note-taking. This step was followed by identifying the English translation of those CSIs in the TT.

The identification was also conducted by identifying the translation of each CSI along with its co-text. After the culture-specific items in ST and their translations in TT had been identified and selected, the data were tabulated into a table. Table

2 shows the example of data tabulation.

Table 2. Example of Data Collection Table

ST TT No CSI page text CSI page text

The next procedure was classifying the categories of CSI synthesized from

Newmark (1988), Pavlovic & Poslek (1999), Mikutyte (2005), and Espindola &

Vasconcellos (2006). The classification was employed to determine whether an item could be taken as CSI data. The classification of CSI also helped with the understanding of the meaning of the items and their relevance in the source and target texts.

After the data had been classified, each datum was assigned a number and code. The aim of numbering and giving code to the data was to make it easier to

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

locate the data in the ST and TT. The coding was done according to the location of the item in the ST based on the page number. The first item found in the ST was data number 1, the second item would be data number 2, and so on.

Lowercase letter following the data number means that the item appears more than one time in the ST and it has more than one translation in the TT. The coding for data in the TT followed the data number in the ST. Therefore, the translation of data number 1 in the ST would be data number 1 in the TT. Further explanation on this coding and numbering will be provided in Data Presentation section.

After the data was coded, the data was sorted according to its classification of CSI. The sorting was conducted to arrange the data for the analysis section.

Table 3 below shows an example of the classified data.

Table 3. Example of Data Classification Table

ST TT Classification of CSI

code CSI code CSI

D. DATA PRESENTATION

The data will be presented in form of quotation from the ST and TT. The data code contains the data number, the text in which the item is contained (ST or

TT), and the page number. The code is written as (data number/ST or TT/page number). The CSIs are written in bold to differentiate it from other words in the

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

quotation. Footnotes are written under the respective text (ST or TT) preceded by an asterisk. The example of data presentation is as follows.

ST: Setiap hari kelahiranmu, aku memasak tumpeng dan panggang. Lalu kuletakkan di meja di sebelah tempat tidurmu. (001a/ST/12) TT: Every year on your name day, I cook a tumpeng* and grilled meats. (001a/TT/10) *a cone-shaped rice dish

The data are coded as (001a/ST/12) and (001a/TT/10). The data in the source text is coded as (001a/ST/12) meaning that it is the first data or data number 1 in the ST (source text) which is found on page 12. The lowercase ‘a’ means that there is more than one translation for the item and this particular datum is the first translation found in the TT. Following the same rule of coding, the data in the target text is coded as (001a/TT/10) meaning that it is the first data or data number 1 which is found on page 10 in the target text (TT).

E. DATA ANALYSIS

There were two major parts of analysis which were based on the research questions in this study. The first part of analysis was analysis of loss of meaning in translation. This first step of this analysis was analysis of meaning and usage of each CSI and compared them to the meaning of the English translation. This analysis was conducted to identify further losses in translation.

The second part of analysis was analysis of Javanese (mis)representation based on losses of meaning found in the English translation of CSIs. The analysis was conducted by revealing the impact of losses in the representation of Javanese culture in the TT by using orientalism and representation theory from a

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

postcolonial perspective. The analysis would explain how Javanese culture was represented in the TT as a result of the translation.

The results of data analysis would be presented in the chapter IV Results and Discussion based on the classification of CSI. The discussion of the losses as well as the Javanese culture representation would be presented for each item based on its category of CSI.

F. RESEARCH VALIDITY / TRUSTWORTHINESS

The trustworthiness of this study is indicated by the data clarification prior to conducting analysis and consultation during the process of writing. The writer consulted a Javanese mono-lingual dictionary compiled by Tim Bahasa

Yogyakarta (2011) and Javanese – English dictionary compiled by Robson and

Wibisono (2002) in order to identify the lexical meanings of the Javanese CSIs used as the data in this study. In addition, the writer also took other definitions and usages of the items from related books and sources. This clarification process was conducted to make sure that the items selected by the writer were truly

Javanese culture-specific items. The process of cross-checking and comparing meanings of items between referential sources and documents was also essential in the analysis for identifying the meaning of the Javanese CSIs, including the connotative and pragmatic meanings beyond the lexical meaning conveyed in the dictionary. It was carried out to make sure that the analysis of meaning loss covered all aspects of meanings of the CSI.

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

CHAPTER IV

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

This chapter consists of five sections based on the five major classifications of CSI. In each section, the findings of losses will be presented, followed by the analysis of the (mis)representation of Javanese culture in The Years of the

Voiceless reflected by the losses of meaning in translation. The discussion is organised based on the five major classification of CSI to make it more systematic and to avoid repetition of data presentation due to the interdependent nature of the analysis of meaning loss and (mis)representation of culture.

Before discussing the findings of losses, it is necessary to look at the frequency of each category to obtain the idea of significance of the data in the ST.

The numbers of data for each classification are presented in Table 4 as follows.

Table 4. Classification of Javanese Culture-Specific Items in Entrok

No Classification of CSI Freq. % 1. Organizations, customs, ideas 106 46 2. Material cultures 54 23 3. Social Cultures 53 23 4. Gestures and habits 13 6 5. Ecology 4 2 Total 230 100

As seen in table 4, CSIs in the ST mostly belong to the category of organizations, customs, and ideas. It implies that this category of CSI is mentioned frequently in the ST and has greater significance. The table of detailed classification of CSI including the items, their English translations and the co-text can be found in Appendix 1. It should be noted that the data and most of the

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

definition of terms included in the discussion will be taken as a direct quote from dictionaries and Entrok as well as The Years of the Voiceless as the primary source of data.

After the CSIs had been classified into the subclassifications, the meanings of each item were compared to the meaning of its English translation in order to find the losses of meanings. Table 5 shows the number of losses found in the

English translation of Javanese CSIs in Entrok.

Table 5. Losses of Meanings in English Translations of Javanese CSIs

No. Classification of CSI Freq. % 1. Organizations, customs, ideas 39 45% 2. Social Cultures 22 26% 3. Material cultures 18 21% 4. Gestures and habits 5 6% 5. Ecology 2 2% Total 86 100

The discussion in this chapter will be presented based on the frequencies of occurrences of meaning loss in each category. The category with the highest frequency of meaning loss will be discussed first, followed by the second highest until the lowest. As seen in table 5, the highest frequency of loss is found in the category of organizations, customs, and ideas (39 occurrences) while the lowest is ecology (2 occurrences). The analysis of (mis)representation of Javanese culture will be presented right after the discussion of the losses.

In this study, losses of meaning are considered as consequences of the translator’s decision. Such losses are suspected to indicate the translator’s tendency and ideology in translating the CSIs which is also influenced by the translator’s and publisher’s background and intention. The decisions also in turn

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

affect how Javanese culture as the SL culture is portrayed and represented in the

TT. It is because the (mis)representation is closely related to how the translator’s perception towards the SL culture (Jacquemond, 1992).

A. POLITICS, ORGANISATION AND CONCEPTS

This category of CSI is the broadest and encompasses many aspects of culture. The occurrences of losses of meaning of items in each subcategory in politics, organisation and concepts category are presented in Table 6.

Table 6. Losses of Meaning in Politics, Organisation and Concepts

No. Sub-classification Freq. % 1 Spiritual and religious references 16 41 2 Art and culture 8 21 3 Concepts, norms, and value 8 21 4 Mythical spirits and characters 3 8 5 Phenomenon, customs, and activities 2 5 6 Local political function and institution 2 5 Total 39 100

As seen in Table 6, there are thirty-nine occurrences of loss of meaning in politics, organization and concept. The discussion in the following sub-sections will be in order of subclassifications from the highest to the lowest frequency: 1) spiritual and religious references, 2) art and culture, 3) concepts, norms and value,

4) mythical spirits and characters, 5) phenomenon, customs and activities, and 6) local political function and institution.

1. Spiritual and Religious References

This sub-section discusses sixteen occurrences of losses in translation of spiritual and religious references. This subcategory has the highest frequency of

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

losses of meaning. The first discussion is the translation of tumpeng as follows.

(1) ST: Setiap hari kelahiranmu, aku memasak tumpeng dan panggang. Lalu kuletakkan di meja di sebelah tempat tidurmu. (001a/ST/12) TT: Every year on your name day, I cook a tumpeng and grilled meats. Then I put the food on the table next to your bed. (001a/TT/10) *a cone-shaped rice dish

(2) ST: Satu tumpeng besar yang diusung dalam iring-iringan diturunkan. Orang-orang berebut mengambil bagian dari tumpeng itu. (001c/ST/106) TT: The large rice cone platter carried in the procession was set down. People jostled to get a piece of it, whether the rice, the grilled meat or the sides. (001c/TT/99)

In the TT, tumpeng is translated by employing borrowing and footnote in (1) as well as description in (2). The loss of meaning in the translation of tumpeng is inevitable since tumpeng symbolizes religious meaning in Islamic-Javanese tradition. (Kim, 2007) which is difficult to explain in other languages. In general, tumpeng refers to cone-shaped rice which is a part of selametan ritual. Tumpeng gain its cone shape from the shape of kukusan, the container used to cook the rice, which is cone-shaped. However, there are also several reasons why tumpeng has such shape (Kim, 2007). The first reason explains that tumpeng symbolizes mountains which is made by Allah to stabilize the world. Another reason states that each grain of rice in a tumpeng symbolizes a human being. Collectively, the rice symbolizes people in the world. The only peak of tumpeng is a metaphor that

Allah is the only god and that human cannot be the same as Allah. As these meanings cannot be preserved in the TT, the culture cannot be presented as it should be. The meaning of tumpeng as a kind of food which serves as a

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

requirement for ritual of is rendered in the TT. However, the associated meaning of tumpeng is not as strong in the target culture as it is in the source culture.

The next discussion is the loss in translation of Mbah Ibu Bumi Bapa Kuasa.

(3) ST: "Nduk, terserah apa penginmu. Yang penting, coba nyuwun sama Mbah Ibu Bumi Bapa Kuasa. Semua kejadian hanya terjadi kalau Dia yang menginginkan." (048a/ST/43) TT: "Nduk, it's up to you what you want to do. What's important is that you ask your creator. Things only happen if He wills it." (048a/TT/39)

(4) ST: Ibu berkata doa-doanya setiap malam dikabulkan oleh Mbah Ibu Bumi Bapa Kuasa. (048d/ST/58) TT: Mother said that her nightly prayers to the ancestors had been granted. (048d/TT/54)

The translation of this term is probably the most prominent evidence of orientalist view held by the translator in representing the SL culture in the TT. In both (3) and (4), the CSI Mbah Ibu Bumi Bapa Kuasa are translated by using more general words and adapting it with terms which are more familiar for the target readers. However, the meaning of Mbah Ibu Bumi Bapa Kuasa is not fully transferred by ‘your creator’ and ‘the ancestors’. Example (3) refers to Mbah Ibu

Bumi Bapa Kuasa as ‘your creator’ and the next sentence uses a singular male pronoun ‘He’ to refer to Mbah Ibu Bumi Bapa Kuasa. It indicates that the translator makes an effort to impose the ideology of monotheist religions and male-centred interpretation of such religions that put male attributes to refer to god. However, it does not in line with the original meaning of Mbah Ibu Bumi

Bapa Kuasa. This translation results in a misrepresentation of the ST culture because it does not represent the true meaning of the term in Javanese.

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

Example (4) refers to Mbah Ibu Bumi Bapa Kuasa as the ancestors, which is not entirely true. Ibu Bumi Bapa Kuasa is a concept representing Javanese cosmological belief in terms of relation between human and the nature

(Sukmawan, 2016). The term consists of Ibu Bumi (Mother Earth) and Bapa

Kuasa (Father of Power). It represents the nurturing side of the earth as a mother and the power of the sky as the fatherly figure (Budiharso, 2016). The honorifics

Mbah literally means ‘grandparent’. It embodies respect for the Ibu Bumi Bapa

Kuasa as Javanese respect the elderly. Adherents of Javanism believe that Ibu

Bumi Bapa Kuasa have the power of creation because the earth and the sky are the provider of human’s life. Therefore, Ibu Bumi Bapa Kuasa are also mentioned in

Kejawen prayers to ask for livelihood.

The next discussion presents the losses of meaning in translation of selametan as shown by (5), (6), and (7).

(5) ST: Ibu juga rajin selamatan. Seminggu sekali, setiap hari kelahirannya, dia menyembelih ayam untuk dipanggang. (059a/ST/56) TT: Mother is also dilligent about her offerings. Once a week, and on her name day, she slaughters a chicken to grill. (059a/TT/52) (6) ST: Tetangga-tetangga membantu menyiapkan selamatan buat nanti malam, sampai tujuh hari ke depan. (059c/ST/120) TT: The neighbors were helping prepare for that night's vigil and prayer. (059c/TT/113) (7) ST: Aku tidak memanggil siapa pun untuk selamatan. Kuujubkan sendiri niatnya, agar rumah ini tetap dilindungi dan diberi keselamatan. (059d/ST/178) TT: I didn't invite anyone for the thanksgiving ceremony. I made the wish myself, for the house to be protected and kept safe. (059d/TT/169)

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

Selametan is a Javanese religious ritual involving a communal feast which symbolizes the mystic and social unity of the participants of the ritual (Geertz,

1976). There are four main types of selametan: (1) selametans concerning events of life – birth, circumcision, marriage, and death; (2) selametans associated with

Moslem ceremonial calendar – the birth of Prophet Mohammad, the Day of sacrifice, and the like; (3) selametans related to social integration of the village, the bersih desa (the selametan as a means to clean the village of evil spirits); and

(4) selametans held depending upon unusual occurrences – departing for a long trip, moving to a new place of residence, illness, and so forth. A typical traditional selametan involves special kinds of food which would be different according to the intent of the selametan, incense, Islamic chant, extra-formal high-Javanese speech of the host, and polite manner of the participants. The participants in a selametan is typically all male neighbours who live close to of the host. In the selametan, the guests sit on the floor, circling the food which has already been placed in the centre of the room. The host opens the ceremony with a speech in a very formal high-Javanese expressing his gratitude, intention of the ceremony, and his apology for any errors he may have done in the ceremony. After the host has completed the speech, a prayer leader would give the Arabic chant taken from fragments from the Koran. After the Javanese speech and Arabic chant, the food is served to the guests. Usually there are several kinds of food which symbolizes the intention of the host. The selametan ends after the guests have already eaten and ask for permission to go home. Traditionally, Javanese people hold selametan as a means to protect themselves against spirits as they personify the possibility of bad

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

fortune as spirit beliefs. They offer incense and the aroma of the food at the selametan to the spirits so that they do not disturb the living. The goals of the selametan is the state of well-being and freedom from any hindrances, called

“slamet”, from which the ceremony gets its name (Beatty, 1996).

Losses in translation selametan in (5), (6), and (7) occur because the translations separately describe an individual aspect of selametan: (5) takes the selametan as an offering, (6) focuses on the prayer in selametan, and

‘thanksgiving ceremony’ in (7) only considers the intention of the host to express gratitude.

Selametan has been studied and recognised as an essential part of Javanese culture, particularly related to the interaction between Islamic Javanese and traditional Javanism (Beatty, 1996; Geertz, 1976). The term selametan is also used in the studies and it is not translated or domesticated. It shows that selametan has been recognised as a term unique to the specific cultural and religious reference which does not have equivalence in other languages because of its specific characteristics and meanings. However, the translator has decided not to preserve the term and used other techniques to translate it. The translations indicate that the translator does not consider selametan as a term worth preserving in the TT. The translator uses different terms to refer to selametan according to the context. The use of different terms eliminates the concept of selametan as a single referent and consequently misleads the readers into not knowing that

Javanese culture has a specific ceremony for the concepts being referred to.

Another loss of meaning is found in translation of ubo rampe in example (8)

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

(8) ST: Tonah membuat tumpeng kecil, menyiapkan semua ubo rampe. Ada kulupan, jenang merah dan jenang putih. (060/ST/56) TT: Tonah makes a rice cone and the rest of the food. There's vegetable garnish, a red porridge and a white porridge. (060/TT/52)

The translator’s decision to opt for a general, unloaded term or phrase to describe ubo rampe resulted in a loss of meaning. Ubo rampe refers to things needed for a special purpose, requisites, requirements (Robson & Wibisono,

2002). In one sense, it is commonly used to refers to complementary side dishes in a tumpeng such as kulupan and jenang. However, ubo rampe is also associated with other requirements for an offering such as kembang setaman. In addition, the requirements included in the concept of ubo rampe is already associated to a set of things familiar to Javanese people. Therefore, ‘the rest of the food’ does not deliver the whole meaning of ubo rampe.

Similar to the loss in (8), the loss of meaning of ujub in (9) and (10) is a result of an effort to find a neutral, general term to render a meaning of a CSI.

(9) ST: Mbah Sambong, perangkat desa yang dipercaya punya kekuatan lebih, membacakan ujub. (063a/ST/56) TT: Old Man Sambong, a village official who is said to have special powers, recites a prayer. (063a/TT/52)

(10) ST: Aku tidak memanggil siapa pun untuk selamatan. Kuujubkan sendiri niatnya, agar rumah ini tetap dilindungi dan diberi keselamatan. (063b/ST/178) TT: I didn't invite anyone for the thanksgiving ceremony. I made the wish myself, for the house to be protected and kept safe. (063b/TT/169)

In a selametan, ujub is the introductory speech functions as the declaration

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

of intention which is delivered by the host of the event or a respected elder in behalf of the host (Geertz, 1976). It refers to the dedication of offerings at a ritual, whether it is to the Prophet, saints or guardian spirits. It is not only a prayer because the speech is also intended to address the audience in the selametan. The dedication may include a wish, but it may also be a statement of gratitude or a fulfilment of duty. Therefore, ‘wish’ also does not convey the meaning of ujub in a full sense.

The next discussion is the translation of tirakat as shown in (11) and (12).

(11) ST: Ibu membangunkanku, lalu kami berdua duduk di bawah pohon asem. Kata Ibu itu namanya berdoa, tirakat. (094a/ST/55) TT: Mother would wake me and we'd sit beneath the tamarind tree together. She called it praying, worship. (094a/TT/51)

(12) ST: Selama tirakat itu, mereka juga akan menunggu jatuhnya bagian pohon dewandaru. (094d/ST/95) TT: During the recital, they would also have to wait for something to drop from the dewandaru trees there. (094d/TT/90)

In Javanese, tirakat refers both to a journey to a holy place (e.g. graves of ancestors, saints) and to the activity to occupy oneself with meditation at a place in order to be granted insight, etc. (Robson & Wibisono, 2002). Tirakat also means minor forms of asceticism which is practised in order to strengthen jiwa

(“soul”) and to nurture acquiescent (nrima) and patient (sabar) characters

(Mulder, 1983). The meaning of tirakat in (11) is closer to meditation, which is also a form of worship and prayer. Meanwhile, tirakat in (12) refers to the journey to a holy place and the practice of self-discipline as well as avoiding indulgence

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

for religious purposes. The loss of meaning in (11) occurs because tirakat encompasses a broader meaning than ‘to worship’. In (12), the loss of meaning is a result of rather inaccurate translation. The focus of tirakat is not the recital of prayer, but the practice of avoiding self-indulgence and the meditation.

Another item which shows loss of meaning in translation is pesugihan.

(13) ST: Sudah sejak dari dulu orang-orang Tionghoa dikenal suka ke Gunung Kawi setiap Jumat legi untuk mencari pesugihan. (096a/ST/97) TT: The Chinese were known to go to Mount Kawi every Legi Friday to seek blessings. (096a/TT/91)

(14) ST: "...Sopirku mati tabrakan katanya gara-gara jadi tumbal pesugihan-ku..." (096c/ST/179) TT: "....They say my driver died in a crash because I had offered him up in one of my rituals..." (096c/TT/170)

It is observed in (13) and (14) that the term pesugihan is not preserved in the

TT. The translation uses ‘blessings’ and ‘rituals’ to render the meaning of pesugihan. However, losses of meaning occur in the TT, particularly in (13), because ‘blessings’ does not convey the whole meaning attributed to the term pesugihan. In Javanese, pesugihan is associated with a negative meaning and people who practice the ritual of pesugihan are condemned. It involves a ritual intended to ask for wealth which requires a number of offerings and sacrifices to be completed (Yogyakarta, 2011). In (13), the negative association of pesugihan is not delivered in ‘blessings’, resulting in a loss of connotative meaning. In (14), the loss is more subtle and it is caused by incomplete transfer of meaning. Even though pesugihan is a form of ritual, the translation is still too broad and does not include the specific intention of the ritual.

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

This term losses its negative association when it is translated into ‘blessings’ and ‘ritual’ in the TT. The translator removes the negative association by opting for terms that carry more neutral or even positive association. Therefore, the translation does not represent the whole meaning of pesugihan in Javanese culture. The removal of negative association indicates a possibility of an attempt to represent it not as a negative ritual. It has a connection with the tendency of deliberate portrayal of culture in ways that are appealing to the foreigners, which is also supported by the publisher (Faiq, 2005).

Another loss of meaning is observed in translation of bunga setaman.

(15) ST: Siang hari, saat semua orang mempersiapkan segala kebutuhan di pawon, aku pergi ke makam Teja. Kubersihkan makamnya dan kutaburi dengan bunga setaman (133/ST/189) TT: In the morning, as the people in the kitchen were preparing to cook the meal, I went to Teja's grave. I cleaned the headstone and sprinkled the grave with flower petals. (133/TT/179)

Kembang setaman or bunga setaman is a mixture of various kinds of flower petals: red and white roses, kantil (Magnolia alba), kenanga (Cananga odorata) and melati putih/ Arabian jasmine (Jasminum sambac) (Ikastuti, 2018). Each flower in the kembang setaman represents different meaning which serves as symbols for hopes and prayers.

The next item to be discussed is dipingit which is shown in (16).

(16) ST: Malam ini Rahayu hanya akan diam di kamar. Dia sedang dipingit. Biar besok bisa benar-benar menjadi bidadari. (155/ST/280) TT: She was being secluded so that the next day she would truly look like an angel. (155/TT/262)

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

The term dipingit is a passive form of pingit which refers to seclude a woman of marriageable age at home. While not considered as inaccurate, the translation in the TT is too general and does not carries the same figurative meaning expressed in the ST. In (16), the term refers to a Javanese custom conducted at the night before a wedding, called lenggahan midadareni

(Koentjaraningrat, 1985). The bride has to remain awake for most of the night accompanied by her family, relatives, and best friends. They pray and ask for blessings so that the wedding ceremony can be held successfully. According to

Javanese belief, the bride will become one of 1,000 bidadari (a beautiful, graceful female divine entity) from which the name of ceremony originated (Jandra,

Tashadi, Wibowo, Suhatno, & Kamdhani, 1991).

The losses of meaning resulting from domesticating translation strategies which lead to misrepresentation and invisibility in translation of religious references is in line with Jacquemond (1995) who argues that translation from a dominated culture, in this case Javanese, into a dominating culture, in this case

English, often ignores aspects of the source culture, even making the source culture invisible by employing domesticating method in translating the text. In this case, the translator has decided to keep the dominated culture unseen in the translation work. Such decision, even unconsciously, actually indicates the translator orientalist ideology towards the SL culture because he does not consider it important for the source culture to be rightfully represented in the TT as long as the target readers can enjoy the translation work without much effort to understand the source culture.

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

Further, the elimination of some negative associations of the SL culture can also be a result of economical motive of the publisher which is reinforced by orientalist perception of the intended market of the translated text. The novel was translated so that publishers from various countries can have a readily accessible

English version of the novel to translated into other languages (Madasari, 2019).

The publisher should present a positive representation of the SL culture as an effort to maintain good reception in the intended target readers. In addition, unfamiliar cultural references are minimized in order to enhance the appeal of the text.

2. Art and Culture

This sub-section discusses three occurrences of losses in translation of art and culture references. In this subcategory, great losses of meaning are found in translation of kledek, gambyong, and dagelan ketoprak. Examples (17) - (21) show losses of meaning in translation of kledek.

(17) ST: "Dasar Teja, lanangan nggak tahu diuntung. Susah payah aku cari duit, dia malah enak-enakan kelonan sama kledek." (050b/ST/53) TT: "Oh Teja, you ungrateful man. Here I am struggling to earn money, and he's out having fun with other women." (050b/TT/49)

(18) ST: Alunan suara kledek terdengar. Mereka juga menari di tengah kerumunan orang. Beberapa laki-laki ditarik untuk ikut menari. (050c/ST/65) TT: The performers danced among the crowd, pulling some of the men to dance with them. (050c/TT/61)

(19) ST: Di Singget ini sundal-sundal seperti itu akan jadi omongan

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

sampai mati. Malah sekalian kledek atau sinden, nggak apa-apa, wong itu sudah kerjaannya. (050e/ST/165) TT: In Singget, loose women like that became fodder for gossip until the day they die. It wouldn't matter if they were prostitutes or singers, because that was their job. (050e/TT/157)

(20) ST: Sekarang zamannya dangdut. Seperti yang ada di TV itu. Sudah tidak ada lagi kledek dengan jarit dan selendang. (050f/ST/168) TT: This was the age of dangdut. It'd be like on the TV. There would be no more dancers with sashes and shawls. (050f/TT/161)

The term kledek is not preserved in the TT and is translated based on the contexts. It indicates that the translator did not consider kledek as an important term that needs to be kept in the TT. Another possible reason for the invisibility of kledek as a culture is because the translator considers the culture of kledek as a negative representation of Javanese culture. However, the exclusion of kledek in the TT has omitted kledek as a profession, a part of Javanese art and culture, as well as meanings associated with the term kledhek in Javanese culture.

In general, kledhek refers to professional female dancer who wanders around with several musicians, performing in public places or at tayuban parties

(Brakel-Papenhuyzen, 1995). Kledhek is often associated with erotic and immoral actions, as they are perceived as symbol of sexual excitement embodied in the dance duet between the kledek and a male partner taken from the guests in a tayuban party late at night (Brakel-Papenhuyzen, 1995). It leads to condemnation of this profession and accusation of ruining the morals of the villagers. Geertz

(1976) even mentions that kledek is almost always perceived as prostitute. This perception seems to be the reason the translation in (19) refers to kledek as a

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

prostitute. However, such translation focuses only on the sexualisation of kledek and ignores that kledek is also a performer. It indicates the tendency of the translator that confirms the stereotypes of the Orient as sexual and exotic. On the other hand, the translation in (18) and (20) render the meaning of kledek as performer and dancer, but they do not convey the associated erotic meaning in the word kledek.

(21) ST: Orang-orang bilang itu gara-gara Pak Waji punya simpanan kledek. Katanya, dengan segala muslihatnya, kledek itu memeras seluruh uang Pak Waji. Orang-orang percaya, priyayi seperti Pak Waji tidak akan melakukan hal-hal yang tidak benar kalau bukan karena guna-guna dari kledek. (050d/ST/93) TT: People said it was because he had a mistress. They said she used all her wiles to fleece Mr. Waji of his money. They really believed that a cultured person like Mr. Waji would never have strayed if was not under some kind of spell. (050d/TT/88)

Lastly, the total omission of the term in (21) show the loss of specific status as well as the association of the status of the woman. Kledek in Javanese culture implies both neutral and negative meaning. The negative meaning of kledek comes from erotic and sexual appeals associated with their performance in tayuban party, which lead to people perceive kledek as prostitutes and often accuse them of seducing married men, sometimes involving practices of black magic. Although the phenomenon is still presented in the story, kledek is not specified as the one who does the deeds because kledek is omitted in the translation.

Another loss of meaning occurs in the translation of dagelan ketoprak into

‘comedy show’ which is shown in (22).

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

(22) ST: Setiap malam, semua orang datang ke rumah Pak Lurah untuk menonton TV....Kami juga bisa melihat wajah presiden, yang paling ditunggu adalah dagelan ketoprak. (088/ST/90) TT: Every night, people went to his house to watch TV,... We also saw the president's face, but what everyone really wanted to see was the comedy show. (088/TT/85)

The loss of meaning in translation of ketoprak into ‘comedy show’ occurs because the translation uses a term which is too general. Ketoprak is a form of popular traditional Javanese staged drama involving dance, traditional Javanese songs and music accompaniment from gamelan. Stories enacted in ketoprak are typically taken from historical events coming from ancient Javanese culture or early independent period of Indonesia. The origin of this staged-performance is unclear, but its early performances can be traced back to 1923 in central Java

(Geertz, 1976). In its early performances, ketoprak was a humble performance which used lesung (a tool to separate the rice grain from its husk) to create a pating ketoprak rhythm of ‘dung...dung...prak...prak’ from which the performance was said to obtain its name (Dipodiningrat, 1979). Ketoprak typically consists of a half-hour prologue featuring a somewhat hyperbolic and hilarious comedy act followed by a realistically enacted main story (Geertz, 1976). Dagelan ketoprak is a part of ketoprak in which the actors perform humorous skits to entertain the audience. It is different from a ‘comedy show’ because dagelan ketoprak is a part of a ketoprak show. Comedy show, on the other hand, lacks the meaning of traditional drama because it can be any show which is humorous or comedic.

Next item in art and culture sub-category is gambyong shown as follows.

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

(23) ST: Di sana banyak orang yang menonton, ada gambyong, juga banyak pedagang keliling. (067a/ST/61) TT: There were a lot of people looking around, there was a dance troupe and there were people peddling goods. (067a/TT/57)

(24) ST: "Salah dia apa to, Ndan? Nggak ada bedanya sama kita yang bikin gambyong di punden." (067e/ST/182) TT: "What did he do wrong, chief? It's no different than when we hold a traditional dance at a sacred grave." (067e/TT/173)

The losses of meaning in translation of gambyong as shown in (23) and (24) occur because the name of the specific dance is omitted and the translation uses too general terms. Gambyong is a name of Javanese non-court classical dance from Surakarta which was adapted from sacred female court dances: bedhaya and srimpi. (Brakel-Papenhuyzen, 1995). This dance is popular for various kinds of social gatherings. Gambyong used to be performed as a solo dance by the kledhek at a tayuban party, before she chose a partner to dance with. It was also performed as a group dance by several female dancers as an introduction to wayang wong theatre performances. The name of this dance was probably named after a famous

19th century professional female dancer who in lived in Surakarta (Padmasusastra

1907:141-2). The choreography of gambyong dance consists mainly of lively movements expressing the charm of a young and marriageable woman.

Gambyong and ketoprak are treated similarly in the translation. They are translated by employing domesticating strategy which uses more general terms that is more familiar for the target readers, leading to the loss of specific characteristics of the culture. In the TT, gambyong is translated into ‘dance

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

troupe’ and ‘traditional dance’ while dagelan ketoprak is translated into ‘comedy show’. The culture-specific items lost their prominence in the TT because they are represented as something generic. In addition, the translator does not compensate for the loss to the preserve of meaning and significance of such cultural items.

3. Concepts, Values, and Norms

The following section discusses the losses in translation of CSIs belong to the category of concepts, values and norms. There are 8 occurrences of losses of 6 items, namely karma, kualat, ilok-ra-ilok, gandrung, seleh, ngelangut, and kemenyek.

The first discussion is the translation of ‘karma’ as follows.

(25) ST: "Ya biarkan saja, Nyi. Namanya juga laki-laki. Dasar sundal itu yang kurang ajar. Biar nanti kena karma." (032a/ST/29) TT: "Never mind. That's how men are. Damn that shameless whore. She'll get what's coming to her." (032a/TT/26)

(26) ST: Di jumbleng, saat kubuka kainku, aku menjerit melihat banyak cairan berwarna merah, darah. Duh, Gusti, karma apa ini. Apakah aku akan mati? (032b/ST/31) TT: But when I took off my wrap inside the outhouse and saw the red streaks, the blood. I screamed. Oh my God, what was happening to me? Was I going to die? (032b/TT/27)

The translator does not include ‘karma’ at all in the TT, whereas ‘karma’ is one of the beliefs in Javanism. The Javanese concept of karma originated from the living philosophical tradition of India which is also taught in Hinduism and

Buddhism. The word ‘karma’ is derived from the Sanskrit karman which means

‘action’, particularly ritual action. Its meaning expanded to cover moral actions

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

and the consequences of these actions. (Mackenzie, 2013). The expanded meaning is adopted in Javanese concept of karma, which states that all actions will result in consequences in the future, be it in this life or in the upcoming life (Mulder,

1970). Further, karma also means that human beings make and remake themselves as well as the world they are living in through karma or their actions (Mackenzie,

2013). In (25), the word ‘karma’ is omitted and the translation describes the word based on the context according to the concept of karma being a consequence of action. Even though the referential meaning is rather properly transferred, there is a loss of association with the concept of karma. The second instance shows even a broader adaptation of the translation of karma. In (26), the translation does not even cover the concept of karma being a consequence of action and render the word as a general phrase ‘what was happening to me’. In addition, there is a loss because the translation ignores the speaker’s religious belief which made her think of karma when she encountered a misfortune which may be a result of her bad karma.

As shown in the translations, the term karma is not preserved. The translator considers it as a foreign concept and does not include it in the TT. Instead, the meaning of the concept is explained based on the context. Although this strategy works in terms of assuring the readers’ comprehension of the story, the absence of the term itself leads to the readers not knowing that there is a specific term that is used in the SL culture.

Another finding of meaning loss is shown by translation of kualat in (27).

(27) ST: "Kalau Simbok sudah menyebut ilok-ra-ilok, itu berarti

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

pakem yang sudah tidak bisa dibantah lagi. Bisa kualat kalau nggak dituruti," kata Simbok. (038/ST/35) TT: If she brought up the issue of propriety, that meant she was speaking from principle, and she always stuck firm to her principles. "You'll be cursed if you don't do as I tell you," she said. (038/TT/31)

The loss in meaning as observed in (73) is a result of a specific meaning which is not fully conveyed in the translation. Kualat in the ST means to receive a walat or a “heaven-sent” retribution for sacrilegious treatment of elder and respected people and things. Mulder (1983) observes that in Javanese society, not honouring parents or other elder, refusing their advice, and neglecting parent’s consent for marriage is the worst a person can do. Such behaviour is considered as sinful act against the moral order and thus provoke the walat. The walat is believed to be manifested in long-term bad luck or in an immediate unfortunate event. Walat is similar to a curse in term of the bad luck associated with both of them. However, walat is different from a curse because walat is not casted by someone but rather believed to be sent from heaven as a consequence for disrespectful behaviour.

Loss of meaning is also found in translation of ilok ra ilok as shown in (28).

(28) ST: "Kalau Simbok sudah menyebut ilok-ra-ilok, itu berarti pakem yang sudah tidak bisa dibantah lagi. Bisa kualat kalau nggak dituruti," kata Simbok. (036/ST/35) TT: If she brought up the issue of propriety, that meant she was speaking from principle, and she always stuck firm to her principles. "You'll be cursed if you don't do as I tell you," she said. (036/TT/31)

The loss occurs because ora ilok is a concept of traditional ethics in

Javanese culture which set out actions and behaviours that should not be done. It

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

is an implicit guidance held by Javanese people. This concept is not limited to propriety because it does not always relate to correct moral norm or behaviours.

Things that are considered as ora ilok can be as explicit as aja sulayan (do not argue) and implicit like aja wengi-wengi ngedol uyah (do not sell salt at night, because the salt may spill in the dark and ruin other goods) (Herusatoto, 2011).

There is no direct punishment for doing something that is considered as ora ilok.

However, it may cause dishonour to the person doing it.

Loss of meaning due to inaccurate translation is also presented in (29) showing translation of gandrung into shacked up.

(29) ST: Kini dia mengumpat bapak. Padahal orang yang dimaki entah sedang di mana. Teja yang pemalas. Teja yang tidurnya seperti kerbau, Teja yang hanya mau enaknya sendiri. Teja yang sekarang sedang gandrung dengan kledek... (054/ST/53) TT: Now she was cursing out Father. But no one even knew where he was. Teja the lazy. Teja who sleeps like a buffalo. Teja who only cares about himself. Teja who is now shacked up with some other woman... (054/TT/49)

Gandrung means to be passionately in love with someone or devoted to something. This term is commonly associated with negative figurative meaning because being gandrung to something or someone may affect one’s clear mind and judgement as one is consumed by the strong feeling. The definition of gandrung indicates that this term is more associated with feeling rather than action. Meanwhile, shack up refers to the act of living in the same house as sexual partners, without being married (“Shack Up”, 2013). It can be inferred from the definition of gandrung and shack up that the two terms refer to different concept.

Being gandrung with someone does not necessarily involve sexual activity. On

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

the other hand, shacking up does not always imply that the people involved are deeply in love. Therefore, the translation of gandrung into shacked up is inaccurate and lead to loss of meaning, mainly in terms of the indirect implication associated with the words.

Another loss is observable in translation of seleh into courteous as follows.

(30) ST: Sikap Pak Pahing yang seleh, mengaku salah, membuat Ibu luluh dan tak bisa berkata apa-apa lagi. (086/ST/82) TT: He was courteous about it, though, which made Mother feel sorry for him and not press him for more money. (086/TT/77)

The loss of meaning in (30) occurs because the translation does not render the meaning of ST item completely. In Javanese, seleh is a concept which is related to nrima or pasrah sumeleh. It means that Javanese people should be grateful with whatever they have and they should not force themselves. However, it does not mean that they are allowed to be slack or behave carelessly in life.

Being seleh means being humble, accepting whatever condition happens and do not try to escape the reality. It is different from courteous which means to be polite, respectful or well-mannered. Seleh can be manifested in courteous behaviour, but being courteous is different from being seleh. Therefore, there is a loss of meaning in the translation of seleh into courteous.

The next discussion presents the loss of meaning in translation of ngelangut into ‘wistful’ as shown in (31).

(31) ST: Hidupku kembali tenang. Ya, tenang yang ngelangut. (136/ST/200) TT: Calm returned to my life. A wistful sort of calm. (136/TT/189)

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

There is a loss of expressive meaning in translation of ngelangut into

‘wistful’ because they refer to different emotional association. ‘wistful’ refers to being sad and thinking about something that is impossible or in the past, while ngelangut is closer to feeling empty, lonely or desolate. The feeling associated with ngelangut is not sadly nostalgic or regretful ones, but rather lonely and empty, partly because there is nothing to do or think about. This association is not conveyed by the TT.

Similar to (31), the loss of meaning in translation of kemenyek into ‘banter’ in (32) is also associated with expressive meaning.

(32) ST: "Uang keamanan buat apa, Pak?" tanya Ibu tidak lagi dengan suara lantang kemenyek khas pedagang, tapi suara pasrah ketakutan. (072/ST/65) TT: "Security fee for what, sir?" Mother asked, in a fearful tone that was very different from her usual trader's banter. (072/TT/60)

In (32), ‘banter’ refers to talk to someone in a friendly and humorous way

(“Banter”, 2013) which is understandably common for traders. In general, there is also a sense of being humorous in kemenyek, but there are also some associated aspects of it which are not apparent in ‘banter’. Kemenyek also refers to an annoying way of talking because the speaker is making an attempt to flatter the other party, or a potential buyer in the setting of trading, while trying to highlight their own positive qualities. Therefore, kemenyek usually evokes more negative association which is not really present in ‘banter’.

In general, the losses in translation of concepts, values and norms deal with losses of implicit meaning associated with the concepts, values and norms as well

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

as the invisibility of the ST culture in the TT. The invisibility of culture is shown by translation of karma while the other items show losses of implicit meaning.

The less accurate translation of the items in concepts, values and norms can be considered as rather unsuccessful attempts from the translator to compromise with the target readers’ unfamiliarity with the concepts, values and norms.

4. Mythical Spirits and Characters

The next sub-category is mythical spirits and characters. There three items which show losses of meaning, namely genderuwo, wewe gombel, and bagong.

The following is the discussion of loss in translation of genderuwo and wewe gombel.

(33) ST: Atau dia melihat orang-orang berseragam loreng itu seperti genderuwo atau wewe gombel. Makhluk halus yang konon sering dilihat anak bayi dan membuatnya menangis menjerit-jerit ketakutan. (120/ST/142) (121/ST/142) TT: Or perhaps he saw the men in the uniforms as demons. Creatures that could only be seen by young children and that made them cry. (120/TT/135) (121/ST/135)

Based on information from interviews, Geertz (1976) makes a distinction of three main kinds of Javanese spirits: memedi, lelembut and tuyul. Genderuwo is the commonest type of male memedi who like to upset or scare people especially in dark or lonely places. The female memedi is called wewe or wewe gombel.

They often appear in the form of one’s parent or sibling and ask the victim to come along with them. If one obeys, the person will then become invisible and then will be missing. It is believed that children are particularly susceptible to genderuwo and they are most likely be able to see the spirits. It is a common

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

saying that children are not supposed to play after sunset in order to avoid being kidnapped by wewe or genderuwo. Translating genderuwo and wewe gombel into

‘demon’ transfers the meaning of evil spirit. However, the translation omits the peculiarity of Javanese belief about genderuwo and wewe as well as their particular association with children which is shown by the context of the story.

The following is the discussion of losses of meaning in translation of bagong.

(34) ST: Sebenarnya aku sudah lama mengenal laki-laki yang badannya seperti bagong itu. (137/ST/200) TT: I had actually known this portly man for some time. (137/TT/190)

Bagong is the youngest son of Semar/Betara Ismaya who is one of the punakawan, the figures of royal advisors in Javanese Mahabharata epic. He is characterized by a short and fat body (Hardowirogo, 1989). In (34), the ST uses a simile to describe how the body of the man is comparable to one of Bagong. The simile works in the ST because Bagong is a well-known character in Javanese culture and his short, fat features are distinguishable for most Javanese people.

However, people who is not familiar with Bagong as a character will find difficulties to understand if the simile is preserved in the translation. Therefore, the translator chooses to explain the meaning explicitly.

In translating the mythical spirits and characters, the translator is aware that the target readers most likely will not be familiar with the references. Therefore, he attempts to explain the meaning of the CSI explicitly and find a more general term which is more or less equivalent in the TL culture. These techniques work

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

quite well in translating the overall meaning of the CSIs. However, the cost of these techniques is incomplete representation of the unique characteristics and significance of the mythical spirits and characters in the SL culture.

5. Phenomenon, Customs, and Activities

There are two items to be discussed in this sub-section, namely ngladeni, and nyuwun. Example (35) shows the loss in translation of ngladeni.

(35) ST: "Enak saja, nyebut aku sundal. Sampeyan sendiri yang tidak bisa ngladeni suami..." (030/ST/26) TT: "Don't call me whore. You're the one that can't take care of your husband. It's not my fault that he wants to marry me." (030/TT/23)

In its general sense, ngladeni means to serve, take care of (customers), or be of service of (Robson & Wibisono, 2002). However, in particular, the concept of ngladeni in Javanese family, particularly in a relationship involving husband and wife based strongly on patriarchal view in society. According to Endraswara

(2003), the concept of ngladeni which applies to Javanese married couples is based the wife’s piety to her husband as well as her willingness to serve her husband and provide for his needs unconditionally. In this concept, women are seen as men subordinates and they are often objectified to satisfy men’s sexual desire. The meaning of ngladeni is partially loss in (35) as ngladeni in the ST implies the meaning of take care of husband in term of sexual relationship between husband and wife, which is not fully conveyed in the translation.

Another loss is observed in the translation of nyuwun into ask in (36).

(36) ST: "Nduk, terserah apa penginmu. Yang penting, coba

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

nyuwun sama Mbah Ibu Bumi Bapa Kuasa. Semua kejadian hanya terjadi kalau Dia yang menginginkan." (046a/ST/43) TT: "Nduk, it's up to you what you want to do. What's important is that you ask your creator. Things only happen if He wills it." (046a/TT/39)

The loss in (36) is a result of the levels in Javanese language which is not present in English. Speech levels in Javanese consist of a system reflecting the degree of formality and respect from the speaker directed to the addressee

(Poedjosudarmo, 1968). The levels are indicated by choices of vocabulary types comprising ngoko (non-polite and informal), madya (semi-polite and semi- formal), and krama (polite and formal), which is further divided into krama inggil

(high krama) and krama andhap (humble krama).

The context in (36) involves a form of communication which refers to a highly respected divine entity or God. Robson (1994) argues that Javanese people use krama to speak in their communication with God to express respect for the party either addressed to referred to and to express humility on the speaker’s part.

It is observed in (36) as nyuwun is the krama andhap variation of njaluk which means to ask. Nyuwun convey a meaning of humbly asking to God. The meaning is lost in the translation since English does not have speech levels.

The translation of ngladeni and nyuwun indicate losses of meaning because the translation does not capture the whole meaning of the references. In this case, the translation does not represent the significance of levels in Javanese culture.

The translation of ngladeni into ‘take care’ does not completely represent the concept of a wife’s unconditional loyalty to her husband and the repressive implication of such culture. Similarly, the translation of nyuwun into ‘ask’ cannot

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

represent the expression of humility conveyed the level of language that show a high degree of respect towards the addressee.

6. Local Political Functions and Institutions

There are two CSIs discussed in this section, namely wedana and kamituwo.

(37) ST: Kalau perempuan itu datang semua pedagang sibuk melayani, menawarkan semua dagangan yang dipunyai. Dan memang belanjanya selalu banyak. Kata orang-orang, dia istri wedana. (041/ST/38) TT: When she came, all the vendors would swarm over her, offering her their various goods. And she always bought a lot. It was said that she was the wife of a district official. (041/TT/34)

In the ST, wedana refers to a head of an administrative district called kawedanan which is part of East Indies government and several years after

Indonesian declaration of independence. The loss of meaning occurs because “a district official” does not convey all meaning of wedana in the ST. Wedana is not only an administrative official but the head of the district who is highly respected and considered wealthy. It explains the story in which the market vendors swarm over the wife of wedana and try to get her to buy their goods.

Next, the discussion of loss of meaning in kamituwo is presented as follows.

(38) ST: Aku tak membantah omongan Simbok. Tak mengiakannya. Tapi hanya tiga hari setelah itu, kami telah berada di rumah Kamituwo. (051a/ST/48) * perangkat desa yang mengurusi pernikahan TT: I didn't argue with her. I didn't agree either. But just three days after that, we were at home of the village official in charge of marriages. (051a/TT/44)

In general, kamituwo refers to elderly people who are highly respected in the

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

village and therefore appointed as village officials who are in charge of various social affairs, ceremonies and rituals, including marriage and selametan (Maurer,

1996). Even though they can be considered as “officials”, mostly they are not appointed by the government. Their authority is derived from people’s respect to them because they are older and considered to be wiser.

The losses of meaning in local political functions show the differences between the SL culture and the TL culture in terms of political functions. The differences lead to the absence of readily equivalent terms in the TL. Therefore, the translator makes attempts to translate the terms by explaining the meaning of the terms. However, the explanation is not entirely accurate. The translation of wedana into ‘district official’ does not represent the function of wedana as the head of the district, while translation of kamituwo into ‘village official in charge of marriages’ does not represent other functions of kamituwo other than officiating marriages.

B. SOCIAL CULTURE

Items of social culture found in the ST are classified into social class, social custom, work, kinship/addressing terms, and games. Losses of meaning in all of the sub-categories are presented in Table 7.

Table 7. Losses of Meaning in Category of Social Culture

No. Sub-classification Freq. % 1 Kinship/addressing terms 8 36 2 Social class 6 27 3 Social customs 5 23 4 Work and occupation 2 9 5 Games and leisure 1 5 Total 22 100

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

As seen in Table 7, there are 22 occurrences of loss of meaning in social culture. The discussion will be in order of subclassifications from the highest to the lowest frequency: 1) kinship and addressing terms, 2) social class, 3) social customs, 4) work and occupation, and 5) games and leisure.

1. Kinship and Addressing Terms

This sub-section discusses eight occurrences of losses in translation of kinship and addressing terms. This subcategory has the highest frequency of losses of meaning in the social culture.

(39) ST: "Ada kerjaan nggak, Yu?" tanya Simbok pada seorang perempuan penjual singkong. (019a/ST/23) TT: "Is there a job, ma'am?" Simbok asked one of the women selling cassavas. (019a/TT/20)

(40) ST: "Nyi, masih ada kerjaan?" tanya Simbok. (020/ST/23) TT: "Ma'am, do you need any work done?" Simbok asked. (020/TT/21)

(41) ST: Jualan singkong sudah bertahun-tahun menjadi pekerjaan Nyai Dimah, perempuan yang mempekerjakan kami. (021b/ST/24) TT: Mrs. Dimah, the woman who hired us, had been selling cassavas for years. (021b/TT/21)

(42) ST: "Sudah, Mbak... Saya sudah nrimo, ikhlas. Saya tidak mau lagi urusan sama mereka." (122/ST/153) TT: "Enough, Miss... I've already accepted it. I don't want anything more to do with them." (122/TT/145)

(43) ST: Semua belanjaan Nyai Wedana itu kumasukkan ke satu goni, lalu kuikat dengan tali dadung. (022/ST/38) TT: I put all of the district official's wife's shopping into a sack and tied it shut. (022/TT/34)

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

The treatment in translating of addressing terms or honorifics is important as those terms have significance in conveying the culture of the language. The addressing terms indicate degree of politeness and familiarity between the participants in the communication. Preserving the terms in SL may lead to confusion if it is done without any description or explanation. However, domesticating the terms also leads to a loss in meaning as the TL may not have the same meaning.

Examples (39) to (42) show the translation of addressing terms which are commonly used in Javanese. Mbakyu, mbak, or yu are addressing terms for an elder sister, a woman older than oneself. However, there is a slight difference between the three terms. Mbak is the most general term referring to an adolescence or adult woman, regardless of the speaker knows her or not. Mbakyu implies that the speaker has intention to show more respect and the addressee is somehow familiar with the speaker. Yu is the short form of mbakyu and sometimes it is used together with the personal name of the addressee. Nyai is a respectful term of address to older woman. Nyi is a variation of nyai. In the era of

Dutch colonization, nyai also refers to native Indonesian woman taken as a concubine by a Dutch man. However, in the context of the story in the ST, the term no longer holds such meaning. In the TT, all of the addressing terms are domesticated by replacing them with their supposed equivalents. However, some of the meanings are lost. In (39), the term yu lost its sense of familiarity while retaining the sense of respect when translated into ma’am. In (43), Nyai wedana is given her own title but the TT refers to her as ‘district official’s wife’.

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

A different case of loss is observed in another translation of yu in (44).

(44) ST: Akhirnya aku tahu yang berteriak adalah Yu Parti, penjual pecel pincuk. (019c/ST/25) TT: I finally figured out that it was Yu Parti, the pincuk vendor, who was yelling. (019c/TT/23)

Example (44) shows that yu is preserved in the TT. However, it results in a loss since yu is not preserved on other parts of the TT and there is no explanation of the meaning of yu, neither in the footnote nor description in the text. Readers who are not familiar with the addressing term may think that Yu in Yu Parti is a part of the name, while it actually functions as an addressing term to a female.

Another finding in translation of addressing term is shown in translation of mbah as in (45).

(45) ST: Mbah Noto, kuli paling tua yang bekerja paling awal dibanding kuli lain, hanya ingat dia sudah nguli pada zaman Jepang. (039a/ST/36) TT: Even Old Man Noto, the oldest porter there who had worked longer than any of the others, could only remember that he began working during the Japanese occupation. (039a/TT/32)

In Javanese, mbah is a familiar term of reference which refers either to one’s grandparents or an old person (Robson & Wibisono, 2002). It is a short form of simbah. The honorific can be attached to the personal name or used as a form of address. The translation of simbah into old man does not completely convey the meaning as old man is not a term of reference.

The last finding of loss of meaning in translation of addressing term is sedulur-sedulur as shown in (46).

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

(46) ST: "Sedulur-sedulur, si Iyem ini sundal. Suami orang direbut juga,"teriak Yu Parti dengan penuh amarah. (029/ST/29) TT: "Everybody, Iyem here is a whore. She's a husband stealer," Yu Parti yelled in anger. (029/TT/23)

In (46), the speaker, Yu Parti, a Javanese woman who works as a market vendor, addressed fellow market vendors and their customers as sedulur-sedulur while she was throwing a tantrum about her cheating husband. Sedulur literally refers to siblings or relatives, but it is also used to refer to other people who are not related by blood or marriage, but by close relationship so that they can be considered family. It is common for Javanese people to address people who are close to them as sedulur or family. In instance (46), the loss of referential meaning of the term is rather insignificant as everybody can also be used in the situation.

However, the loss of connotative and evoked meaning of the term is rather more significant as the translation does not fully convey the intention of the speaker to address people around her as her family and the custom of Javanese people.

Addressing terms entails social as well as cultural aspect of the language as addressing terms or honorifics are closely linked to social relationship and solidarity between the addresser and the addressee (Chaika, 1994). The use of addressing terms indicates the closeness between the speakers as well as the structure of the society. Irvine (1992) argues that instead of geographical area, the use of honorifics is influenced by the culture and traditions of the society. For example, Javanese uses a complex system of grammaticalized honorifics in form of levels of language employed in different settings and between members of different social ranks. A lower class will address a person with higher social class

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

with certain addressing terms such as ndoro or raden to show respect and politeness in addition to kromo variation of the Javanese language level. In this case, the use of honorifics in addressing someone is also an indication of power relation. In a more casual setting, Javanese uses addressing terms and honorifics according to social status, age differences, and gender of the addressee as well as the addresser.

The use of addressing terms is commonly found in the ST. The translation of addressing terms that indicate close kinship relationship such as simbok

(mother), paklik (uncle/younger brother of one’s mother/father), bulik

(aunt/younger sister of one’s mother/father), and nduk (daughter) are preserved and accompanied by explanatory footnotes. Similarly, addressing terms that indicate respect, such as kang (older brother), Kyai (honorifics for male Islamic cleric), and Eyang (kromo variations of grandparent), are also preserved and explained by footnotes. The kinship terms may be preserved as a way to portray the Javanese family as authentic as possible, while the honorifics may be preserved as a way to convey unfamiliar relationship between the participants.

Both kinship terms and honorifics also may be preserved to keep hints of Javanese culture along the story by using the authentic Javanese terms.

On the other hand, addressing terms that show familiar relationships, such as yu and mbak are mostly translated by using domesticating strategy as shown by the following quotations from the ST and TT. The translations of such addressing terms may show that the translator considered familiar and close relationships are best conveyed by using terms that are familiar for the target readers

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

2. Social Class

Losses of meaning in translation of items belonging to social class domain are observable in translation of priyayi. Example (47) until (52) shows six occurrences of losses of meaning in translation of priyayi. The term priyayi appears several times in the ST and it is omitted in all translations of the term in the TT. A great loss of meaning occurs because the term priyayi refers to a significant social group in Javanese society which is associated with a number of distinctive characteristics. Geertz (1976) describes this group as the gentry in

Javanese society. Originally, priyayi referred only to those who could trace their ancestry back to the kings of precolonial Java because this title indicated hereditary aristocracy. However, during the Dutch colonization, the term priyayi widened to include common people appointed into bureaucracy and salaried civil servants who worked for the government.

The term priyayi is not preserved in the TT and consequently the meaning of the term that refers to a particular social group is not fully transferred in the TT.

The translator deliberately chooses to translate priyayi according to the context in which the term is contained. It is possible that the decision was made because the translator did not consider the term important to be preserved as long as the intended referential meaning is delivered in the context. The decision also indicates that the translator does not include specific SL culture in the TT and eliminates the association of priyayi as a social group.

(47) ST: "Aku kuat, Kang. Biasanya aku juga nggendong tenggok, nggendong goni. Bakul-bakul itu juga banyak yang mengangkat sendiri dagangannya dari rumah ke pasar.

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

Hanya priyayi-priyayi saja yang nggak kuat ngangkat goni." (034a/ST/34) TT: "I'm strong, Kang. I usually carry baskets, even sacks. I also carry baskets from home to the market. It's only weak people who can't carry them." (034a/TT/30)

Example (47) depicts a situation when one of the main characters in the story, Marni, expressed her intention to be a porter to collect money for buying a pair of bras that she really wanted. However, people in Ngranget market were against her intention because they consider it inappropriate for a girl to do a heavy physical labour. They said that a girl would not be able to carry heavy loads.

Responding to the rejection, Marni justified her intention by saying that she was strong enough to carry heavy sacks full of produce every day, so there was no reason that she would not survive as a porter in the market. She added that only priyayi that would not be able to carry such heavy load. Marni’s utterance implies relationship between social groups in Javanese culture, particularly the lower class, represented by Marni, and the middle to upper class, represented by the priyayi.

Marni was born into a poor family who virtually did not earn any money to support their life. Her father left her when she was very little. Her mother, confined by lack of education and gender constriction in Javanese patriarchal society, did not have much chance and option to earn money because female workers in Javanese market were not paid with money. They were paid with cassava or other grocery products in exchange of domestic or physical labour that they did in the market. In Javanese culture, particularly in the Dutch colonisation era up to half a century post-colonisation, priyayi is the representation of the

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

middle-upper class who did refined works such as teachers or administrative staff; they were different from people who do unrefined work including peasants, laborers, and traders. Therefore, people from lower class who were used to do hard physical labour perceive the priyayi incapable to do the hard work. However, the perception was positive, because the priyayi lifestyle was something that

Javanese people aspired to.

(48) ST: "Eee lha, mau pinjam uang kok ke aku. Aku ya tidak punya to, Yu, wong kita sama-sama susah. Kalau pinjam duit ya ke priyayi-priyayi itu." (034b/ST/67) TT: "Why do you want to borrow from me? I don't have any, Yu, I'm just as poor as you are. If you want money you should borrow it from rich people." (034b/TT/63)

Similarly, the translation of priyayi into ‘rich people’ only partially conveys the meaning of priyayi though the translation is rather accurate in the context. In

Javanese culture, priyayi is not only associated with material wealth. Priyayi were the cultural elite whose basis of power is their control over the symbolic resources of the society such as philosophy, art, science, and writing (Geertz, 1976). In fact, priyayi is more associated with other types of capitals namely social and cultural capital based on Bourdieu’s forms of capital (Bourdieu, 1986). The priyayi in

Javanese society own the capital of social connections among the government officials and important social figures. The members of priyayi class are also well- educated. They are able to utilize their educational background and relations to look for better job. These characteristics of priyayi are portrayed in the following translations. However, priyayi is not presented as a social group.

(49) ST: Pak Waji yang priyayi, pegawai yang menerima gaji

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

bulanan, tidak mencicil setiap hari seperti orang-orang di Pasar Ngranget. (034c/ST/83) TT: Mr. Waji, this cultured man who earned a monthly salary, didn't pay in daily installments like the people at Ngranget Market. (034c/TT/78)

(50) ST: "Lho... Sampeyan kok malah teriak-teriak di rumahku. Ini rumah priyayi, ndak pernah ada orang teriak-teriak..." (034g/ST/84) TT: "Hey... Don't you dare shout in my house. This is a decent house, there's never been any shouting here...." (034g/TT/77)

(51) ST: Keberanian dan kekuasaannya atas sesama bakul pasar bagaimanapun luntur saat berhadapan dengan priyayi. (034h/ST/84) TT: Her bravado and authority over her fellow market vendors disappeared in the presence of this learned man. (034h/TT/79)

In addition, priyayi is perceived as the representation of people who are intelligent, modern, and upholding high moral standard, even though the Islamic group may consider some priyayi as nonbelievers. It is shown in the following.

(52) ST: Orang-orang bilang itu gara-gara Pak Waji punya simpanan kledek. Katanya, dengan segala muslihatnya, kledek itu memeras seluruh uang Pak Waji. Orang-orang percaya, priyayi seperti Pak Waji tidak akan melakukan hal-hal yang tidak benar kalau bukan karena guna-guna dari kledek. (034j/ST/93) TT: People said it was because he had a mistress. They said she used all her wiles to fleece Mr. Waji of his money. They really believed that a cultured person like Mr. Waji would never have strayed if was not under some kind of spell. (034j/TT/88)

The quote shows that Javanese people believe that a priyayi would never be immoral. However, the translation makes it more personal and related specifically to Mr. Waji instead of the whole social class that he represents.

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

3. Social Custom

The next group in social culture items is social custom. This group encompasses events, gathering or habits that are considered as a custom in a society. There are five occurrences of loss in four items belonging to this group found in the ST: bancakan, rewang, mantu, and jagong.

Example (53) shows loss observed in translation of bancakan.

(53) ST: Setelah Mbah Sambong membaca ujub, tumpeng dan panggang dipotong. Mereka semua mulai bancakan. (064/ST/56) TT: When Old Man Sambong ends the prayer, the rice and the chicken are carved up. They all start to make their offerings. (064/TT/52)

There is a loss of meaning in translation of bancakan into offerings as the two terms refer to different things. In Javanese, bancakan is a ritual (selametan) held to mark a special event in a child's life (Robson & Wibisono, 2002). This term also refers to the food served at such event consisting of tumpeng and various compulsory side dishes (ubo rampe) as well as the activity of sharing the food among participants in the selametan as a form of social bonding and a means to share blessings (Muhaimin, 2006). Bancakan is different from offerings (sajen) because bancakan is meant to be eaten and shared among the participants of the event, while sajen is offering for spirits so that they do not disturb people. The TT lost the sense of communal event and do not render the same message as the ST.

The following is discussion of loss of meaning in translation of rewang as shown in (54) and (55).

(54) ST: Kusempatkan mampir ke pawon, lalu kuserahkan uang

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

sepuluh ribu pada Tonah yang ikut rewang di situ. (110a/ST/121) TT: I passed through the kitchen on the way out and gave 10,000 to Tonah, who was among those keeping vigil there. (110a/TT/114)

(55) ST: Tetangga-tetangga akan rewang di dapur, membantu menyiapkan keperluan selamatan. (110b/ST/207) TT: The neighbors would crowd into the kitchen, helping prepare everything for the thanksgiving. (110b/TT/195)

The loss in meaning in translation of rewang into keeping vigil as observed in (54) occurs due to the inaccuracy. In its literal sense, rewang means to help someone. However, it is commonly used to refer to helping with preparations for a celebration. A day or two before the event, the host will ask a few closer female relatives and neighbours to help in cooking and preparing various dishes in large batches for the event. The people helping are not paid, but the host must provide food for them. This custom is based on a clear expectation of reciprocity as the people helping will ask for help when they hold an event or celebration.

(Schweizer, 1989). The custom of rewang is still practiced today as they have to help each other whenever possible, based on the ideals of Javanese society which lie in the harmonious order in which no one considers oneself to be the more important than others so (Mulder, 1978).

The rewang custom is different from keeping vigil as observed in (54), because rewang is mostly about helping the host of an event to cook, while keeping vigil is staying awake to pray or to take care of an ill person. In (55), the loss of meaning is not really great as the helping is still conveyed in the TT.

Another loss in meaning is observed in translation of mantu.

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

(56) ST: Nyewu merupakan hajatan besar, yang hampir setara dengan mantu atau membangun rumah. (140/ST/207) TT: It was a big event, almost as important as a wedding or building a house. (140/TT/195)

The loss in (56) occurs because of different point of view in perceiving a marriage. In Javanese culture, a wedding is an event held by the parents of the bride and groom as marriage is a union not only of the bride and groom but also the whole family. It is because a marriage ceremony is still a part of parents’ responsibility towards their children. The term mantu itself has two meanings: (1) the daughter or son-in-law and (2) the wedding event held by the parents. It is different from a wedding which is held by the couple themselves. Although the loss of meaning is rather insignificant as mantu and wedding refer to the same event, the translation does not transfer the meaning of wedding as perceived by

Javanese custom.

The last finding in the category of social custom is jagong as shown in (57).

(57) ST: Lima panci besar rawon dibuat. Untuk temu temanten siang hari, untuk orang-orang yang jagong sore hari, dan untuk orang-orang yang menonton gambyong sampai pagi. (153/ST/279) TT: It would be cooked in five large pots - one for the wedding procession in the morning, one for the people who would be chatting in the afternoon, and the rest of the people watching the dance performance until daybreak. (153/TT/262)

Jagong in Javanese has two meanings: (1) to sit and (2) to attend an event.

This term is usually also used to refer to people sitting together and have a conversation. However, jagong in the context of (57) is more suitable to refer to attending a party or ceremony, especially a wedding (Schweizer, 1989).

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

The losses of meaning in translation of social customs are mainly caused by inaccurate meaning of the translation. The translation of bancakan into ‘offering’ does not represent the custom as a social event between participants in a selametan. Similarly, the translation of rewang into ‘keeping vigil’ does not show the aspect of people gathering together to help preparing a social or religious event.

4. Work and Occupations

There are two occurrences of loss found in the translation of tanah bengkok and nderep. The discussion of tanah bengkok is presented as follows.

(58) ST: Pak Lurah memiliki dua hektar sawah yang ditanami tebu, itu tanah bengkok yang diberikan sebagai upahnya selama menjadi lurah. (101/ST/101) TT: That was the ward chief's sugarcane. He had two hectares of it. The land was given to him when he became the ward chief. (101/TT/95)

Loss of meaning in translation of tanah bengkok into ‘land’ is a result of the use of a general term in place of a specific term. Tanah bengkok is a specific term for the service land given to pamong desa (collective reference term for the set of village officials) as a substitute of salary or a compensation for their administrative work during their term of service in the village community, or even after retirement (Maurer, 1996). Further, the ownership of the tanah bengkok is closely linked to the social and political power as well as material wealth in the

Javanese agricultural village communities. In the translation, opting for a more general term removes the background meaning of the term in the context.

Loss of meaning is also observed in translation of nderep in (59).

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

(59) ST: Bagian buruh perempuan hanya nderep atau mbethot kacang. (102/ST/103) TT: Women only planted rice or picked peanuts. (102/TT/96)

Nderep or derep is helping to harvest rice in rice field with a wage of one fifth of the yield. This activity is different from planting the rice, which is done at the beginning of a rice planting cycle. Therefore, the loss of meaning in (59) is caused by the inaccurate translation of nderep. In addition, the context in the ST shows that the work is done during the harvest time. While the men are harvesting sugarcane, the women harvest the rice and peanuts.

In the subcategory of work and occupation, the losses occur because of incomplete or inaccurate translation. The translation of tanah bengkok into ‘land’ does not represent the system of wage for public officials which is commonly applied in Javanese villages. In addition, the translation of nderep into ‘planted rice’ show inaccuracy in translation because the two terms refer to two different activities.

5. Games and Leisure

The last category in social cultures is games and leisure. There is one occurrence of loss of meaning in translation of gating as shown in (60).

(60) ST: Sepanjang hari, anak-anak perempuan bermain gateng dan engklek. Yang laki-laki adu neker. (143/ST/216) TT: The girls drew pictures or played hopscotch, while the boys played marbles. (143/TT/203)

The loss of meaning in (60) occurs because in Javanese culture, gateng does not refer to drawing pictures. It is possible that the translator decided to replace the game with an activity that is well-known by children in many cultures because

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

the traditional game is rather difficult to explain and it does not have similar game in western culture. Gateng is a traditional game originated from Yogyakarta in the

17th century (Amara, 2018). This game is usually played both individual or in group of two to five people. Before playing, the player has to collect five small pebbles and scatter them on the ground. Then, the first player chooses one pebble and toss it into the air. While it is floating in the air, the player should try to take the remaining pebbles on the ground one by one. The game continues with increasing number of pebbles that has to be taken at once while the thrown pebble is still in the air.

In general, (mis)representation of Javanese social culture is influenced by the losses of meaning because there are aspects of Javanese social culture which cannot be fully represented in the TT. The translator plays a significant role as the mediator between the source culture and the target culture. It is apparent that the translator put the readers’ perspective as outsiders of the source culture. It is indicated mainly by translation of social class and addressing terms which are translated differently based on their context. In this case, the translator attempts to explain the source culture based on his understandings of the terms while assuring the readers’ convenience. It implies greater extent of intervention in the text which results in possibility of the translation generating different meanings from the one intended by the source text (Hatim & Mason, 1997). It is shown in translation of priyayi, which is not properly represented as a social class in the TT. In addition, the mediation also maintains the distance between readers and source culture.

100

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

C. MATERIAL CULTURE

Material culture consists of tangible physical objects that have cultural significance which is unique to the culture. Material culture can be divided into food and drinks, clothes and accessories, parts of house, appliances and tools, and means of transportation. However, parts of house and means of transportation are not included in the discussion as there is no loss of meaning observed in the analysis. The losses of meaning in the material culture are presented in Table 8.

Table 8. Losses of Meaning in Category of Material Culture

No. Sub-classification Freq. % 1 Food and drink 10 56 2 Clothes and accessories 6 33 3 Appliances and tools 2 11 Total 18 100

As seen in Table 8, there are eighteen occurrences of losses of meaning of

CSIs in material culture. The findings and discussion are presented based on the subcategory from the highest to the lowest frequency: 1) food and drink, 2) clothes and accessories, and 3) appliances and tools.

1. Food and Drink

The first subcategory of material culture is food and drink. There are ten occurrences of meaning loss in translation of six items: gaplek, sambal, pecel pincuk, pecel, kulupan, tahu petis, and cendol.

The first losses of meaning are observed in translation of gaplek. There are multiple translations for gaplek in the TT. However, this term is never preserved in the TT. The translation of gaplek are shown in instances (61), (62), and (63).

101

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

(61) ST: Nyai Dimah yang sudah menunggu di losnya tinggal membayar, lalu menunggu orang-orang seperti Simbok mengupas dan mengolah menjadi gaplek. (018b/ST/24) TT: Mrs. Dimah, who would already be waiting at her stall, just needed to pay them and the wait for people like Simbok to come around and peel and slice the cassavas into sliver. (018b/TT/24)

(62) ST: Padahal di penjual gaplek yang lain, kami sering ditolak karena sudah ada yang lebih dulu mengupas atau persediaan singkong yang habis. (018d/ST/25) TT: In fact, the other cassava chip vendors we went to turned us away because they had already had their cassava peeled and cut earlier in the day and were out of cassavas. (018d/TT/22)

(63) ST: Gaplek dianggap kere, ndeso, nggak ada gizinya. Padahal gaplek rasanya kan lebih mantap daripada nasi. (018e/ST/169) TT: Cassavas were considered poor, rustic, with no nutrients. Yet they tasted much better than rice. (018e/TT/161)

Gaplek is Indonesian and Javanese term for sliced dried root of cassava

(Robson & Wibisono, 2002). The cassava root is harvested, peeled, sliced into pieces 15 to 20 centimetres long, and dried under the sun for one to three days. It is usually produced in certain area in Java where the soil is too poor to plant rice.

Sliver is a very small thin piece of something, usually broken off something larger. The use of ‘sliver’ to translate gaplek in (61) does not render the whole meaning of gaplek because there are certain features of gaplek which is not conveyed by the word ‘sliver’. This term only describes that the cassava root is sliced into thin pieces. It does not convey that the cassava is cured by drying in the sun whereas it is an essential feature that differentiate gaplek from ordinary cassava sliver.

102

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

In (62), the translation of gaplek into cassava chips also results in a great translation loss. In British English, chips refer to “a long thin piece of potato that is fried and usually eaten hot” (“Chip”, 2013) while in American English chips refer to “a very thin, often round piece of fried potato, sometimes with a flavour added, and sold especially in plastic bags” (“Chip”, 2013). The translation of gaplek into chips do not retain distinctive characteristics of gaplek since they are very different kinds of food. In (63), translation of gaplek into cassava also result in similar translation loss occurring in (61) since cassava is more general than gaplek. In addition to loss of meaning in terms of the referred food, the translations, particularly in (62), also convey a loss in evoked meaning in gaplek.

In Javanese culture, cassava is considered as a staple food besides rice. Gaplek is known as a staple food for the poor or people whose land is not fertile enough to produce rice and cannot afford to buy the crops from other places. Therefore, gaplek is often associated with lower social class or rustic rural lives as conveyed in (63).

In the translation of gaplek, the translator does not preserve the term gaplek in the TT and opt domesticating translation strategies by finding cultural equivalence or more general items. The translation of gaplek into ‘cassava chip’ and ‘cassava’ indicate that the translator does not consider gaplek as a term that needs to be preserved. One possible reason is because gaplek is not a familiar concept in the TL culture and the translator believes that the meaning of gaplek has been sufficiently rendered by ‘cassava chip’ and ‘cassava’. However, the translation does not convey the association between gaplek and people from

103

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

certain social and economic group in Javanese society. In addition, by rendering gaplek into a general term ‘cassava’, the translator does not show this specific

Javanese culture in the TT.

Another occurrence of loss in translation of name of food is found in translation of sambal into chili paste as follows.

(64) ST: Gaplek dicampur dengan sambal dan daun singkong adalah makanan yang luar biasa enak. (023/ST/24) TT: The slivers, mixed with chili paste and cassava leaves, made for a really good meal. (023/TT/21)

According to Javanese dictionary, sambal is “bangsane lelawuhan sing digawe saka lombok, uyah, bawang, lsp diulek dadi siji” (Yogyakarta, 2011, p.

634). The dictionary explains that sambal is a kind of side dish made from chili/pepper, salt, garlic or shallot, and other ingredients crushed together into a paste. Generally, sambal can be considered as a kind of chili paste. However, sambal contains a lot more ingredients in addition to chili. Therefore, there is a loss in translation of sambal into chili paste.

Translation loss also occurs in translation of pecel pincuk and pecel.

(65) ST: Akhirnya aku tahu yang berteriak adalah Yu Parti, penjual pecel pincuk. (027/ST/26) TT: I finally figured out that it was Yu Parti, the pincuk vendor, who was yelling. (027/TT/23) * rice snack wrapped in a banana leaf

(66) ST: Yu Parti berjualan pecel di pasar ini sejak sebelum bertemu Pak Suyat. (031a/ST/28) TT: Yu Parti had been selling pecel at the market since before she met Mr. Suyat. (031a/TT/25) *peanut and chili sauce

104

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

Pecel pincuk and pecel actually refer to a similar dish. Pecel pincuk is a kind of pecel, a dish consists of parboiled vegetables served with ground peanut sauce

(Robson & Wibisono, 2002) served on a pincuk which is “a container for carrying food made by folding a banana leaf and pinning it with a sharpened palm leaf rib”

(Robson & Wibisono, 2002, p. 570). Javanese people use various kinds of container made from banana leaf. Different kinds of container have different shapes and usually serve different functions or contain different kinds of food.

Pincuk is usually used as a container for rice and side dish or pecel. In (65), however, pecel pincuk is translated by using preservation of pincuk while omitting pecel altogether, resulting in an inaccurate translation. Moreover, the translator adds a footnote explaining that pincuk is a “rice snack wrapped in a banana leaf”.

The footnote changes the meaning of pincuk from a container into a kind of food.

In (66), the term pecel is preserved in the TT and the translator add a footnote. A loss occurs in the footnote as it mentions pecel as “peanut and chili sauce” while pecel consists not only of a sauce made from ground peanut and chili but also parboiled vegetables.

The following data shows the losses of meaning in translation of kulupan into vegetable garnish.

(67) ST: Tonah membuat tumpeng kecil, menyiapkan semua ubo rampe. Ada kulupan, jenang merah dan jenang putih. (061/ST/56) TT: Tonah makes a rice cone and the rest of the food. There's vegetable garnish, a red porridge and a white porridge. (061/TT/52)

Kulupan or kuluban is one of ubo rampe (requirements) in a set of tumpeng

105

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

served in selametan ceremony. Therefore, it is not merely a garnish or decoration.

Generally, kulupan consists of boiled vegetables, such as bayem, kangkung and cambah, served with shredded coconut seasoned with spices, chili, and coconut milk. Similar to other ubo rampe in a tumpeng, the ingredients in kulupan also symbolize wishes or values. The seasoned shredded coconut is called bumbu urap which means urip (to live) or being able to provide live for family (Banyuadhy,

2015). The vegetables also carry certain meaning and wishes. For example, bayem (Amaranthus spp.) symbolizes hope to be ayem tentrem (in a safe and tranquil condition), kangkung (Ipomoea aquatica) means jinangkung which symbolizes hope to achieve whatever one wants in life, and cambah or mung bean sprouts, a culinary vegetable grown by sprouting mung beans (Vigna radiata), conveys a meaning of growth or being able to grow as a person (Banyuadhy,

2015).

Another example of loss is observed in translation of tahu petis.

(68) ST: Penjual makanan berjajar, mulai dari bakso, arum manis, sampai tahu petis. (109/ST/106) TT: Food vendors would also line up, selling meatball soup, cotton candy, and tofu paste. (109/TT/99)

Tahu petis and tofu paste refer to different kinds of food. The main difference between tahu petis and tofu paste is that tofu paste refers to a paste made of tofu, which is not a common thing in Javanese culture, while tahu petis is a Javanese snack made of deep-fried tofu filled with fermented prawn paste

(petis). The loss of meaning occurs because tofu paste does not have the features of being fried and filled with fermented prawn paste.

106

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

Loss of meaning also occurs in translation of cendol into iced treats and rice pudding as seen in (69) and (70).

(69) ST: Balai desa sudah ramai. Ada penjual arum manis, balon, bakso, dan cendol. (068a/ST/61) TT: Inside the packed village hall, there were people selling candy, balloons, meatball soup and iced treats. (068a/TT/57)

(70) ST: Dari sebuah warung cendol, aku melihat seorang laki-laki turun dari sepeda motor berwarna merah. (068b/ST/259) TT: From a stall selling rice pudding, I saw a man get down from a red motorbike. (068b/TT/243)

In Javanese, cendol refers to at least two things related to beverages. Cendol can refer to “small, doughy rice flour droplets used in cold drinks” and “a beverage made with such droplets” (Robson & Wibisono, 2002, p. 772). In (69), the translation of cendol into iced treats is a generalization because iced treats are a general term while cendol is a specific kind of iced beverage made from rice flour droplets, coconut milk and brown sugar syrup. In (70), the loss is even greater because rice pudding is an entirely different kind of food. In many western cultures, rice pudding refers to “a sweet dish made by cooking rice in milk and sugar” (“Rice Pudding”, 2013). Rice pudding is usually served warm while cendol is commonly served with ice. Moreover, Javanese is not familiar with this kind of rice pudding. The loss of meaning in the translation may lead to misunderstanding.

Translations of names of food and drinks influence the representation of

Javanese culture because domestication and inaccurate translations of names of food and drinks bring an implication related to cultural identity. Food is a

107

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

reflection of cultural identity as it is connected to behaviour, religious belief, emotions, and sense of belonging (Almerico, 2014). When meanings of the food are loss in the TT, the identity of the SL culture is not fully rendered in the TT as well.

The incomplete representation of culture is particularly apparent in translation of gaplek and kulupan as the two items represent more than just food.

Gaplek indicates representation of its relation with lower social class and people in infertile areas. Similarly, kulupan represents Javanese culture that often associate food with certain prayers and hopes as each vegetable in this dish symbolises hope and good intention. This dish is also a requirement in a ritual food served in selametan which also carries an important religious meaning in

Javanese culture.

2. Clothes and Accessories

Six occurrences of losses are found in translation of clothes and accessories.

The losses occur in translation of four items, namely jarit, sampur, beskap, and blangkon.

The first occurrence of loss in translation of clothes is observed in translation of jarit as discussed below.

(71) ST: Sekarang zamannya dangdut. Seperti yang ada di TV itu. Sudah tidak ada lagi kledek dengan jarit dan selendang. (082b/ST/168) TT: This was the age of dangdut. It'd be like on the TV. There would be no more dancers with sashes and shawls. (082b/TT/161)

108

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

(72) ST: Bersama Rahayu, aku membeli jarit, brokat, selendang, beskap. (082c/ST/271) TT: Rahayu and I bought wraps and blouses, shawls and men's jacket. (082c/TT/253)

In (71) and (72), jarit is translated into sashes and wraps. There are losses in both translations. The loss of meaning in (71) is greater than in (72) because jarit is more similar to a wrap than to a sash. Broadly, jarit is batik garment (Robson &

Wibisono, 2002). Javanese people usually use it as a wrap to cover lower part of the body or wear it around their shoulder. There is a loss of meaning in (71) because jarit is different from a sash. A sash is a “long narrow piece of cloth worn round the waist and fastened at the back, or a strip of cloth worn over the shoulder, which is often worn with a uniform at official ceremonies” (“Sash”,

2013) and Javanese people do not wear jarit as a sash. In (72), there is a loss in meaning because wrap may refer to any kinds of cloth while jarit is specifically made from batik garment.

Loss of meaning also occurs in the omission of sampur as shown in (73).

(73) ST: Penari-penari mulai memainkan sampur. (087/ST/86) TT: A troupe of performers began to dance. (087/TT/81)

Sampur is “a long scarf worn as a part of a classical dance costume”

(Robson & Wibisono, 2002, p. 647). It is commonly worn both by male and female Javanese traditional dancers. Male dancers may wear the sampur around the neck, or draped around the shoulder, or wrapped around the handle of the dagger (keris). Female dancers usually wear the sampur around the neck or tied around the hip with both ends dangling in front of the lower body. In some

109

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

tayuban event, the female dancers invite guests who are willing to dance along with the dancers by giving the sampur to the guests. (Suwandi as cited in Brakel-

Papenhuyzen, 1995)

The ST in (73) implicitly describe that the dancers began to dance by describing that “the dancers began playing with sampur” as for Javanese, sampur is strongly associated with dancing. The important role of sampur in dancing is not conveyed in the TT as well as the figurative meaning it carries in the phrase

“playing with sampur”. Therefore, there are losses of meaning in the omission of sampur in the TT.

The next loss is found in translation of beskap as follows.

(74) ST: Di belakang cucuk lampah ada empat laki-laki mengusung tandu. Mereka berpakaian jawa, beskap dengan kepala ditutup blangkon. (105a/ST/104) TT: They were dressed in traditional Javanese attire, complete with the coats and hats. (105a/TT/98)

(75) ST: Bersama Rahayu, aku membeli jarit, brokat, selendang, beskap. (105b/ST/271) TT: Rahayu and I bought wraps and blouses, shawls and men's jacket. (105b/TT/253)

The loss of meaning in translation of beskap into ‘coat’ and ‘men’s jacket’ occurs because the translation uses more general terms. In (74), the loss is compensated by the addition of ‘traditional’ in the TT. However, the translation is still too general. Beskap is the men's traditional dress in the Javanese Mataraman tradition which is usually worn to formal events (Rafiq, 2017). The general design of beskap is like a short-cut, high-necked, long-sleeved coat, with button up and on the left side, but there are also variations such as beskap sikepan, with short

110

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

backside to show keris (traditional Javanese dagger) and beskap landung which does not worn with keris (Anggraini, 2017). The use of ‘coat’ and ‘men’s jacket’ without any explanation makes the traditional attire is not described properly.

Similar loss of meaning is also observed in translation of blangkon into hat.

(76) ST: Di belakang cucuk lampah ada empat laki-laki mengusung tandu. Mereka berpakaian jawa, beskap dengan kepala ditutup blangkon. (106/ST/104) TT: They were dressed in traditional Javanese attire, complete with the coats and hats. (106/TT/98)

Hat is a very broad term referring to “a covering for the head that is not part of a piece of clothing” (“Hat”, 2013) while blangkon is a specific kind of headdress worn by Javanese men. The blangkon is a half-round headdress made of solid and firm material to which batik cloth is attached. Nowadays most of the stiff part of the blangkon is made of cardboard, but before the modern era it was made of the dried fibre of the banana trunk, stiffened by glue made from cassava starch. (Kieven, 2013). The loss in this instance occurs because the translation uses a term which is too broad and do not sufficiently describe the item being referred to.

The translation by using general terms indicates that the translator inclines towards the target readers who are not familiar with the clothes. The readers are not brought closer to the SL culture and it prevents the readers to obtain a full picture of the traditional clothes. The translator’s decision results in the loss of cultural identity represented by the traditional attire as well as its significance in the SL culture. The SL culture represented by the clothes remains invisible in the translation because the names of clothing items are translated too generally.

111

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

3. Appliances and Tools

The following is discussion of losses of meaning in translation of jun into pail as shown in (77).

(77) ST: Berat satu jun yang berisi penuh air sama saja dengan satu goni berisi singkong. (040/ST/37) TT: The weight of a full pail of water was the same a full sack of cassavas. (040/TT/34)

In (77), jun is translated into pail by cultural substitute. A jun is understandably unfamiliar for English speakers. Therefore, there is no equivalent word to translate jun. The translator takes the function of a jun as the main characteristic of jun and attempts to find a word to refer to a container used to carry liquid or water which is familiar for the TL culture. However, there are three key differences between jun and pail which results in loss in translation process.

Firstly, although jun and pail are containers which are usually used to carry liquid, a jun is usually heavier than a pail since it is made of clay. Secondly, a jun is relatively larger in size than pail. In the context of the story, the material and size of the water container matter because it will affect how heavy a jun or a pail of water will be. A jun, which is made of clay, typically will be heavier than a pail which is made of tin, plastic or wood. Consequently, it will make more sense to say that a jun of water weighs the same as a sack full of cassava. Thirdly, a pail usually has a handle attached on it, while a jun does not have a handle and it has to be carried by securing it on one’s back or side part of the body. The process of fetching water using a jun is tiring and energy-consuming as the jun is heavy and the person who carries it need to be careful not to drop the rather fragile clay pot.

112

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

In this instance, jun implies a great significance as Marni, the story protagonist, pointed out that women were strong to carry jun to fetch water when people told her that she would not be strong enough to work in the market as a porter.

The last instance of loss of meaning in translation of items in the domain of appliances and tools is observed in translation of bumbung into ‘little box’ in (78).

(78) ST: Uang itu kukumpulkan dalam bumbung yang kusembunyikan di bawah atap. (043/ST/39) TT: We didn't buy anything with the money. I kept it hidden away in a little box that I hid in the rafters. (043/TT/35)

A bumbung is a cylindrical container made from a segment of bamboo. The bamboo is cut and made smooth while preserving its original pipe-like shape.

Meanwhile, a box may be more varied in materials and shape. Typically, boxes are made in quadrangular shapes like rectangle or square. Traditional Javanese people use bumbung for various purposes. It can be used like a bottle to store liquid or to save valuable things or money.

Losses of meaning in the domain of material culture, comprising food, clothes and tools, are results of domesticating or generalising translation strategies and inaccurate translation. The domesticating translation strategy, as stated by

Venuti (1995), bring foreign linguistic and cultural concepts closer to the target readers in the dominant culture in order to make it easier for them to enjoy and comprehend the text in a familiar note and situation, sometimes at the cost of leaving true intention or cultural meaning of the source text producers behind.

D. GESTURES AND HABITS

Figurative languages, interjections, swear words and politeness markers are

113

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

included in this classification. The losses of meaning in gestures and habits are presented in Table 9.

Table 9. Losses of Meaning in Category of Gestures and Habits

No. Sub-classification Freq. % 1 Figurative language 3 60 2 Interjections and swear words 1 20 3 Politeness markers 1 20 Total 5 100

As seen in table 9, there are five occurrences of losses of meaning. The discussion will be presented in three subsections based on the subclassifications of items in gestures and habits, from the highest frequency to the lowest frequency: 1) figurative language, 2) interjections and swear words, and 3) politeness marker.

1. Figurative Language

This subsection discusses translation of three items which belongs to the use of figurative language: kesurupan kelonan, and sakpuluk. The following is the discussion of translation of kesurupan used in a connotative meaning.

(79) ST: Ibu, yang beberapa menit sebelumnya penuh senyum dan patuh, kini seperti orang kesurupan. Mukanya merah, penuh amarah. (052/ST/52) TT: Mother, who just a minute ago was all smiling and pliant, is now convulsed with rage. Her face is red, flushed with anger. (052/TT/48)

In the ST, kesurupan describes the flaming anger expressed by the mother.

In this context, the term does not convey its referential meaning which is to be possessed by a spirit. The mother’s reaction when she becomes angry is described as being similar to a person who is possessed by a spirit: hysterical and uncontrollable. On the other hand, to convulse mean “to shake violently with

114

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

sudden uncontrolled movements” (“Convulse”, 2013). The loss is not found in terms of referential meaning because the translation describes the uncontrollable reaction of the mother. However, the connotative meaning is not rendered in the

TT since the translator opts for a more direct description.

Another loss of meaning in translation of figurative language is presented in translation of kelonan.

(80) ST: "Dasar Teja, lanangan nggak tahu diuntung. Susah payah aku cari duit, dia malah enak-enakan kelonan sama kledek." (053/ST/53) TT: "Oh Teja, you ungrateful man. Here I am struggling to earn money, and he's out having fun with other women." (053/TT/49)

Kelonan refers to lying next to each other or cuddling (Robson & Wibisono,

2002). This term is also used to figuratively refer to having sexual intercourse or being intimate. The sexual connotation is apparent in the context of the story as shown in (80) as the protagonist went angry to her husband for kelonan with a kledek (female traditional dancer/performer) while she is struggling to earn money. However, while ‘having fun’ may also be a hint of sexual connotation, it is not as stronger and apparent as in the ST.

The last instance of loss in translation of figurative language is the translation of sakpuluk as shown in (81).

(81) ST: Hidup sekarang hanya mengandalkan gaji yang hanya sakpuluk itu. (149/ST/257) TT: They now had to depend on their meager salaries. (149/TT/241)

Similar to example (81), translation of sakpuluk into ‘meager’ also shows

115

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

loss in term of connotative meaning. In Javanese, puluk means “a handful of food”

(Robson & Wibisono, 2002, p. 603). This term is related to Javanese people’s habit to eat with their hands. The food is brought into the mouth by taking it using fingers formed like a pinch. Literally speaking, “gaji yang hanya sakpuluk” means the salary is barely enough to have a handful of food which usually refers to rice. Meanwhile, ‘meager’ refers to “very small or not enough”. Here, both sakpuluk and ‘meager’ refer to a very small amount. However, translation of sakpuluk into ‘meager’ involves a loss of connotative meaning.

Translation of connotative and expressive meanings requires a great degree of cultural awareness and understanding in order to deliver the intended meaning of the SL, preferably while preserving the style. Translating connotative meaning can be challenging because the translator needs to thoroughly understand the meaning and distinguish the figurative meaning apart from the literal meaning

(Hatim & Munday, 2004). Similarly, translation of expressive meaning should capture the emotion of the ST and properly transfer the feeling into the target.

Further, it is found that the translator mostly translated connotative meanings of figurative languages in Entrok by directly mentioning the literal meaning and not rendering them as figurative language in the TT. Similar phenomenon is also stated by Jacquemond (1992) that translation of implicit meaning from an ‘oriental’ language into the western culture often involve unnecessary explication in order to make it closer to the target readers. However, in terms of stylistics equivalence, it does not show the same functions of figurative language and often such explication resulted in inaccurate translations.

116

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

2. Interjections and Swear Words

A loss of expressive meaning can be observed in translation of halah.

(82) ST: "Halah! Aku bukan PKI! Aku cuma mau cari makan. Tidak mencuri. Tidak merampok. Apa aku salah?..." (077/ST/71) TT: "Please! I'm not PKI! I'm just trying to make a living. I'm not stealing and I'm not robbing. What am I doing wrong?..." (077/TT/67)

Interjections are mainly related to expressive or evoked meaning rather than referential meaning as they express meaning which is related to the speaker’s feelings or attitude rather than to what the word actually refers to. In (82), interjection halah is used to express the speaker’s strong disagreement and deliberate intention to belittle the subject matter in the conversation. In addition, the speaker is likely to be upset or angry and she does not have any intention to cover her feeling or to be polite in expressing her anger. On the contrary, ‘please’ is an exclamation which is commonly used to convey politeness in making a request or to add more force to a demand. In (82) the use of “please” in the TT does not express the same meaning as halah in the ST. In the TT, the anger appears to be toned down; the speaker seems to humbly express a plea for mercy.

Consequently, the speaker does not appear to be as strong as in the ST. The character seems to be more submissive in the TT.

3. Politeness Markers

Loss of meaning also occurs in omission of politeness marker nuwun sewu as shown in (83).

117

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

(83) ST: "Nuwun sewu, Pak Lurah, saya pengin bisa membantu. Tapi lima puluh itu kok rasanya terlalu besar. Saya kok rasanya tidak mampu kalau sebesar itu," kata Ibu. (085/ST/79) TT: "Of course I'd like to help, sir, but fifty is just too much for us. I don't think I can afford to give that much," Mother said. (085/TT/75)

Nuwun sewu is a politeness marker in Javanese language. It expresses the speaker’s respect towards the addressee. The meaning of nuwun sewu is close to

‘excuse me’. As shown in (83), this phrase is also commonly used to politely reject a request as the speaker realizes that her position is lower than the request maker. In addition, this phrase represents Javanese people’s tendency to conceal their true intention and try to convey their thought through an indirect manner in order to avoid being rude (Endraswara, 2003). However, the politeness marker is omitted in the TT. The translation does not render the indirectness conveyed by the phrase nuwun sewu or present an equivalence that has similar meaning.

Therefore, there is a loss in terms of expressive meaning which is not fully rendered in the TT.

Translation of interjections, swear words and politeness marker mainly deals with expressive meaning and emotion associated with the terms. The translation of halah into ‘please’ and the omission of nuwun sewu in the TT do not represent the whole meaning associated with the CSIs. The translation of halah into ‘please’ misrepresent the character as a submissive character instead of showing her strong attitude. Similarly, the absence of equivalent expression of nuwun sewu does not represent indirect and polite attitude of the character which is a great part of Javanese culture.

118

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

E. ECOLOGY

In the category of ecology, losses of meaning are found in two items: blumbang and kantil as are shown in Table 10 below.

Table 10. Losses of Meaning in Category of Ecology

No. Sub-classification Freq. % 1 Geographical features 1 50 2 Plants and animal 1 50 Total 2 100

The discussion of losses of meaning and the (mis)representation of Javanese culture implied by the losses will be presented in the following two sub-sections:

1) geographical features and 2) name of plant. Each sub-section contain one example of data since there is only one finding of meaning loss for each subcategory.

1. Geographical Feature

There are two items included in geographical features, namely bengawan and blumbang. Loss of meaning is found in the translation of blumbang as shown in (1).

(84) ST: Aku melihat perempuan sedang menangis di pinggir blumbang. (142/ST/209) TT: I saw a woman crying by the bank of a river. (142/TT/197)

There is a loss occurring in translation of blumbang into river, as observed in (84). In Javanese, blumbang is more similar to a pond or fish pond rather than a river (Robson & Wibisono, 2002). In general, blumbang is a large hole on the ground that is used as a rainwater reservoir so that it forms a pond. Rainwater that

119

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

is accommodated in blumbang can be used for daily needs. Blumbang can also be used as a medium to raise fish near home. Blumbang can also be useful to prevent flood during heavy rain season since it functions as a rainwater reservoir

(Mustaqim, 2018). Unlike rivers, water in blumbang usually does not flow anywhere. Blumbang has a familiar association to Javanese people, particularly who live in villages, because they can find blumbang quite easily in villages.

2. Name of Plant

There are two items in the data which belong to names of plants, namely dewandaru and kantil. The loss is observed in the translation of kantil as follows.

(85) ST: Tapi yang ada dalam tandu bukan manusia, melainkan dua tebu yang juga dihias dengan kantil dan melati. (108/ST/104) TT: But inside the litter, rather than a human couple, there were two stalks of sugarcane hung with jasmine and magnolia. (108/TT/98)

In (85), the translation of kantil into magnolia results in translation loss in two aspects of meaning, referential and connotative meaning. Magnolia is a different kind of flower and it is a more general term since magnolia is the name of the genus, not a specific species of flower (Figlar, 2005). Kantil is the Javanese term for white champaca (magnolia alba), a flowering plant commonly cultivated in Southeast Asia and tropical regions of East Asia. (Magnolia ×alba (DC.) Figlar,

2017). This species is considered to be a hybrid of Magnolia champaca and Magnolia montana. (Figlar, 2005). In terms of connotative meaning, Javanese people have a specific meaning of kantil flower. Kantil is commonly used in Javanese rituals such as wedding and burial ceremony. In

120

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

Javanese, kantil has a meaning tansah kumanthil-manthil which symbolizes deep, eternal, and unconditional love. It also symbolizes a hope to be always remembered despite time (Banyuadhy, 2015). The translation of kantil into magnolia inevitably loss the symbolism contained in the term kantil.

The losses of meaning in the translation of kantil indicate that the translator does not consider the connotative meaning of kantil as an important aspect that needs to be presented in the TT. However, as kantil has another meaning which does not only refer to the flower but also what it symbolises in Javanese culture, the translation does not represent the meaning properly.

121

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

CHAPTER V

CONCLUSIONS AND SUGGESTIONS

The last chapter of this study provides summary and conclusion of the findings and analysis of translation procedures employed to translate CSIs in

Entrok into The Years of the Voiceless. In addition, this study offers several suggestions for translators and other researchers.

A. CONCLUSIONS

This study was intended to address two research questions, namely (1) What are the losses of meaning found in English translation of Javanese culture-specific items (CSIs) in Entrok? and (2) Based on the losses of meaning, what the

Javanese culture (mis)representations are found in English translation of Javanese

CSIs in Entrok? Based on the findings and discussions, there are some points that can be concluded to answer the two research questions.

First, this study found that among 230 English translations of 155 Javanese culture-specific items identified in the ST, there are 86 occurrences of losses of meaning in translation of 61 culture-specific items. The losses are found in all categories of CSI, namely (1) ecology, (2) material culture, (3) social culture, (4) politics, organization and concepts, and (5) gestures and habits.

The highest occurrence of loss of meaning is found in the classification of politic, organization, and concepts; there are thirty-nine items losses of meaning shown in translation of twenty-six items. The items are classified into local political functions and institutions (wedana, kamituwo), art and culture (kledek,

122

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

dagelan ketoprak, and gambyong), mythical spirits and characters (wewe gombel, genderuwo, and bagong), spiritual and religious references (tumpeng, Mbah Ibu

Bumi Bapa Kuasa, selametan, ubo rampe, ujub, tirakat, pesugihan, bunga setaman, and dipingit), concepts, values and norms (karma, kualat, ilok-ra-ilok, gandrung, seleh, ngelangut, and kemenyek), phenomenon, customs and activities

(ngladeni, nyuwun). The losses of meaning are caused by the use of general term to refer to specific cultural referents, incomplete or inaccurate description of the referent, and loss of cultural significance.

Twenty-two occurrences of losses are found in the translation of fifteen items of social culture, including social class (priyayi), social custom (bancakan, rewang, mantu, and jagong), work and occupation (tanah bengkok and nderep), addressing terms (yu, nyi, nyai, mbak, nyai wedana, mbah, and sedulur-sedulur), and games and leisure (gateng).

Eighteen losses of meaning are found in the translation of thirteen items of material culture, including names of food and drink (gaplek, sambal, pecel pincuk, pecel, kulupan, cendol and tahu petis), clothes and accessories (jarit, sampur, beskap, and blangkon), and tools (jun and bumbung). The losses of meaning in the domain of material culture mostly observed as results of inaccurate or incomplete description of the referents and loss of social or cultural meaning associated with the referents.

In the gestures and habits, there are five occurrences of losses of meaning in translation of five items including interjection and swear word (halah), politeness marker (nuwun sewu), and figurative language (kesurupan, kelonan and

123

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

sakpuluk). The losses of meaning are results of loss of expressive meaning and loss of politeness marker.

Finally, the lowest occurrence is found in the category of ecology. There are two losses found in the category of ecology, which occur in the translation of blumbang and kantil.

The second research question in this study regards how the losses of meaning influence representation of Javanese culture in the target text. The analysis of the losses indicates that the losses caused by domesticating strategy including using a more general term to translate specific cultural referent and omitting certain cultural references indicate the translator’s orientalist view on the culture. The translator does not consider the cultural references worth preserving in the TT. It also causes misrepresentation or invisibility of the SL culture in the

TT. The misrepresentations are particularly apparent in the category of names of food and clothes, social class and customs, art and culture, as well as spiritual and religious references.

In the material culture, the translations of gaplek and kulupan show incomplete representation of the meaning of the items. The translation of gaplek does not show its representation of being a food for lower class Javanese, while kulupan does not convey the symbolisation of its ingredients. Then, the translation of clothing items and tools which are too general make the SL culture invisible in the ST. There are also some inaccurate translations for some items such as pecel pincuk and cendol.

The losses of meaning domesticating translations of a number of items in

124

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

social culture such as priyayi and addressing terms such as yu and mbak strengthen the translation’s inclination towards the reader.

In the domain of religious references, the losses of meaning indicate ignorance towards the SL religious culture and attempts of use religious references which are more acceptable for the readers. It is shown in translation of selametan and Mbah Ibu Bumi Bapa Kuasa. Further, there are instances of elimination of some negative associations of the SL culture as shown in translation of pesugihan and kledek which indicate an attempt to retain positive perception of the intended market of the translated text.

In the translation of figurative language, the translator does not retain the figurativeness and translate all of them by explaining the explicit meanings. Even though this strategy may work in terms of the readers’ comprehension of the story, it further encourages invisibility of the SL culture.

B. SUGGESTIONS

There are several suggestions which are offered based on the findings of this study. The suggestions can be addressed to translators and to other researchers who have similar concern and interest with this study.

1. Suggestions for Translators

The findings of this study indicate that cultural and ideological awareness are critical in the process of translation. Therefore, translators should be aware of the ideological and cultural implication of the translation. Learning about both the

SL culture and TL culture is incredibly important, along with raising awareness to

125

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

treat the texts properly according to the intention of translation. Even though loss is inevitable in any translation, it is important to make conscious efforts in order to compensate the loss based on the understanding of both SL and TL cultures.

2. Suggestions for Other Researchers

It is important of researchers who are interested in conducting translation studies to have cultural awareness and critical perspective in order to analyse translation works in a deeper and wider point of view. There are other possibilities for research related to ideological implication in translation of culture-specific items from other perspectives such as gender studies and social studies. Other researchers may also explore significance of culture-specific items in translation of other types of text beside literary texts. It is also possible to employ critical- discourse analysis to reveal other aspects of ideology in translation of culture- specific items.

126

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Abuelma'ati, Z. (2005). Translation and Cultural Representation: Globalizing Texts, Localizing Cultures. Dissertation, University of Salford, European Studies Research Institute.

Aixelá, J. F. (1996). Culture-Specific Items in Translation. In R. Álvarez, & M. C.-Á. Vidal (Eds.), Translation, Power, Subversion (pp. 52-78). Clevedon, Philadelphia, Adelaide: Multilingual Matters, Ltd.

Al-Masri, H. (2009). Translation and Cultural Equivalence: A Study of Translation Losses in Arabic Literary Texts. Journal of Language and Translation, 10(1), 7-44.

Almerico, G. M. (2014, June). Food and Identity: Food studies, cultural, and personal identity. Journal of International Business and Cultural Studies, 8, 1-7.

Amara, F. (2018, August 5). Gatheng. Retrieved from Perpustakaan Digital Budaya Indonesia: https://budaya-indonesia.org/Gatheng/

Anggraini, A. P. (2017, November 9). Mengenal Beda Beskap yang Dipakai Bobby saat Menikah. Retrieved on May 3, 2019 from Kompas.com: https://lifestyle.kompas.com/read/2017/11/09/134736320/mengenal-beda- beskap-yang-dipakai-bobby-saat-menikah

Ashcroft, B., Griffiths, G., & Tiffin, H. (2007). Post-Colonial Studies: The Key Concept. Oxon: Routledge.

Baker, M. (1992). In Other Words: A Coursebook on Translation. London: Routledge.

Baker, M. (2014). The Changing Landscape of Translation and Interpreting Studies. In S. Bermann, & C. Porter, A Companion to Translation Studies (pp. 15-27). John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Banyuadhy, G. (2015). Tradisi-Tradisi Adiluhung Para Leluhur Jawa. Yogyakarta: Dipta.

Banter. (2013). In Cambridge Advanced Learner’s Dictionary (4th ed.). Retrieved from https://dictionary.cambridge.org/dictionary/english/banter

Bassnet, S., & Trivedi, H. (1999). Postcolonial Translation: Theory and Practice. London: Routledge.

Bassnett, S. (2002). Translation Studies (3rd ed.). New York: Routledge.

127

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

Beatty, A. (1996, June). Adam and Eve and Vishnu: Syncretism in the Javanese Selametan. The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 2(2), 271- 288.

Bhabha, H. K. (1994). The Location of Culture. London & New York: Routledge.

Bourdieu, P. (1986). The Forms of Capital. In J. E. Richardson (Ed.), Handbook of Theory of Research for the Sociology of Education (R. Nice, Trans., pp. 241-258). Greenword Press.

Brakel-Papenhuyzen, C. (1995). Classical Javanese Dance. Leiden: KITLV Press.

Brakel-Papenhuyzen, C. (1995). Javanese Taledhek and Chinese Tayuban. Performing Arts in Southeast Asia, 545-569.

Budiharso, T. (2016). Symbols in Javanese Mantra Aji Seduluran: A Magnificent Moral Value. Lingua, 13(1), 1-18.

Catford, J. C. (1965). A Linguistic Theory of Translation. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Chaika, E. (1994). Language: The Social Mirror. Boston: Heinle & Heinle.

Chip. (2013). In Cambridge Advanced Learner’s Dictionary (4th ed.). Retrieved from https://dictionary.cambridge.org/dictionary/english/chip

Convulse. (2013). In Cambridge Advanced Learner’s Dictionary (4th ed.). Retrieved from https://dictionary.cambridge.org/dictionary/english/convulse

Cruse, D. A. (2000). Meaning in Language: An Introduction to Semantics and Pragmatics. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Dalang Publishing, LLC. (n.d.). Retrieved from http://dalangpublishing.com/erni- aladjai-bio-hayat-indriyatno

Davies, E. E. (2003). A Goblin or a Dirty Nose: The Treatment of Culture- Specific References in Translations of Harry Potter Books. The Translator, 9(1), 65-100.

Dewi, N. (2016). Interface of Linguistics, Literature, and Culture in Translating Singapore and Sri Lanka Postcolonial Poetry. Lingua Cultura, 10(2), 69-75.

Dipodiningrat, A. (1979). Sejarahe Ketoprak ing Ngayogyakarta. In Javanese Literature since Independence (pp. 254-257). Leiden: Brill.

Endraswara, S. (2003). Falsafah Hidup Jawa. Yogyakarta: Cakrawala.

Espindola, E., & Vasconcellos, M. L. (2006). Two facets in the subtitling process:

128

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

Foreignisation and/or domestication procedures in unequal cultural. 43-66.

Faiq, S. (2005). Cultural Dislocation through Translation. Intercultural Communication Studies, 57-76.

Figlar. (2005). Magnolia × alba. Retrieved on May 3, 2019 from The International Plant Names Index: http://www.ipni.org/ipni/idPlantNameSearch.do?id=20011680-1

Geertz, C. (1976). The Religion of Java. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Guerin, W. L., Labor, E., Morgan, L., Reesman, J. C., & Willingham, J. R. (2011). A Handbook of Critical Approaches to Literature. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Hardowirogo. (1989). Sejarah Wayang Purwa. Jakarta: Balai Pustaka.

Hat. (2013). In Cambridge Advanced Learner’s Dictionary (4th ed.). Retrieved from https://dictionary.cambridge.org/dictionary/english/hat

Hatim, B., & Mason, I. (1997). The Translator as Communicator. London: Routledge.

Hatim, B., & Munday, J. (2004). Translation: An Advance Resource Book. London: Routledge.

Herusatoto, B. (2011). Mitologi Jawa. Depok: ONCOR Semesta Ilmu.

Holmes, J. S. (1988). The Name and Nature of Translation Studies. Translated! Papers on Literary Translation and Translation Studies, 172-185.

House, J. (2015). Translation Quality Assessment. London: Routledge.

Hui, W. (2013). Postcolonial Approaches. In C. Millán, & F. Batrina (Eds.), Routledge Handbook of Translation Studies (pp. 200-204). Oxon: Routledge.

Ikastuti, C. P. (2018, Agustus 5). Bancakan Weton. Retrieved from Budaya Indonesia: https://budaya-indonesia.org/Bancakan-Weton/

Irvine, J. (1992). Ideologies of Honorific Languages. Pragmatics, 251-262.

Israel, H. (2014). Translating the Sacred: Colonial Constructions and Postcolonial Perspectives. In S. Bermann, & C. Porter, A Companion to Translation Studies (pp. 557-570). Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Jacquemond, R. (1992). Translation and Cultural Hegemony: The Case of French- Arabic Translation. In L. Venuti, Rethinking Translation: Discourse,

129

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

Subjectivity, Ideology (pp. 139-158). London: Routledge.

Jakobson, R. (1959). On Linguistic Aspects of Translation. In F. Achilles, & R. A. Brower, On Translation (pp. 232-239). Boston: Harvard University Press.

Jandra, M., Tashadi, Wibowo, H., Suhatno, & Kamdhani. (1991). Perangkat/Alat- alat dan Pakaian serta Makna Simbolis Upacara Keagamaan di Lingkungan Keraton Yogyakarta. Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan.

Kamler, B., & Threadgold, T. (2003). Translating Differences: Questions of Representation in Cross-Cultural Research Encounters. Journal of International Studies, 24(2), 137-151.

Kelly, D. (1998). Ideological implications of Translation Decisions: Positive Self and Negative Other Presentation. Quaderns. Revista de Traduccio, 57-63.

Kieven, L. (2013). Iconography of the Late East Javanese Temple Reliefs. In L. Kieven, Following the Cap-Figure in Majapahit Temple Reliefs: A New Look at the Religious Function of East Javanese Temples and Fifteenth Centuries. Brill.

Kim, H.-J. (2007). the Islamisation of Village Tradition. In H.-J. Kim, Reformist Muslims in a Yogyakarta Village (pp. 111-142). ANU Press.

Kinyua, J. K. (2013). Effectiveness in Shaping and Enhancing the Discourse of Colonialism and the Discourse of Resistance: The Gikuyu New Testament- A Case Study. Black Theology, 11(1), 58-95.

Koentjaraningrat. (1985). Javanese Culture. Singapore: Oxford University Press.

Larson, M. L. (1984). Meaning-based Translation. Lanham: University Press of America.

Loomba, A. (2005). Colonialism/Postcolonialism (2nd ed.). Oxon: Routledge.

Mackenzie, M. (2013). Enacting Selves, Enacting Worlds: On the Buddhist Theory of Karma. Philosophy East and West, 63(2), 194-212.

Madasari, O. (2010). Entrok. Jakarta: Gramedia Pustaka Utama.

Madasari, O. (2013). The Years of the Voiceless. (N. I. Mohamed, Trans.) Jakarta: Gramedia Pustaka Utama.

Madasari, O. (2017, April 20). Menggugah Kesadaran Lewat Sastra. (B. Tumewu, Interviewer) Retrieved from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OOaL_svpmVc

Madasari, O. (2019, May 3). A Talk: From Social Criticism to Children's

130

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

Literature. Yogyakarta.

Magnolia ×alba (DC.) Figlar. (2017). Retrieved on May 3, 2019 from U.S. National Plant Germplasm System: https://npgsweb.ars- grin.gov/gringlobal/taxonomydetail.aspx?id=452629

Maurer, J.-L. (1996). Pamong Desa or Raja Desa? Wealth, Status and Power of Village Officers. In H. Antlov, & S. Cederroth, Leadership on Java: Gentle Hints, Authoritarian Rule (pp. 97-118). Richmond: Curzon Press.

Merriam, S. B. (2009). Qualitative Research: A Guide to Design and Implementation (2nd ed.). San Fransisco: Jossey-Bass.

Mikutyte, J. (2005). Types of Reals and Methods of Translation. Retrieved from The Lithuanian Association of Literary Translators: https://www.llvs.lt/?recensions=29&comments#list

Muhaimin, A. (2006). The Islamic Tradition of Cirebon. In A. Muhaimin, Ibadat and Adat Among Javanese Muslims (pp. 115-158). ANU Press.

Mulder, N. (1970, September). Aliran Kebatinan as an Expression of the Javanese Worldview. Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 1(2), 105-114.

Mulder, N. (1978). Mysticism and Everyday Life in Contemporary Java. Singapore: UP.

Mulder, N. (1983). Abangan Javanese Religious Thought and Practices. Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, 260-267.

Mustaqim, M. (2018, July 9). Kearifan Blumbang yang Perlu Kita Ketahui. Retrieved from kompasiana: https://www.kompasiana.com/muhamad6530/5b42b72fbde5753db019a212/ kearifan-blumbang

Newmark, P. (1988). A Textbook of Translation. New York: Prentice Hall.

Nida, E. (1964). Toward A Science of Translating: With Special Reference to Principles and Procedures Involved in Bible Translating. Leiden: E. J. Brill.

Nida, E. A., & Taber, C. R. (1969). The Theory and Practice of Translation. Leiden: E. J. Brill.

Niranjana, T. (1990). Translation, Colonialism and Rise of English. Economic and Political Weekly, 773-779.

Niranjana, T. (1992). Siting Translation: History, Post-structuralism, and the Colonial Context. Los Angeles and Oxford: University of California Press.

131

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

Pavlovic, N., & Poslek, D. (2003). British and Croatian Culture-Specific Concepts in Translation. British Cultural Studies: Cross-Cultural Challenges, 157- 168.

Poedjosudarmo, S. (1968). Javanese Speech Levels. Indonesia, 54-81.

Rafiq, A. (2017, October 10). Jokowi Mantu, Perbedaan Beskap Surakarta dan Yogyakarta. Retrieved from Tempo.co: https://gaya.tempo.co/read/1023391/jokowi-mantu-perbedaan-beskap- surakarta-dan-yogyakarta/full&view=ok

Ramakrishna, S. (2000). Cultural Transmission Through Translation: An Indian Perspective. In Changing the Terms: Translating in Postcolonial Era (pp. 87-100). Ottawa: University of Ottawa Press.

Rice Pudding. (2013). In Cambridge Advanced Learner’s Dictionary (4th ed.). Retrieved from https://dictionary.cambridge.org/dictionary/english/rice- pudding

Robinson, D. (2003). Becoming a Translator: Introduction to the Theory and Practice of Translation (2nd ed.). New York: Routledge.

Robson, S. O. (1994). Speaking to God in Javanese. L'Homme, Anthropologie de la prière: Rites oraux en Asie du, 133-142.

Robson, S., & Wibisono, S. (2002). Bancakan. In Javanese English Dictionary (p. 69). Periplus Editions Ltd.

Robson, S., & Wibisono, S. (2002). Blumbang. In Javanese English Dictionary (p. 105). Periplus Editions Ltd.

Robson, S., & Wibisono, S. (2002). Cendhol. In Javanese English Dictionary (p. 145). Periplus Editions Ltd.

Robson, S., & Wibisono, S. (2002). Gaplek. In Javanese English Dictionary (p. 230). Periplus Editions Ltd.

Robson, S., & Wibisono, S. (2002). Jarik. In Javanese English Dictionary (p. 297). Periplus Editions Ltd.

Robson, S., & Wibisono, S. (2002). Kelon. In Javanese English Dictionary (p. 350). Periplus Editions Ltd.

Robson, S., & Wibisono, S. (2002). Ladi. In Javanese English Dictionary (p.417). Periplus Editions Ltd.

132

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

Robson, S., & Wibisono, S. (2002). Pecel. In Javanese English Dictionary (p. 549). Periplus Editions Ltd.

Robson, S., & Wibisono, S. (2002). Pincuk. In Javanese English Dictionary (p. 570). Periplus Editions Ltd.

Robson, S., & Wibisono, S. (2002). Puluk. In Javanese English Dictionary (p. 603). Periplus Editions Ltd.

Robson, S., & Wibisono, S. (2002). Sampur. In Javanese English Dictionary (p. 647). Periplus Editions Ltd.

Robson, S., & Wibisono, S. (2002). Ubarampe. In Javanese English Dictionary (p.772). Periplus Editions Ltd

Said, E. W. (1978). Orientalism. New York: Random House.

Sash. (2013). In Cambridge Advanced Learner’s Dictionary (4th ed.). Retrieved from https://dictionary.cambridge.org/dictionary/english/sash

Shack Up. (2013). In Cambridge Advanced Learner’s Dictionary (4th ed.). Retrieved from https://dictionary.cambridge.org/dictionary/english/shack-up

Schweizer, T. (1989). Economic Individualism and the Community Spirit: Divergent Orientation Patterns of Javanese Villagers in Rice production and the Ritual Sphere. Modern Asian Studies, 23(2), 277-312.

Simon, S. (2000). Introduction. In S. Simon, & P. St-Pierre (Eds.), Changing the Terms: Translating in the Postcolonial Era (pp. 9-29). University of Ottawa Press.

Sukmawan, S. (2016). Ekokritik Sastra. Malang: UB Press.

Toury, G. (1995). Descriptive Translation Studies and Beyond. Amsterdam: John Benjamin Publishing Company.

Twiyanti, L., & Retnomurti, A. B. (2017, May). Loss and Gain in Translation of Culture-Specific Items in Ahmad Tohari's Lintang Kemukus from Indonesian into English: A Semantic Study. Lingua Cultura, 11(1), 1-6.

USDA, Agricultural Research Service, National Plant Germplasm System. 2019. Germplasm Resources Information Network (GRIN-Taxonomy). National Germplasm Resources Laboratory, Beltsville, Maryland. URL: https://npgsweb.ars-grin.gov/gringlobal/taxonomydetail.aspx?id=452629. Accessed 15 March 2019

Venuti, L. (1995). The Translator's Invisibility. Oxon: Routledge.

133

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

Vinay, J.-P., & Darbelnet, J. (1995). Comparative Stylistics of French and English: A Methodology for Translation. (J. C. Sager, & M. -J. Hamel, Trans.) Amsterdam: John Benjamin Publishing Company.

Yogyakarta, T. B. (2011). Sambel. In Kamus Basa Jawa (Bausastra Jawa) (p. 634). Yogyakarta: Kanisius

Yogyakarta, T. B. (2011). Sugih. In Kamus Basa Jawa (Bausastra Jawa) (p. 683). Yogyakarta: Kanisius.

134

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

APPENDICES

135

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

APPENDIX 1 JAVANESE CULTURE-SPECIFIC ITEMS IN ENTROK

No. ST Code ST item Source Text TT Code TT item Target Text Every year on your name day, I cook a Setiap hari kelahiranmu, aku memasak tumpeng* and grilled meats. Then I tumpeng dan panggang. Lalu put the food on the table next to your 1 001a/ST/12 001a/TT/10 tumpeng kuletakkan di meja di sebelah tempat bed. tidurmu. *a cone-shaped rice dish tumpeng Tonah membuat tumpeng kecil, Tonah makes a rice cone and the rest of 2 001b/ST/5 6 001b/TT/52 rice cone menyiapkan semua ubo rampe. the food. Satu tumpeng besar yang diusung The large rice cone platter carried in the dalam iring-iringan diturunkan. Orang- rice cone procession was set down. People jostled 3 001c/ST/106 001c/TT/99 orang berebut mengambil bagian dari platter to get a piece of it, whether the rice, the tumpeng itu. grilled meat or the sides. Tumpeng dan panggang itu kubuat I make the food as an offering to your 4 002/ST/12 sesajen 002/TT/10 offering untuk sesajen dewamu. god. "Tape*? I want to make some tape. Mbok... Simbok...let's go to the market, "Tape? Aku mau buat tape. Mbok... Mbok. We have to get telo!” 5 003/ST/13 tape Simbok... Ayo ke pasar, Mbok. Kita 003/TT/11 tape

cari telo!" * snack made of fermented cassava or rice "Tape? I want to make some tape. "Tape? Aku mau buat tape. Mbok... Mbok... Simbok*...let's go to the 6 004/ST/13 simbok Simbok... Ayo ke pasar, Mbok. Kita 004/TT/11 simbok market, Mbok. We have to get telo!" cari telo!" * mother

136

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No. ST Code ST item Source Text TT Code TT item Target Text "Tape? Aku mau buat tape. Mbok... "Tape? I want to make some tape. 7 005/ST/13 telo Simbok... Ayo ke pasar, Mbok. Kita 005/TT/11 telo Mbok... Simbok...let's go to the market, cari telo!" Mbok. We have to get telo!" "You're back on your own, Nduk*? Where's that handsome husband of "Kamu pulang sendiri, Nduk? Mana 8 006/ST/14 nduk 006/TT/12 nduk yours, Nduk? suamimu yang ganteng itu, Nduk?"

* child Simbok hanya berkata aku lahir waktu All Simbok told me was that I was born zaman perang. Saat semua orang during the war. Back when everyone 9 007a/ST/15 menggunakan baju goni dan ramai- 007a/TT/13 gunny sacks wore gunny sacks and hunted for field ramai berburu tikus di sawah untuk mice together to fry. digoreng. goni "Aku kuat, Kang. Biasanya aku juga nggendong tenggok, nggendong goni. "I'm strong, Kang. I usually carry Bakul-bakul itu juga banyak yang baskets, even sacks. I also carry baskets 10 007b/ST/34 007b/TT/30 sacks mengangkat sendiri dagangannya dari from home to the market. It's only weak rumah ke pasar. Hanya priyayi-priyayi people who can't carry them." saja yang nggak kuat ngangkat goni." Ada gumpalan yang lembut dan terlihat menyembul dari balik baju yang There were soft lumps, visible from kupakai. Simbok bilang aku sudah behind the clothes that I wore. Simbok 11 008a/ST/16 mringkili*. Katanya, itu hal biasa yang 008a/TT/13 growing up told me I was growing up. She said it mringkili akan dialami semua perempuan. was something that all girls experienced. * payudara yang mulai tumbuh Diam-diam aku mulai tak nyaman I was beginning to feel uncomfortable 12 008b/ST/16 008b/TT/14 budding dengan dadaku yang mringkili. about my budding breasts.

137

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No. ST Code ST item Source Text TT Code TT item Target Text Dadanya juga mringkili seperti Her breasts were also beginning to beginning to 13 008c/ST/17 dadaku. Tapi dia bisa lari-lari atau 008c/TT/14 grow like mine, but she was running grow loncat-loncat dengan gampang. and jumping around with ease. Di rumah, simbok biasa mengumbar At home, she usually let her breasts dadanya. Dia hanya memakai kain yang breathe. She would wear a wrap around dililitkan di perutnya, bagian atas perut her torso that would leave her upper 14 009/ST/16 kemben 009/TT/14 x dibiarkan terbuka. Baru ketika keluar body exposed. Only when she left the rumah, Simbok mengangkat kainnya house would she pull up the wrap to hingga ke dada, menjadi kemben. cover her breasts. I wondered how Tinah, paklik's* Aku heran bagaimana Tinah, anak daughter, managed to be so carefree. 15 010/ST/16 paklik 010/TT/14 paklik Paklik, bisa begitu bebas. * uncle "...Sudah, nggak usah neko-neko. Kita you don't "...You don't need it. Just be thankful 16 011a/ST/17 011a/TT/15 bisa makan saja syukur" need it that we can eat." neko-neko "...Don't ask for too much. You "...Nggak usah neko-neko. Bisa makan don't ask for 17 011b/ST/19 011b/TT/17 should just be grateful you have enough tiap hari saja sudah syukur." too much to eat." Samar-samar aku hanya ingat Bapak meninggalkan kami waktu aku pertama kali bisa mengangkat panci yang airnya All I can remember, vaguely, is that it 18 012a/ST/18 mendidih dari pawon*. 012a/TT/15 stove was around the time when I could carry a pot of boiling water from the stove. pawon * tungku tradisional yang terbuat dari batu bata dengan bahan bakar kayu Sejak itu aku hidup berdua dengan Since then it was just the two of us, Simbok. Di gubuk reyot yang hanya wood-burning spending our days in a ramshackle hut 19 012b/ST/18 012b/TT/16 berisi pawon dan tikar pandan ini kami stove with only a wood-burning stove and a menghabiskan hari. palm-frond mat.

138

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No. ST Code ST item Source Text TT Code TT item Target Text Kamar mandi berada di belakang range of The bathroom is behind the range of 20 012c/ST/55 pawon, dihubungkan dengan lorong 012c/TT/51 stoves stoves, connected by a long corridor. panjang. Aku mendengar pembicaraan Pak Waji I listened to his conversation with 21 012d/ST/88 012d/TT/83 kitchen dengan Ibu dari balik pintu pawon. Mother from behind the kitchen door. "I don't have a father, Bulik*. I don't "Aku tidak punya Bapak, Bulik. Aku know where he is," 22 013/ST/19 bulik 013/TT/17 bulik tidak tahu di mana dia" * aunt "I'm not waiting for anyone, Kang*. "Nggak nunggu siapa-siapa, Kang. Just sitting." I called him Kang because Cuma duduk-duduk," aku menyebutnya 23 014/ST/21 kang 014/TT/18 nduk I figured he wasn't very old. Kang, karena kurasa dia belum terlalu

tua. *honorific for a young man "Aku setiap hari di sini, Ni. Malam "I'm here everyday, Ni. I sleep here at 24 015/ST/21 nguli tidur di sini. Pagi sampai siang nguli di 015/TT/18 porter night. From morning 'til afternoon I sini. Nunut hidup di sini." work as a porter here. I live here."

"Aku setiap hari di sini, Ni. Malam "I'm here everyday, Ni. I sleep here at 25 016/ST/21 nunut tidur di sini. Pagi sampai siang nguli di 016/TT/18 x night. From morning 'til afternoon I sini. Nunut hidup di sini." work as a porter here. I live here."

Di depan kami, di belakang, juga di samping, perempuan-perempuan Ahead of us, behind us, and all around menggendong tenggok* menuju Pasar 26 017/ST/22 tenggok 017/TT/19 basket us, women were carrying their baskets Ngranget. of goods to Ngranget.

*wadah barang untuk dijajakan

139

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No. ST Code ST item Source Text TT Code TT item Target Text Paling tidak kalau aku ikut membantu, At the very least if I helped her, we'd be singkong yang kita bawa pulang bisa able to bring home more cassaves that 27 018a/ST/23 lebih banyak. Gaplek yang kita punya 018a/TT/20 x she usually brought. We'd be able to eat makin banyak. Kita bisa makan lebih more and get full. banyak dan jadi kenyang. Nyai Dimah yang sudah menunggu di Mrs. Dimah, who would already be losnya tinggal membayar, lalu waiting at her stall, just needed to pay 28 018b/ST/24 menunggu orang-orang seperti Simbok 018b/TT/21 slivers them and then wait for people like mengupas dan mengolahnya menjadi Simbok to come around and peel and gaplek. slice the cassavas into slivers. gaplek Dari duit gaplek, Nyai Dimah bisa With the money from selling cassava cassava 29 018c/ST/24 membangun rumah bata dan bergenting 018c/TT/21 slivers, Mrs. Dimah was able to build a slivers tanah liat. brick house and a tiled clay roof. In fact, the other cassava chip vendors Padahal di penjual gaplek yang lain, we went to turned us away because kami sering ditolak karena sudah ada 30 018d/ST/25 018d/TT/22 cassava chip they had already had their cassava yang lebih dulu mengupas atau peeled and cut earlier in the day and persediaan singkong yang habis. were out of cassavas. Gaplek dianggap kere, ndeso, nggak Cassavas were considered poor, rustic, 31 018e/ST/169 ada gizinya. Padahal gaplek rasanya 018e/TT/161 cassava with no nutrients. Yet they tasted much kan lebih mantap daripada nasi. better than rice. "Ada kerjaan nggak, Yu?" tanya "Is there a job, ma'am?" Simbok asked 32 019a/ST/23 Simbok pada seorang perempuan 019a/TT/20 ma'am one of the women selling cassavas. penjual singkong. "Wah, nggak ada, Yu. Cari lainnya "No, there isn't. Try someplace else," 33 019b/ST/23 Yu 019b/TT/20 x saja," katanya pada Simbok. she told Simbok. I finally figured out that it was Yu Akhirnya aku tahu yang berteriak 34 019c/ST/25 019c/TT/23 Yu Parti, the pincuk vendor, who was adalah Yu Parti, penjual pecel pincuk. yelling.

140

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No. ST Code ST item Source Text TT Code TT item Target Text "Nyi, masih ada kerjaan?" tanya "Ma'am, do you need any work done?" 35 020/ST/23 Nyi 020/TT/21 ma'am Simbok. Simbok asked. "Bawa siapa ini, Nem? Anakmu?" "Iya, "Who's this with you, Nem? Your Nyi. Mau ikut cari makan," kata 36 021a/ST/24 021a/TT/21 x daughter?" "Yes, ma'am. She wanted to Simbok yang dibalas anggukan oleh si help me find some food," Simbok said. Nyai Nyai. Jualan singkong sudah bertahun-tahun Mrs. Dimah, the woman who hired us, 37 021b/ST/24 menjadi pekerjaan Nyai Dimah, 021b/TT/21 Mrs. had been selling cassavas for years. perempuan yang mempekerjakan kami. Semua belanjaan Nyai Wedana itu Nyai district I put all of the district official's wife's 38 022/ST/38 kumasukkan ke satu goni, lalu kuikat 022/TT/34 Wedana official's wife shopping into a sack and tied it shut. dengan tali dadung. Gaplek dicampur dengan sambal dan The slivers, mixed with chili paste and 39 023/ST/24 sambal daun singkong adalah makanan yang 023/TT/21 chili paste cassava leaves, made for a really good luar biasa enak. meal. Dari duit gaplek, Nyai Dimah bisa With the money from selling cassava membangun rumah bata dan bergenting slivers, Mrs. Dimah was able to build a tanah liat. Sesuatu yang luar biasa woven brick house and a tiled clay roof. It was 40 024/ST/24 gedek 024/TT/22 dibandingkan rumah kami yang bamboo extraordinary compared to our house berdinding gedek dan beratap daun with its woven bamboo walls and pohon kelapa. palm-thatched roof. Her daughter's stall was in the center of the market, next to a stall selling Anak perempuannya berjualan di dawet* and ampyang. 41 025/ST/25 dawet tengah pasar, bersebelahan dengan 025/TT/22 dawet

penjual dawet dan ampyang. * rice flour jelly in palm sugar and coconut milk syrup

141

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No. ST Code ST item Source Text TT Code TT item Target Text Her daughter's stall was in the center of Anak perempuannya berjualan di the market, next to a stall selling dawet 42 026/ST/25 ampyang tengah pasar, bersebelahan dengan 026/TT/22 ampyang and ampyang*. penjual dawet dan ampyang. * palm sugar cookies I finally figured out that it was Yu Parti, the pincuk* vendor, who was Akhirnya aku tahu yang berteriak 43 027/ST/26 pecel pincuk 027/TT/23 pincuk yelling. adalah Yu Parti, penjual pecel pincuk.

* rice snack wrapped in a banana leaf After they got married, Mr. Suyat Sejak menikah, Pak Suyat berhenti stopped working and started helping nguli dan membantu istrinya berjualan 44 028/ST/28 pincuk 028/TT/25 pincuk her sell the food by looking for the pecel. Mencari daun untuk pincuk dan leaves for pincuk and making coffee membuatkan kopi untuk pembeli. for the customers. "Sedulur-sedulur*, si Iyem ini sundal. Suami orang direbut juga,"teriak Yu "Everybody, Iyem here is a whore. sedulur- 45 029/ST/29 Parti dengan penuh amarah. 029/TT/23 everybody She's a husband stealer," Yu Parti sedulur yelled in anger. * saudara-saudara "Enak saja, nyebut aku sundal. "Don't call me whore. You're the one 46 030/ST/26 ngladeni Sampeyan sendiri yang tidak bisa 030/TT/23 take care that can't take care of your husband..." ngladeni suami..." Yu Parti had been selling pecel* at the Yu Parti berjualan pecel di pasar ini market since before she met Mr. Suyat. 47 031a/ST/28 031a/TT/25 pecel sejak sebelum bertemu Pak Suyat. * peanut and chili sauce pecel After they got married, Mr. Suyat Sejak menikah, Pak Suyat berhenti stopped working and started helping nguli dan membantu istrinya berjualan 48 031b/ST/28 031b/TT/25 the food her sell the food by looking for the pecel. Mencari daun untuk pincuk dan leaves for pincuk and making coffee for membuatkan kopi untuk pembeli. the customers.

142

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No. ST Code ST item Source Text TT Code TT item Target Text "Ya biarkan saja, Nyi. Namanya juga She'll get "Never mind. That's how men are. 49 032a/ST/29 laki-laki. Dasar sundal itu yang kurang 032a/TT/26 what's Damn that shameless whore. She'll get ajar. Biar nanti kena karma." coming to her what's coming to her." But when I took off my wrap inside the Di jumbleng, saat kubuka kainku, aku what was outhouse and saw the red streaks, the menjerit melihat banyak cairan 50 032b/ST/31 032b/TT/27 happening to blood. I screamed. Oh my God, what karma berwarna merah, darah. Duh, Gusti, me? was happening to me? Was I going to karma apa ini. Apakah aku akan mati? die? Like me, Teja was afraid that one day Sama dengan aku, Teja juga takut nanti 51 032c/ST/166 032c/TT/158 karma karma would come back to bite karma itu berbalik pada Rahayu. Rahayu. "Biasa itu. Makanya nanti bikin jamu 52 033/ST/32 jamu kunir kunir," kata Simbok waktu aku 033/TT/29 x ceritakan nyeri di perutku. "Aku kuat, Kang. Biasanya aku juga nggendok tenggok, nggendong goni. "I'm strong, Kang. I usually carry Bakul-bakul itu juga banyak yang baskets, even sacks. I also carry baskets 53 034a/ST/34 034a/TT/30 weak people mengangkat sendiri dagangannya dari from home to the market. It's only rumah ke pasar. Hanya priyayi-priyayi weak people who can't carry them." saja yang nggak kuat ngangkat goni." "Eee lha, mau pinjam uang kok ke aku. "Why do you want to borrow from me? priyayi Aku ya tidak punya to, Yu, wong kita I don't have any, Yu, I'm just as poor as 54 034b/ST/67 034b/TT/63 rich people sama-sama susah. Kalau pinjam duit ya you are. If you want money you should ke priyayi-priyayi itu." borrow it from rich people." Pak Waji yang priyayi, pegawai yang Mr. Waji, this cultured man who earned menerima gaji bulanan, tidak mencicil a monthly salary, didn't pay in daily 55 034c/ST/83 034c/TT/78 cultured man setiap hari seperti orang-orang di Pasar installments like the people at Ngranget Ngranget. Market.

143

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No. ST Code ST item Source Text TT Code TT item Target Text It was her trust in him, in his standing Rasa percaya pada priyayi, orang- as a salaried official who received a orang yang bergaji tetap dari negara salaried 56 034d/ST/83 034d/TT/78 monthly wage...was what convinced setiap bulan....membuat Ibu official Mother to lend him such a large meminjamkan uang sebesar itu. amount. Lagi pula, orang mana yang tidak cultured And who wouldn't be proud to have a 57 034e/ST/83 034e/TT/78 bangga bisa mengutangi priyayi. person cultured person indebted to them? Dia menolak membayar, dengan bahasa He refused to pay in his own round- 58 034f/ST/84 034f/TT/79 x yang halus dan santun, khas priyayi. about, polite way. "Lho... Sampeyan kok malah teriak- "Hey... Don't you dare shout in my 59 034g/ST/84 teriak di rumahku. Ini rumah priyayi, 034g/TT/79 decent house. This is a decent house, there's ndak pernah ada orang teriak-teriak..." never been any shouting here...." Keberanian dan kekuasaannya atas Her bravado and authority over her 60 034h/ST/84 sesama bakul pasar bagaimanapun 034h/TT/79 learned man fellow market vendors dissapeared in luntur saat berhadapan dengan priyayi. the presence of this learned man. TV merupakan barang mewah yang TV was a luxury that very few people hanya bisa dibeli orang-orang tertentu. educated could afford. Among them were district 61 034i/ST/91 Kalau bukan pejabat di kabupaten atau 034i/TT/86 people and sub-district officials, and educated di kecamatan pasti para priyayi yang people employed by the state. digaji negara. Orang-orang bilang itu gara-gara Pak Waji punya simpanan kledek. People said it was because he had a Katanya, dengan segala muslihatnya, mistress. They said she used all her kledek itu memeras seluruh uang Pak wiles to fleece Mr. Waji of his cultured 62 034j/ST/93 Waji. Orang-orang percaya, priyayi 034j/TT/88 money. They really believed that a person seperti Pak Waji tidak akan cultured person like Mr. Waji would melakukan hal-hal yang tidak benar never have strayed if was not under kalau bukan karena guna-guna dari some kind of spell. kledek.

144

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No. ST Code ST item Source Text TT Code TT item Target Text "Ya terserah. Kalau mau nguli ya "Suit yourself. If you want to be a 63 035/ST/34 monggo 035/TT/30 go ahead monggo," Kata Teja lirih. porter, go ahead," Teja said resignedly. "Bukan masalah kuat-nggak kuat, "It's not a question of being strong or Nduk. Ini masalah ilok-ra ilok - improper or not, Nduk. It's a question of being 64 036/ST/35 ilok-ra-ilok 036/TT/31 pantas-nggak pantas. Nggak ada not improper or not. Women don't work perempuan nguli." as porters." If she brought up the issue of propriety, Kalau Simbok sudah menyebut ilok-ra- that meant she was speaking from 65 037a/ST/35 ilok, itu berarti pakem yang sudah 037a/TT/31 principle principle, and she always stuck firm to tidak bisa dibantah lagi. pakem her principles. Seperti sudah menjadi pakem, halaman And almost as if by custom, the yard of 66 037b/ST/86 balai desa sudah dipersiapkan untuk 037b/TT/81 custom the village hall had been set up for yet gambyong. another dance performance.

If she brought up the issue of propriety, "Kalau Simbok sudah menyebut ilok- that meant she was speaking from ra-ilok, itu berarti pakem yang sudah 67 038/ST/35 kualat 038/TT/31 cursed principle, and she always stuck firm to tidak bisa dibantah lagi.Bisa kualat her principles. "You'll be cursed if you kalau nggak dituruti," kata Simbok don't do as I tell you," she said.

Even Old Man Noto, the oldest porter Mbah Noto, kuli paling tua yang there who had worked longer than any bekerja paling awal dibanding kuli lain, 68 039a/ST/36 039a/TT/32 Old Man of the others, could only remember that hanya ingat dia sudah nguli pada zaman he began working during the Japanese Jepang. occupation. Mbah "Nduk, terserah apa penginmu. Yang "Nduk, it's up to you what you want to penting, coba nyuwun sama Mbah Ibu do. What's important is that you ask 69 039b/ST/43 Bumi Bapa Kuasa. Semua kejadian 039b/TT/39 x your creator. Things only happen if He hanya terjadi kalau Dia yang wills it." menginginkan."

145

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No. ST Code ST item Source Text TT Code TT item Target Text "Gusti Mbah Ibu Bumi Bapa Kuasa, "Gusti Mbah Ibu Bumi Bapa Kuasa, berkatilah usahaku. Aku mau punya please bless my efforts. I want to have 70 039c/ST/43 uang, memiliki seperti yang dimiliki 039c/TT/39 Mbah money, I want to have what the district Nyai Wedana. Biar nggak pernah official's wife has, so that I stop being a ngrepoti orang lain." burden to others." Berat satu jun* yang berisi penuh air sama saja dengan satu goni berisi singkong. The weight of a full pail of water was 71 040/ST/37 jun 040/TT/34 pail the same a full sack of cassavas. * wadah untuk mengambil air dari tanah liat Kalau perempuan itu datang semua When she came, all the vendors would pedagang sibuk melayani, menawarkan swarm over her, offering her their district 72 041/ST/38 wedana semua dagangan yang dipunyai. Dan 041/TT/34 various goods. And she always bought official memang belanjanya selalu banyak. a lot. It was said that she was the wife Kata orang-orang, dia istri wedana. of a district official. I certainly got that sense of pity from Rasa kasihan juga sering kuterima dari some of the other buyers at the market. pengunjung pasar lainnya. Ada Pak 73 042/ST/39 lurah 042/TT/35 ward chief There was Dikun, the school teacher, Guru Dikun yang selalu datang who always came with his wife, and bersama istrinya, juga Lurah Singget. also the Singget ward chief. Uang itu kukumpulkan dalam We didn't buy anything with the 74 043/ST/39 bumbung bumbung yang kusembunyikan di 043/TT/35 box money. I kept it hidden away in a little bawah atap. box that I hid in the rafters. Dari belakang, aku melihat gelungan From behind, I could see her hair had rambutnya begitu halus. Kondenya been done up beautifully onto a bun, 75 044/ST/41 konde 044/TT/38 bun dihiasi tusuk berwarna kuning, pierced with a yellow hairpin that was mungkin juga dari emas. probably also gold.

146

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No. ST Code ST item Source Text TT Code TT item Target Text Dari belakang, aku melihat gelungan From behind, I could see her hair had rambutnya begitu halus. Kondenya been done up beautifully onto a bun, 76 045/ST/41 tusuk 045/TT/38 hairpin dihiasi tusuk berwarna kuning, pierced with a yellow hairpin that was mungkin juga dari emas. probably also gold. "Nduk, terserah apa penginmu. Yang penting, coba nyuwun* sama Mbah Ibu "Nduk, it's up to you what you want to Bumi Bapa Kuasa. Semua kejadian do. What's important is that you ask 77 046a/ST/43 hanya terjadi kalau Dia yang 046a/TT/39 ask your creator. Things only happen if He menginginkan." wills it."

nyuwun * memohon Kurasakan tangan Ibu mengusap I felt her hand rubbing my brow, trying keningku, mengusik-usik agar aku to tease me awake. I didn't want to get 78 046b/ST/57 terbangun. Aku tidak mau bangun. Tak 046b/TT/53 pray up. I didn't want to pray to the mau lagi nyuwun-nyuwun pada ancestors anymore. leluhur. But when I took off my wrap inside the Di jumbleng, saat kubuka kainku, aku outhouse and saw the red streaks, the menjerit melihat banyak cairan 79 047a/ST/31 047a/TT/27 my God blood. I screamed. Oh my God, what berwarna merah, darah. Duh, Gusti, was happening to me? Was I going to karma apa ini. Apakah aku akan mati? die? "Gusti Mbah Ibu Bumi Bapa Kuasa, "Gusti Mbah Ibu Bumi Bapa Kuasa, 80 047b/ST/43 Gusti 047b/TT/39 Gusti berkatilah usahaku..." please bless my efforts..."

"Yang kuasa itu Gusti Allah, Bu. "The most powerful is Allah, Mother, 81 047c/ST/59 Bukan Mbah Ibu Bumi," kataku dengan 047c/TT/54 x not the ancestors," I yelled back at her. suara keras, membalas teriakan Ibu.

147

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No. ST Code ST item Source Text TT Code TT item Target Text Mbah Ibu Bumi Bapa Kuasa! Anakku Oh Gusti! My child wanted to wed a mau kawin sama suami orang. Duh, 82 047d/ST/164 047d/TT/157 oh, heavens married man. Oh heavens! Have mercy Gusti! Ampuni kesalahan anakku ini, on my wayward child. Gusti. Gusti, setelah membunuh apakah Oh God, after killing them, did those 83 047e/ST/223 bajingan-bajingan itu masih perlu 047e/TT/209 God bastards still need to take their bodies? membawa mayatnya? "Nduk, terserah apa penginmu. Yang "Nduk, it's up to you what you want to penting, coba nyuwun sama Mbah Ibu do. What's important is that you ask 84 048a/ST/43 Bumi Bapa Kuasa. Semua kejadian 048a/TT/39 your creator your creator. Things only happen if hanya terjadi kalau Dia yang He wills it." menginginkan." "Gusti Mbah Ibu Bumi Bapa Kuasa*, Mbah Ibu please bless my efforts..." "Gusti Mbah Ibu Bumi Bapa Kuasa, 85 048b/ST/43 048b/TT/39 Bumi Bapa berkatilah usahaku..." Mbah Ibu Kuasa * animist spirit of nature and force of Bumi Bapa creation Kuasa Katanya semua yang ada di dunia milik She said that everything on Earth Mbah Ibu Bumi Bapa Kuasa. Dialah belongs to the Gusti. It was He who 86 048c/ST/56 yang punya kuasa untuk memberikan 048c/TT/51 Gusti had full power to grant your wishes or atau tidak memberikan yang kita not. inginkan. Ibu berkata doa-doanya setiap malam Mother said that her nightly prayers to 87 048d/ST/58 dikabulkan oleh Mbah Ibu Bumi Bapa 048d/TT/54 ancestors the ancestors had been granted. Kuasa. Kubelanjakan uangku yang hanya lima I used all fifty of the coins that I had to 88 049a/ST/44 tempe puluh keping itu dengan berbagai sayur, 049a/TT/40 soybean cake buy assorted vegetables, chicken, ayam, tempe, dan rempah-rempah. soybean cakes and spices.

148

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No. ST Code ST item Source Text TT Code TT item Target Text Orang-orang akan datang membawa People would come with all kinds of 89 049b/ST/207 sumbangan mulai dari beras satu batok, 049b/TT/195 tempeh gifts, from rice to tempeh and coconut. tempe, atau kelapa. "Suamiku itu lho, Ni. Dia gendakan another "It's my husband, Ni. He's having an 90 050a/ST/46 050a/TT/42 sama kledek...." woman affair with another woman...." "Dasar Teja, lanangan nggak tahu "Oh Teja, you ungrateful man. Here I diuntung. Susah payah aku cari duit, dia 91 050b/ST/53 050b/TT/49 other women am struggling to earn money, and he's malah enak-enakan kelonan sama out having fun with other women." kledek." Alunan suara kledek terdengar. Mereka The performers danced among the juga menari di tengah kerumunan 92 050c/ST/65 050c/TT/61 performers crowd, pulling some of the men to orang. Beberapa laki-laki ditarik untuk dance with them. ikut menari. Orang-orang bilang itu gara-gara Pak People said it was because he had a Waji punya simpanan kledek. Katanya, mistress. They said she used all her dengan segala muslihatnya, kledek itu kledek wiles to fleece Mr. Waji of his money. memeras seluruh uang Pak Waji. 93 050d/ST/93 050d/TT/88 x They really believed that a cultured Orang-orang percaya, priyayi seperti person like Mr. Waji would never have Pak Waji tidak akan melakukan hal-hal strayed if was not under some kind of yang tidak benar kalau bukan karena spell. guna-guna dari kledek. In Singget, loose women like that Di Singget ini sundal-sundal seperti itu became fodder for gossip until the day akan jadi omongan sampai mati. Malah 94 050e/ST/165 050e/TT/157 prostitutes they die. It wouldn't matter if they were sekalian kledek atau sinden, nggak apa- prostitutes or singers, because that was apa, wong itu sudah kerjaannya. their job. Sekarang zamannya dangdut. Seperti This was the age of dangdut. It'd be like 95 050f/ST/168 yang ada di TV itu. Sudah tidak ada 050f/TT/161 dancers on the TV. There would be no more lagi kledek dengan jarit dan selendang. dancers with sashes and shawls.

149

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No. ST Code ST item Source Text TT Code TT item Target Text Ja, Teja... Tak pernah aku melarangmu gendakan dengan kledek mana saja. Teja, Teja... I never stopped you from 96 050g/ST/194 050g/TT/184 women Tapi kok teganya, sudah mati saja shacking up with your women. masih meninggalkan masalah. Aku tak membantah omongan Simbok. Tak mengiakannya. Tapi hanya tiga village I didn't argue with her. I didn't agree hari setelah itu, kami telah berada di official in either. But just three days after that, we 97 051a/ST/48 rumah Kamituwo*. 051a/TT/44 charge of were at home of the village official in

marriage charge of marriages. kamituwo * perangkat desa yang mengurusi pernikahan Kepada Kamituwo yang membacakan I told the village elder who would read ujub kukatakan ini syukuran untuk the prayer that this was for my daughter 98 051b/ST/273 051b/TT/255 village elder anakku yang sudah kembali ke rumah who had returned home after studying setelah belajar di luar kota. in the city. Ibu, yang beberapa menit sebelumnya Mother, who just a minute ago was all penuh senyum dan patuh, kini seperti convulsed smiling and pliant, is now convulsed 99 052/ST/52 kesurupan 052/TT/48 orang kesurupan. Mukanya merah, with rage with rage. Her face is red, flushed with penuh amarah. anger. "Dasar Teja, lanangan nggak tahu diuntung. Susah payah aku cari duit, dia "Oh Teja, you ungrateful man. Here I malah enak-enakan kelonan* sama 100 053/ST/53 kelonan 053/TT/49 having fun am struggling to earn money, and he's kledek." out having fun with other women."

* tidur sambil berpelukan

150

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No. ST Code ST item Source Text TT Code TT item Target Text

Kini dia mengumpat bapak. Padahal Now she was cursing out Father. But no orang yang dimaki entah sedang di one even knew where he was. Teja the mana. Teja yang pemalas. Teja yang lazy. Teja who sleeps like a buffalo. 101 054/ST/53 gandrung tidurnya seperti kerbau, Teja yang 054/TT/49 shacked up Teja who only cares about himself. hannya mau enaknya sendiri. Teja yang Teja who is now shacked up with sekarang sedang gandrung dengan some other woman... kledek...

Orang-orang bilang, Ibu memelihara People say my mother has a tuyul, a tuyul. Makhluk halus berkepala gundul 102 055/S T/54 tuyul 055/TT/50 tuyul bald-headed child demon that can make yang bisa membuat orang yang its human patron rich. memeliharanya kaya. Rumah kami terdiri atas empat Our house consists of four Javanese bangunan rumah Jawa. Satu bangunan 103 056/ST/5 4 omah ngarep 056/TT/50 omah ngarep buildings. One of the buildings is for untuk tamu, kami menyebutnya omah guests, and we call it omah ngarep. ngarep. Di belakangnya ada omah mburi, At the back, there's omah mburi, where tempat kami biasanya tidur bersama di we usually sleep together on a mat on 104 057/ST/55 omah mburi 057/TT/50 omah mburi atas tikar, padahal ada dua kamar di the floor, even though there are two sana. rooms there. work my "I work my fingers to the bone day meres "Aku meres keringet siang-malam 105 058/ST/55 058/TT/55 fingers to the and night, and yet I'm accused of keringet malah dibilang punya tuyul!" bone having a tuyul!" Mother is also dilligent about her Ibu juga rajin selamatan. Seminggu offerings. Once a week, and on her 106 059a/ST/56 selamatan sekali, setiap hari kelahirannya, dia 059a/TT/52 offerings name day, she slaughters a chicken to menyembelih ayam untuk dipanggang. grill.

151

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No. ST Code ST item Source Text TT Code TT item Target Text Aku, Bapak, dan Tonah tahu, tumpeng Father, Tonah and I know that the rice dan panggang yang dimakan saat cone and the chicken that we eat on 107 059b/S T/56 059b/TT/52 those days selamatan bukan satu-satunya yang those days are not the only things dimasak setiap hari kelahiran. cooked on Mother's name day. Tetangga-tetangga membantu vigil and The neighbors were helping prepare for 108 059c/ST/120 menyiapkan selamatan buat nanti 059c/TT/113 prayer that night's vigil and prayer. malam, sampai tujuh hari ke depan. Aku tidak memanggil siapa pun untuk I didn't invite anyone for the selamatan. Kuujubkan sendiri niatnya, thanksgiving thanksgiving ceremony. I made the 109 059 d/ST/178 059d/TT/169 agar rumah ini tetap dilindungi dan ceremony wish myself, for the house to be diberi keselamatan. protected and kept safe. Selamatan seribu hari umumnya serba The thousandth day anniversary was 110 059e/ST/206 059e/TT/195 anniversary besar-besaran. usually a big one. Tonah membuat tumpeng kecil, Tonah makes a rice cone and the rest menyiapkan semua ubo rampe. Ada the rest of the 111 060/ST/56 ubo rampe 060/TT/52 of the food. There's vegetable garnish, kulupan, jenang merah dan jenang food a red porridge and a white porridge. putih. Tonah membuat tumpeng kecil, Tonah makes a rice cone and the rest of menyiapkan semua ubo rampe. Ada vegetable 112 061/ST/56 kulupan 061/TT/52 the food. There's vegetable garnish, a kulupan, jenang merah dan jenang garnish red porridge and a white porridge. putih. Tonah membuat tumpeng kecil, Tonah makes a rice cone and the rest of menyiapkan semua ubo rampe. Ada 113 062/ST/56 jenang 062/TT/52 porridge the food. There's vegetable garnish, a kulupan, jenang merah dan jenang red porridge and a white porridge. putih. Mbah Sambong, perangkat desa yang dipercaya punya kekuatan lebih, Old Man Sambong, a village official 114 063a/ST/56 ujub membacakan ujub*. 063a/TT/52 prayer who is said to have special powers, recites a prayer. *niat

152

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No. ST Code ST item Source Text TT Code TT item Target Text Aku tidak memanggil siapa pun untuk I didn't invite anyone for the selamatan. Kuujubkan sendiri niatnya, thanksgiving ceremony. I made the 115 063b/ST/178 063b/TT/169 wish agar rumah ini tetap dilindungi dan wish myself, for the house to be diberi keselamatan. protected and kept safe. Setelah Mbah Sambong membaca ujub, When Old Man Sambong ends the tumpeng dan panggang dipotong. make their prayer, the rice and the chicken are 116 064/ST/56 bancakan Mereka semua mulai bancakan*. 064/TT/52 offering carved up. They all start to make their

offerings. * kendurian, selamatan She used the money that she Ibu mulai menjual berbagai barang painstakingly saved up to buy other 117 065/ST/60 kain batik kebutuhan. Mulai dari wajan, ember, 065/TT/55 batik cloth goods to sell, from frying pans and panci, hingga kain batik. bucket, to batik cloth. It was said that there was just as big a crowd for the election as there would Katanya pemilu itu sama ramainya 118 066/ST/61 wayang kulit 066/TT/57 wayang kulit have been for a wayang kulit* show. dengan pertunjukan wayang kulit.

* shadow puppet theatre Di sana banyak orang yang menonton, There were a lot of people looking 119 067a/ST/61 ada gambyong, juga banyak pedagang 067a/TT/57 dance troupe around, there was a dance troupe and keliling. there were people peddling goods. gambyong Suara gamelan dan teriakan "Cayo!" We could still faintly make out the 120 067b/ST/66 para penari gambyong terdengar 067b/TT/62 x sounds the gamelan and shouts of sayup-sayup. "Cayo!" from the dancers.

153

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No. ST Code ST item Source Text TT Code TT item Target Text It was dark out when Father returned. A Bapak pulang setelah hari gelap. Bau sharp smell followed him into the menyengat tercium sejak dia memasuki house. It was something I had smelled 121 067c/ST/73 rumah. Aku sering mencium bau itu 067c/TT/69 dance often wherever there was a dance saat ada pentas gambyong. Ya, itu bau performance. It was the smell of rice arak. wine. Seperti sudah menjadi pakem, halaman And almost as if by custom, the yard of dance 122 067d/ST/86 balai desa sudah dipersiapkan untuk 067d/TT/81 the village hall had been set up for yet performance gambyong. another dance performance. "Salah dia apa to, Ndan? Nggak ada "What did he do wrong, chief? It's no traditional 123 067e/S T/182 bedanya sama kita yang bikin 067e/TT/173 different than when we hold a dance gambyong di punden." traditional dance at a sacred grave." Inside the packed village hall, there Balai desa sudah ramai. Ada penjual 124 068/ST/61 bakso 068/TT/57 meatball soup were people selling candy, balloons, arum manis, balon, bakso, dan cendol. meatball soup and iced treats. Inside the packed village hall, there Balai desa sudah ramai. Ada penjual 125 069a/ST/61 069a/TT/57 iced treats were people selling candy, balloons, arum manis, balon, bakso, dan cendol. meatball soup and iced treats. cendol Dari sebuah warung cendol, aku From a stall selling rice pudding, I saw 126 069b/ST/259 melihat seorang laki-laki turun dari 069b/TT/243 rice pudding a man get down from a red motorbike. sepeda motor berwarna merah. "Laris dagangannya, Mbakyu?" "How's it going, ma'am?" he asked 127 070a/ST/62 070a/TT/58 Ma'am tanyanya pada Ibu. Mother. mbakyu "Rezeki itu nggak datang sendiri to, "Well, luck doesn't come by itself, you 128 070b/ST /62 070b/TT/58 x Mbakyu.... Rezeki harus dicari." know... You have to look for it." The ward chief and the sub-district Pak Lurah dan Pak Camat juga turun sub-district chief also got involved. They tried to 129 071/ST/63 camat tangan. Mereka ikut membujuk Pak 071/TT/59 chief persuade Mr. Tikno onto letting go of Tikno agar mau melepaskan tanahnya. the land.

154

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No. ST Code ST item Source Text TT Code TT item Target Text "Uang keamanan buat apa, Pak?" tanya "Security fee for what, sir?" Mother Ibu tidak lagi dengan suara lantang 130 072/ST/65 kemenyek 072/TT/60 banter asked, in a fearful tone that was very kemenyek khas pedagang, tapi suara different from her usual trader's banter. pasrah ketakutan. Gong ditabuh, gamelan mulai The gong sounded, the gamelan struck 131 073/ST/65 gong 073/TT/61 gong dimainkan. up and a crescendo of music rose up. Gong ditabuh, gamelan mulai The gong sounded, the gamelan struck 132 074/ST/65 gamelan 074/TT/61 gamelan dimainkan. up and a crescendo of music rose up. People said that he was an abangan*. At his house he had a large picture of Orang-orang bilang dia abangan. Di Sukarno pointing. 133 075/ST/6 6 abangan rumahnya ada gambar besar Soekarno 075/TT/61 abangan

yang sedang menunjuk. * a form of Islam incorporating Javanese cultural and animist beliefs "Yu, dengar-dengar sampeyan sekarang tidak Cuma bakulan sayur sama "So, Yu, I hear you're not just selling perkakas, yo? Sampeyan sekarang vegetables and household items 134 076a/ST/70 076a/TT/66 moneylender mulai potang*, yo?" anymore. You're now a moneylender, are you?" * meminjamkan uang dengan bunga "Ya tetap jualan, Ndan. Potang sedikit- "Oh, I'm still trading, chief. I don't lend 135 076b/ST/70 076b/TT/66 lend potang sedikit saja." a lot" "Ha ha ha...! Mau sedikit, mau banyak, "Hahaha...! Whether it's a little or a lot, 136 076c/ST/70 076c/TT/66 moneylending namanya tetap saja potang...." it's still moneylending..." "Aku ngerti. Tapi caranya bagaimana? "I get it, but now what do we do? Dari mana kita dapat uang sebanyak Where can we get that much money?" 137 076d/ST/81 076d/TT/76 debt itu?" "Ya bagaimana lagi. Tagih "There's no other way. You'll have to potang-potangmu." collect on the debt."

155

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No. ST Code ST item Source Text TT Code TT item Target Text "Please! I'm not PKI! I'm just trying to "Halah! Aku bukan PKI! Aku cuma make a living. I'm not stealing and I'm 138 077/ST/71 halah mau cari makan. Tidak mencuri. Tidak 077/TT/67 please not robbing. What am I doing merampok. Apa aku salah?..." wrong?..."

"Tapi mereka petugas, Ni. Orang yang "But they're officers, Ni. They're the mengamankan kita!" "Hasyah! Prek!" people who keep us safe!" "Yeah, right! 139 078a/ST/72 "Kowe prak-prek-prak-prek terus! 078a/TT/67 bull Bull!" "Everything's bull to you! You Mau nanggung kalau kita dicap PKI? want to be responsible if they declare prek Mau kalau nanti kita semua dipenjara?" us PKI? You want us all to go to jail?" "...Dijadikan lurah...dijadikan "...They made you a ward chief...they pemimpin...malah blas tidak to hell with made you a leader...but you never think 140 078b/ST/219 078b/TT/206 memikirkan warganya... Prek... Lurah you... pf your people... To hell with you... gombal..." You no-good ward chief..." "...Terus mereka seenak udele meras "...They're the ones who're shaking 141 079/ST/71 seenak udele orang. Dulu ngambil panci. Sekarang 079/TT/67 x down people. First they took my pans, datang minta duit!" and now they're after my money!" The next day, very early in the Keesokan harinya, pagi-pagi sekali, morning, even before I had set off for saat aku belum berangkat sekolah dan neighborhood 142 080/ST/72 pak RT 080/TT/67 school or my parents for the market, the Bapak-Ibu belum berangkat ke pasar, unit chief neighborhood unit chief came to our Pak RT datang ke rumah kami. house. Sekarang malah anak-istrinya "...Now it's his wife and kids who've 143 081/ST/73 keleleran 081/TT/68 got it hard keleleran, kita juga yang repot. got it hard, and the rest of us too..." Di punggungnya ada tenggok yang On her back she carried a basket with 144 082a/ST/73 082a/TT/69 cloth berisi beberapa jarik dan panci. some cloth and pans. jarik Sekarang zamannya dangdut. Seperti This was the age of dangdut. It'd be like 145 082b/ST/168 yang ada di TV itu. Sudah tidak ada 082b/TT/161 sashes on the TV. There would be no more lagi kledek dengan jarit dan selendang. dancers with sashes and shawls.

156

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No. ST Code ST item Source Text TT Code TT item Target Text Bersama Rahayu, aku membeli jarit, Rahayu and I bought wraps and 146 082c/ST/271 082c/TT/253 wraps brokat, selendang, beskap. blouses, shawls and men's jacket. It was dark out when Father returned. A Bapak pulang setelah hari gelap. Bau sharp smell followed him into the menyengat tercium sejak dia memasuki house. It was something I had smelled 147 083/ST/73 arak rumah. Aku sering mencium bau itu 083/TT/69 rice wine often wherever there was a dance saat ada pentas gambyong. Ya, itu bau performance. It was the smell of rice arak. wine. "Hasyahh... Tidak usah bertele-tele. "Pfft... No need to beat around the 148 084/ST/76 hasyah 084/TT/72 Pfft... Apa mau kalian?" bush. What do you want?" "Nuwun sewu, Pak Lurah, saya pengin "Of course I'd like to help, sir, but fifty bisa membantu. Tapi lima puluh itu kok is just too much for us. I don't think I 149 085/ST/79 nuwun sewu rasanya terlalu besar. Saya kok rasanya 085/TT/75 x can afford to give that much," Mother tidak mampu kalau sebesar itu," kata said. Ibu. Sikap Pak Pahing yang seleh, mengaku He was courteous about it, though, 150 086/ST/8 2 seleh salah, membuat Ibu luluh dan tak bisa 086/TT/77 courteous which made Mother feel sorry for him berkata apa-apa lagi. and not press him for more money. Penari-penari mulai memainkan 151 087/ST/86 sampur 087/TT/81 x A troupe of performees began to dance. sampur. Setiap malam, semua orang datang ke Every night, people went to his house rumah Pak Lurah untuk menonton to watch TV,... We also saw the dagelan 152 088/ST/90 TV....Kami juga bisa melihat wajah 088/TT/85 comedy show president's face, but what everyone ketoprak presiden, yang paling ditunggu adalah really wanted to see was the comedy dagelan ketoprak. show.

Bapak dan Ibu menuju salah satu toko Father and Mother headed for one of 153 089/ST/91 Koh di jajaran depan tersebut, Toko Cahaya 089/TT/85 koh those stalls. It was called Cahaya Store. namanya. Pemiliknya Koh Cayadi. The owner's name was Koh Cayadi.

157

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No. ST Code ST item Source Text TT Code TT item Target Text Madiun itu kota besar yang ada di Madiun was a large city east of Singget, bengawan Bengawan 154 090/ST/90 sebelah timur Singget, berada di 090/TT/85 just east of the Bengawan Madiun Madiun Madiun River sebelah timur Bengawan Madiun. River Sejak bertahun-tahun lalu, tepatnya saat For several years, since hr was still a dia masih kanak-kanak di Surabaya, child in Surabaya, his parents would orang tuanya rutin mengajaknya ke take him routinely to Mount Kawi in Gunung Gunung Kawi. Gunung Kawi ada di 155 091/ST/92 091/TT/87 Mount Kawi Malang, a town just south of Surabaya. Kawi Malang, kota di selatan Surabaya....Di .... At the mountain there was a grave, gunung itu ada makam, yang bisa and it was said that whoever made a memberikan berkat bagi orang yang pilgrimage to it would be blessed. menziarahinya. Koh Cayadi offered to take Mother on his next pilgrimage there on the next Koh Cayadi menawari Ibu untuk ikut Legi Friday*, which was next week. 156 092/ST/93 Jumat Legi dalam ziarahnya pada Jumat Legi yang 092/TT/87 Legi Friday jatuh minggu depan. * One of the days of the week in Javanese calendar. Considered auspicious if it falls on a Friday. Dua makam di kompleks itu dianggap Two of the graves in the enclosure were 157 093/ST/95 Eyang keramat, yaitu makam Eyang Sujo dan 093/TT/89 Eyang believed to be sacred, those of Eyang Eyang Jugo. Sujo and Eyang Jugo. Ibu membangunkanku, lalu kami Mother would wake me and we'd sit 158 094a/ST/55 berdua duduk di bawah pohon asem. 094a/TT/51 worship beneath the tamarind tree together. She Kata Ibu itu namanya berdoa, tirakat. called it praying, worship. tirakat Mereka akan tirakat di sekitar makam They would meditate at the graves of 159 094b/ST/95 094b/TT/90 meditate Eyang Sujo dan Eyang Jugi. Eyang Sujo and Eyang Jugo Selama tirakat mereka tidak akan Throughout the meditation, they would 160 094c/ST/95 094c/TT/90 meditation berbicara dan makan minum. not speak, eat, or drink.

158

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No. ST Code ST item Source Text TT Code TT item Target Text Selama tirakat itu, mereka juga akan During the recital, they would also 161 094d/ST/95 menunggu jatuhnya bagian pohon 094d/TT/90 recital have to wait for something to drop from dewandaru. the dewandaru trees there. During the recital, they would also have Selama tirakat itu, mereka juga akan to wait for something to drop from the menunggu jatuhnya bagian pohon dewandaru trees there. Those bits and 162 095/ST/95 dewandaru dewandaru. Bagian pohon dewandaru 095/TT/90 dewandaru pieces from the dewandaru trees were diyakini akan menjadi perantara rezeki believed to be medium through which mereka. the pilgrims would find their fortune. Sudah sejak dari dulu orang-orang The Chinese were known to go to Tionghoa dikenal suka ke Gunung 163 096a/ST/97 096a/TT/91 blessings Mount Kawi every Legi Friday to seek Kawi setiap Jumat legi untuk mencari blessings. pesugihan. "Bejo was an offering. An offering for a pesugihan pesugihan*." 164 096b/ST/121 "Bejo jadi sajen. Sajen pesugihan." 096b/TT/114 pesugihan

* a ritual to seek wealth "....They say my driver died in a crash "...Sopirku mati tabrakan katanya gara- 165 096c/ST/179 096c/TT/170 ritual because I had offered him up in one of gara jadi tumbal pesugihan-ku..." my rituals..." Kadang mereka bilang Ibu mencari Sometimes they said that she had pesugihan dan telah menjanjikan something in promised to give something in return 166 097a/ST/97 097a/TT/91 tumbal, kadang mereka bilang Ibu return for the blessings, and sometimes they tumbal memelihara tuyul. said that my mother had a tuyul. She wanted to leave my house because Dia mau pergi dari rumah ini karena 167 097b/ST/187 097b/TT/178 offering she was scared she would become a takut menjadi tumbal pesugihan. pesugihan offering.

159

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No. ST Code ST item Source Text TT Code TT item Target Text At school, I was mocked anew... The Di sekolah aku mendapat olok-olok other children would chant the song Gundul- baru. .... Teman-teman sekelasku Gundul- "Gundul-Gundul Pacul*" with a twist 168 098/ST/97 Gundul 098/TT/92 menyanyikan lagu Gundul-Gundul gundul pacul on the lyrics. Pacul Pacul yang liriknya diganti. * bald-headed hoe Aku sering melihat istri dan anak Mali I often saw them eating dried rice with 169 099/ST/99 aking makan aking dicampur garam yang 099/TT/93 dried rice salt off a tray. ditaruh di tampah. Matahari hampir terbenam saat lori The sun was almost set when the yang berisi penuh tebu bergerak. Kereta loaded trucks started moving out. The besi itu menyusuri rel di sepanjang convoy would follow the train tracks 170 100/ST/102 lori 100/TT/96 trucks sawah tebu menuju timur, Kecamatan east along the cane fields to Glodok Glodok, tempat Pabrik Gula Purwadadi sub-district, where the Purwadadi Sugar berada. Factory was located. Pak Lurah memiliki dua hektar sawah That was the ward chief's sugarcane. tanah yang ditanami tebu, itu tanah bengkok He had two hectares of it. The land was 171 101/ST/101 101/TT/95 land bengkok yang diberikan sebagai upahnya selama given to him when he became the ward menjadi lurah. chief. Bagian buruh perempuan hanya nderep* atau mbethot kacang. Women only planted rice or picked 172 102/ST/103 nderep 102/TT/96 planted rice peanuts. * memanen padi temu Hari itu seluruh orang Singget pergi ke On the big day, everyone in Singget Sugarcane 173 103/ST/104 Temanten Glodok untuk melihat temu Temanten 103/TT/97 went to Glodok for the Sugarcane Couple event Tebu Tebu. Couple event. Dia menjadi cucuk lampah, pemandu cucuk This was the cucuk lampah, the person 174 104/ST/104 langkah orang-orang yang ikut dalam 104/TT/98 cucuk lampah lampah leading the procession. iring-iringan.

160

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No. ST Code ST item Source Text TT Code TT item Target Text Di belakang cucuk lampah ada empat They were dressed in traditional laki-laki mengusung tandu. Mereka 175 105a/ST/104 105a/TT/98 coats Javanese attire, complete with the coats berpakaian jawa, beskap dengan kepala and hats. beskap ditutup blangkon. Bersama Rahayu, aku membeli jarit, Rahayu and I bought wraps and 176 105b/ST/271 105b/TT/253 men's jacket brokat, selendang, beskap. blouses, shawls and men's jacket. Di belakang cucuk lampah ada empat They were dressed in traditional laki-laki mengusung tandu. Mereka 177 106/ST/104 blangkon 106/TT/98 hats Javanese attire, complete with the coats berpakaian jawa, beskap dengan kepala and hats. ditutup blangkon. The litter was adorned with a palm Tandu itu dihiasi janur dan melati, palm frond 178 107/ST/104 janur 107/TT/98 frond ornament and jasmine wrath, persis seperti tandu pengantin. ornament just like a wedding litter. But inside the litter, rather than a Tapi yang ada dalam tandu bukan human couple, there were two stalks of 179 108/ST/104 kantil manusia, melainkan dua tebu yang juga 108/TT/98 magnolia sugarcane hung with jasmine and dihias dengan kantil dan melati. magnolia. Food vendors would also line up, Penjual makanan berjajar, mulai dari 180 109/ST/106 tahu petis 109/TT/99 tofu paste selling meatball soup, cotton candy, bakso, arum manis, sampai tahu petis. and tofu paste. Kusempatkan mampir ke pawon, lalu I passed through the kitchen on the way 181 110a/ST/121 kuserahkan uang sepuluh ribu pada 110a/TT/114 keeping vigil out and gave 10,000 to Tonah, who was Tonah yang ikut rewang di situ. among those keeping vigil there.

rewang Tetangga-tetangga akan rewang di The neighbors would crowd into the 182 110b/ST/207 dapur, membantu menyiapkan 110b/TT/195 crowd kitchen, helping prepare everything for keperluan selamatan. the thanksgiving. Aku juga sudah meminta tetangga- 183 110c/ST/279 110c/TT/261 help out I also asked the neighbors to help out. tetangga rewang.

161

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No. ST Code ST item Source Text TT Code TT item Target Text Rahayu came back home.... I prepared Hari ini Rahayu pulang....Aku siapkan all kinds of food for her. Pecel, rujak*, 184 111/ST/131 rujak bermacam-macam makanan. Pecel, 111/TT/124 rujak rawon, and lodeh. rujak, rawon, dan lodeh. * mixed fruits with a chili paste Rahayu came back home.... I prepared Hari ini Rahayu pulang....Aku siapkan all kinds of food for her. Pecel, rujak, 185 112/ST/131 rawon bermacam-macam makanan. Pecel, 112/TT/124 rawon rawon*, and lodeh. rujak, rawon, dan lodeh. * beef stew Rahayu came back home.... I prepared Hari ini Rahayu pulang....Aku siapkan all kinds of food for her. Pecel, rujak, 186 113/ST/131 lodeh bermacam-macam makanan. Pecel, 113/TT/124 lodeh rawon, and lodeh* rujak, rawon, dan lodeh. * jackfruit stew Everyone needed sugar. For cooking, Setiap orang butuh gula. Untuk masak, for drinking, or, for people like Kyai* minum, atau untuk orang seperti Kyai 187 114a/ST/102 114a/TT/95 Kyai Noto, to help sick people take their Noto yang memberikan obat kepada medicine. kyai orang sakit melalui sejumput gula. * title for prominent islamic cleric Dia kyai yang punya ajian pengasih He was a holy man who knew mantras 188 114b/ST/132 114b/TT/125 holy man dan keselamatan. of love and of protection. Pagi-pagi sekali kuajak Teja ke rumah He was a holy man who knew mantras 189 115/ST/132 ajian Kyai Noto. Dia kyai yang punya ajian 115/TT/125 mantras of love and of protection. pengasih dan keselamatan. It was said that inside his room was Konon, di kamar itu ia semadi dan 190 116/ST/132 semadi 116/TT/125 meditated where he meditated and made his membuat jampi-jampi. incatations. It was said that inside his room was Konon, di kamar itu ia semadi dan 191 117 /ST/132 jampi 117/TT/125 incantations where he meditated and made his membuat jampi-jampi. incatations.

162

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No. ST Code ST item Source Text TT Code TT item Target Text Borobudur Temple, that stately Candi Candi Borobudur, bangunan megah Borobudur 192 118/ST/138 118/TT/131 monument that had come to symbolize Borobudur yang menjadi simbol keagungan itu. Temple pride. Songkoknya agak miring, kelihatan His cap was a bit skewed, as though 193 119/ST/141 songkok 119/TT/134 cap dipakai terburu-buru he'd put it on in a rush.

Entahlah apa yang dirasakan bocah itu. Sepertinya dia bisa merasakan getaran Who knew what that young child was rasa takut dari dalam hati bapak ibunya. feeling? It seemed he could feel the Atau dia melihat orang--orang waves of fear emanating from his 194 120/ST/142 genderuwo berseragam loreng itu seperti 120/TT/135 demon parents.Or perhaps he saw the men in genderuwo atau wewe gombel. the uniforms as demons. Creatures that Makhluk halus yang konon sering could only be seen by young children dilihat anak bayi dan membuatnya and that made them cry. menangis menjerit-jerit ketakutan.

Entahlah apa yang dirasakan bocah itu. Sepertinya dia bisa merasakan getaran Who knew what that young child was rasa takut dari dalam hati bapak ibunya. feeling? It seemed he could feel the Atau dia melihat orang--orang waves of fear emanating from his wewe 195 121/ST/142 berseragam loreng itu seperti 121/TT/135 demon parents.Or perhaps he saw the men in gombel genderuwo atau wewe gombel. the uniforms as demons. Creatures that Makhluk halus yang konon sering could only be seen by young children dilihat anak bayi dan membuatnya and that made them cry. menangis menjerit-jerit ketakutan.

"Sudah, Mbak... Saya sudah nrimo, "Enough, Miss... I've already accepted 196 122/ST/153 Mbak ikhlas. Saya tidak mau lagi urusan sama 122/TT/145 Miss it. I don't want anything more to do mereka." with them."

163

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No. ST Code ST item Source Text TT Code TT item Target Text "Sudah, Mbak... Saya sudah nrimo, "Enough, Miss... I've already accepted 197 123/ST/153 nrimo ikhlas. Saya tidak mau lagi urusan sama 123/TT/145 accept it. I don't want anything more to do mereka." with them." Rahayu pulang. Bersama laki-laki yang Rahayu was home. With a man who 198 124/ST/163 londo 124/TT/155 white man ganteng kayak londo. was as handsome as a white man. ...semua makanan yang kusediakan Another thing I liked about him is that 199 125a/ST/164 dimakan juga. Padahal itu semua 125a/TT/156 rustic he ate all the food that I prepared. Yet it makanan ndeso. was all rustic fare. ndeso Panggung kampanye tidak lagi There wouldn't be a traditional dance 200 125b/ST/168 diramaikan gambyongan. Mereka 125b/TT/161 too backward performance at the campaign rally this bilang itu ndeso. year. They said it was too backward. "...Kami datang ke sini cuma mau "...We just came here to ask for your 201 126/ST/164 pangestu minta pangestu. Minta Bapak jadi 126/TT/156 blessings blessings and to ask Father to give me wali..." away..." In Singget, loose women like that Di Singget ini sundal-sundal seperti itu became fodder for gossip until the day akan jadi omongan sampai mati. Malah 202 127/ST/165 sinden 127/TT/157 singer they die. It wouldn't matter if they were sekalian kledek atau sinden, nggak apa- prostitutes or singers, because that was apa, wong itu sudah kerjaannya. their job. Sabtu Malam Sabtu Pahing, pernikahan The wedding took place on a Friday 203 128/ST/166 128/TT/158 Friday night Pahing dilaksanakan. night. I would send flowers and make offerings on his name days*. Biarlah yang mati istirahat di alam

204 129/ST/174 weton sana. Akan kukirim bunga dan 129/TT/166 name days * A day of every month corresponding panggang tumpeng di setiap wetonnya. to the same day on which a person was born in the Javanese calendar "Bukan. Katanya singkek. Matanya 205 130/ST/175 singkek 130/TT/167 chink "No. A chink. With the narrow eyes." sipit."

164

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No. ST Code ST item Source Text TT Code TT item Target Text "Salah dia apa to, Ndan? Nggak ada bedanya sama kita yang bikin "What did he do wrong, chief? It's no 206 131/ST/182 punden gambyong di punden*." 131/TT/173 sacred grave different than when we hold a traditional dance at a sacred grave." * kuburan yang dikeramatkan mendak Aku akan mengadakan selamatan besar. two-year I wanted to hold a big thanksgiving. 207 132/ST/189 132/TT/179 pindo Selamatan mendak pindo. anniversary The two-year anniversary. Siang hari, saat semua orang In the morning, as the people in the mempersiapkan segala kebutuhan di kitchen were preparing to cook the bunga 208 133/ST/189 pawon, aku pergi ke makam Teja. 133/TT/179 flower petals meal, I went to Teja's grave. I cleaned setaman Kubersihkan makamnya dan kutaburi the headstone and sprinkled the grave dengan bunga setaman with flower petals. All the puppet-masters and the men at Semua dalang, semua gambyongan 209 134/ST/189 dalang 134/TT/180 puppet-master the performances would try to get her berebut untuk bisa mengajaknya pentas. to dance with them. Aku sudah tidak punya apa-apa lagi I would have nothing. I would be 210 135/ST/197 ngenger kalau begitu. Hanya ngenger pada 135/TT/187 mooch off forced to mooch off my own child. anakku sendiri. Hidupku kembali tenang. Ya, tenang Calm returned to my life. A wistful sort 211 136/ST/200 ngelangut 136/TT/189 wistful yang ngelangut. of calm. Sebenarnya aku sudah lama mengenal I had actually known this portly man 212 137/ST/200 bagong laki-laki yang badannya seperti bagong 137/TT/190 portly for some time. itu. Kami seperti dua buto yang sedang 213 138/ST/205 buto 138/TT/193 ogres We were like two ogres in heat. memadu berahi. I had a cow slaughtered for the Inilah pertama kalinya ada orang thousandth- anniversary. This was the first time in 214 139/ST/206 nyewu Singget menyembelih sapi untuk 139/TT/195 day Singget that anyone had done that for a nyewu. thanksgiving thousandth-day thanksgiving.

165

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No. ST Code ST item Source Text TT Code TT item Target Text Nyewu merupakan hajatan besar, yang It was a big event, almost as important 215 140/ST/207 mantu hampir setara dengan mantu atau 140/TT/195 wedding as a wedding or building a house. membangun rumah. “Le, kalau lapar, mampir saja ke 216 141/ST/209 Le 141/TT/197 x "If you're ever hungry, come by here..." sini....” Aku melihat perempuan sedang I saw a woman crying by the bank of a 217 142/ST/209 blumbang 142/TT/197 river menangis di pinggir blumbang. river. Sepanjang hari, anak-anak perempuan The girls drew pictures or played 218 143/ST/216 gateng bermain gateng dan engklek. Yang 143/TT/203 drew pictures hopscotch, while the boys played laki-laki adu neker. marbles. Sepanjang hari, anak-anak perempuan The girls drew pictures or played 219 144/ST/216 engklek bermain gateng dan engklek. Yang 144/TT/203 hopscotch hopscotch, while the boys played laki-laki adu neker. marbles. Sepanjang hari, anak-anak perempuan The girls drew pictures or played 220 145/ ST/216 neker bermain gateng dan engklek. Yang laki- 145/TT/203 marbles hopscotch, while the boys played laki adu neker. marbles. "...Dijadikan lurah...dijadikan "...They made you a ward chief...they pemimpin...malah blas tidak made you a leader...but you never think 221 146/ST/219 gombal 146/TT/206 no-good memikirkan warganya... Prek... Lurah of your people... To hell with you... gombal..." You no-good ward chief..." His toothless gum chewed on a wad of 222 147/ST/221 kinang Giginya ompong mengunyah kinang. 147/TT/207 betel leaves betel leaves. Gusti, setelah membunuh apakah Oh God, after killing them, did those 223 148/ST/223 bajingan bajingan-bajingan itu masih perlu 148/TT/209 bastards bastards still need to take their bodies? membawa mayatnya? Hidup sekarang hanya mengandalkan They now had to depend on their 224 149/ST/257 sakpuluk 149/TT/241 meager gaji yang hanya sakpuluk itu. meager salaries.

166

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No. ST Code ST item Source Text TT Code TT item Target Text I could already imagine that if they got Kalau mereka jadi kawin, aku sudah married, their children would be noble membayangkan cucuku nanti bakal like Arjuna* or beautiful like Srikandi. 225 150/ST/278 Arjuna 150/TT/260 Arjuna bagus seperti Arjuna atau ayu seperti Srikandi. * characters from the Hindu epic Mahabharata I could already imagine that if they got Kalau mereka jadi kawin, aku sudah married, their children would be noble membayangkan cucuku nanti bakal like Arjuna or beautiful like Srikandi*. 226 151/ST/278 Srikandi 151/TT/260 Srikandi bagus seperti Arjuna atau ayu seperti Srikandi. * characters from the Hindu epic Mahabharata The two others would make ampyang, ongko wolu*, and bread. Dua orang lainnya membuat ampyang, 227 152/ST/279 ongko wolu 152/TT/261 ongko wolu ongko wolu dan roti. * cassava donuts in the shape of a figure eight It would be cooked in five large pots - Lima panci besar rawon dibuat. Untuk one for the wedding procession in the temu temanten siang hari, untuk orang- morning, one for the people who would 228 153/ST/279 jagong orang yang jagong sore hari, dan untuk 153/TT/262 chatting be chatting in the afternoon, and the orang-orang yang menonton gambyong rest of the people watching the dance sampai pagi. performance until daybreak. ritual fast of For the past three days I had joined Sudah tiga hari ini aku menemani 229 154/ST/279 mutih 154/TT/262 just rice and Rahayu in a ritual fast of just rice and Rahayu puasa mutih. water water. Malam ini Rahayu hanya akan diam di She was being secluded so that the next 230 155/ST/280 dipingit kamar. Dia sedang dipingit. Biar besok 155/TT/262 secluded day she would truly look like an angel. bisa benar-benar menjadi bidadari.

167

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

APPENDIX 2.1 CULTURE-SPECIFIC ITEMS IN ECOLOGY

Geographical Features No ST item / TT Item Source Text Target Text loss Madiun itu kota besar yang ada di sebelah Madiun was a large city east of Singget, just Bengawan Madiun / 1. timur Singget, berada di sebelah timur east of the Bengawan Madiun River - Bengawan Madiun River Bengawan Madiun. (090/ST/90) (090/TT/85) Aku melihat perempuan sedang menangis di I saw a woman crying by the bank of a river. 2. blumbang / river √ pinggir blumbang. (142/ST/209) (142/TT/197)

Names of Plants No ST item / TT Item Source Text Target Text loss Tapi yang ada dalam tandu bukan manusia, But inside the litter, rather than a human 1. kantil / magnolia melainkan dua tebu yang juga dihias dengan couple, there were two stalks of sugarcane √ kantil dan melati. (108/ST/104) hung with jasmine and magnolia. (108/TT/98) During the recital, they would also have to wait Selama tirakat itu, mereka juga akan menunggu for something to drop from the dewandaru jatuhnya bagian pohon dewandaru. Bagian trees there. Those bits and pieces from the 2. dewandaru / dewandaru - pohon dewandaru diyakini akan menjadi dewandaru trees were believed to be medium perantara rezeki mereka. (095/ST/95) through which the pilgrims would find their fortune. (095/TT/90)

168

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

APPENDIX 2.2 CULTURE-SPECIFIC ITEMS IN MATERIAL CULTURE

Food and Drink No ST item / TT item Source Text Target Text Loss "Tape*? I want to make some tape. Mbok... Simbok...let's go to the market, Mbok. We have to "Tape? Aku mau buat tape. Mbok... Simbok... 1 tap e / tape get telo!" (003/TT/11) - Ayo ke pasar, Mbok. Kita cari telo!" (003/ST/13)

*snack made of fermented cassava or rice "Tape? I want to make some tape. Mbok... "Tape? Aku mau buat tape. Mbok... Simbok... 2 telo / telo Simbok...let's go to the market, Mbok. We have to - Ayo ke pasar, Mbok. Kita cari telo!" (005/ST/13) get telo!" (005/TT/11) Paling tidak kalau aku ikut membantu, singkong At the very least if I helped her, we'd be able to yang kita bawa pulang bisa lebih banyak. Gaplek bring home more cassavas that she usually 3 gaplek / x √ yang kita punya makin banyak. Kita bisa makan brought. We'd be able to eat more and get full. lebih banyak dan jadi kenyang. (018a/ST/23) (018a/TT/20) Nyai Dimah yang sudah menunggu di losnya Mrs. Dimah, who would already be waiting at her tinggal membayar, lalu menunggu orang-orang stall, just needed to pay them and then wait for 4 gaplek / slivers √ seperti Simbok mengupas dan mengolahnya people like Simbok to come around and peel and menjadi gaplek. (018b/ST/24) slice the cassavas into slivers. (018b/TT/21) Dari duit gaplek, Nyai Dimah bisa membangun With the money from selling cassava slivers, Mrs. 5 gaplek / cassava slivers rumah bata dan bergenting tanah liat. Dimah was able to build a brick house and a tiled √ (018c/ST/24) clay roof. (018c/TT/21) Padahal di penjual gaplek yang lain, kami sering In fact, the other cassava chip vendors we went to ditolak karena sudah ada yang lebih dulu turned us away because they had already had their 6 gaplek / cassava chip √ mengupas atau persediaan singkong yang habis cassava peeled and cut earlier in the day and were (018d/ST/25) out of cassavas. (018d/TT/22)

169

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No ST item / TT item Source Text Target Text Loss Gaplek dianggap kere, ndeso, nggak ada gizinya. Cassavas were considered poor, rustic, with no 7 gaplek / cassava Padahal gaplek rasanya kan lebih mantap daripada nutrients. Yet they tasted much better than rice. √ nasi. (018e/ST/169) (018e/TT/161) Gaplek dicampur dengan sambal dan daun The slivers, mixed with chili paste and cassava 8 sambal / chili paste singkong adalah makanan yang luar biasa enak. √ leaves, made for a really good meal. (023/TT/21) (023/ST/24) Her daughter's stall was in the center of the market, next to a stall selling dawet* and Anak perempuannya berjualan di tengah pasar, ampyang. (025/TT/22) 9 dawet / dawet bersebelahan dengan penjual dawet dan ampyang. -

(025/ST/25) * rice flour jelly in palm sugar and coconut milk syrup Her daughter's stall was in the center of the Anak perempuannya berjualan di tengah pasar, market, next to a stall selling dawet and 10 ampyang / ampyang bersebelahan dengan penjual dawet dan ampyang. - ampyang*. (026/TT/22) (026/ST/25) * palm sugar cookies I finally figured out that it was Yu Parti, the Akhirnya aku tahu yang berteriak adalah Yu Parti, pincuk* vendor, who was yelling. (027/TT/23) 11 pecel pincuk / pincuk √ penjual pecel pincuk. (027/ST/26) * rice snack wrapped in a banana leaf Yu Parti had been selling pecel* at the market Yu Parti berjualan pecel di pasar ini sejak sebelum 12 pecel / pecel since before she met Mr. Suyat. (031a/TT/25) √ bertemu Pak Suyat. (031a/ST/28) *peanut and chili sauce Sejak menikah, Pak Suyat berhenti nguli dan After they got married, Mr. Suyat stopped membantu istrinya berjualan pecel. Mencari daun working and started helping her sell the food by 13 pecel / the food - untuk pincuk dan membuatkan kopi untuk looking for the leaves for pincuk and making pembeli. (031b/ST/28) coffee for the customers. (031b/TT/25)

170

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No ST item / TT item Source Text Target Text Loss "Biasa itu. Makanya nanti bikin jamu kunir," 14 jamu kunir / x kata Simbok waktu aku ceritakan nyeri di perutku. (033/TT/29) - (033/ST/32) Kubelanjakan uangku yang hanya lima puluh I used all fifty of the coins that I had to buy 15 tempe / soybean cake keping itu dengan berbagai sayur, ayam, tempe, assorted vegetables, chicken, soybean cakes and - dan rempah-rempah. (049a/ST/44) spices. (049a/TT/40) Orang-orang akan datang membawa sumbangan People would come with all kinds of gifts, from 16 tempe / tempeh mulai dari beras satu batok, tempe, atau kelapa. - rice to tempeh and coconut. (049b/TT/195) (049b/ST/207) Tonah membuat tumpeng kecil, menyiapkan Tonah makes a rice cone and the rest of the food. 17 kulupan / vegetable garnish semua ubo rampe. Ada kulupan, jenang merah There's vegetable garnish, a red porridge and a √ dan jenang putih. (060/ST/56) white porridge. (060/TT/52) Tonah membuat tumpeng kecil, menyiapkan Tonah makes a rice cone and the rest of the food. 18 jenang / porridge semua ubo rampe. Ada kulupan, jenang merah There's vegetable garnish, a red porridge and a - dan jenang putih. (062/ST/56) white porridge. (062/TT/52) Inside the packed village hall, there were people Balai desa sudah ramai. Ada penjual arum manis, 19 bakso / meatball soup selling candy, balloons, meatball soup and iced - balon, bakso, dan cendol. (068/ST/61) treats. (068/TT/57) Inside the packed village hall, there were people Balai desa sudah ramai. Ada penjual arum manis, 20 cendol / iced treats selling candy, balloons, meatball soup and iced √ balon, bakso, dan cendol. (069a/ST/61) treats. (069a/TT/57) Dari sebuah warung cendol, aku melihat seorang From a stall selling rice pudding, I saw a man get 21 cendol / rice pudding laki-laki turun dari sepeda motor berwarna merah. √ down from a red motorbike. (069b/TT/243) (069b/ST/259) Bapak pulang setelah hari gelap. Bau menyengat It was dark out when Father returned. A sharp 22 arak / rice wine tercium sejak dia memasuki rumah. Aku sering smell followed him into the house. It was - mencium bau itu saat ada pentas gambyong. Ya, something I had smelled often wherever there was

171

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No ST item / TT item Source Text Target Text Loss itu bau arak. (083/ST/73) a dance performance. It was the smell of rice wine. (083/TT/69) Aku sering melihat istri dan anak Mali makan I often saw them eating dried rice with salt off a 23 aking / dried rice aking dicampur garam yang ditaruh di tampah. - tray. (099/TT/93) (099/ST/99) Penjual makanan berjajar, mulai dari bakso, arum Food vendors would also line up, selling meatball 24 tahu petis / tofu paste √ manis, sampai tahu petis. (109/ST/106) soup, cotton candy, and tofu paste. (109/TT/99) Rahayu came back home.... I prepared all kinds of Hari ini Rahayu pulang....Aku siapkan bermacam- food for her. Pecel, rujak*, rawon, and lodeh. 25 rujak / rujak macam makanan. Pecel, rujak, rawon, dan lodeh. (111/TT/124) - (111/ST/131) * mixed fruits with a chili paste Rahayu came back home.... I prepared all kinds of Hari ini Rahayu pulang....Aku siapkan bermacam- food for her. Pecel, rujak, rawon*, and lodeh. 26 rawon / rawon macam makanan. Pecel, rujak, rawon, dan lodeh. (112/TT/124) - (112/ST/131) *beef stew Rahayu came back home.... I prepared all kinds of Hari ini Rahayu pulang....Aku siapkan bermacam- food for her. Pecel, rujak, rawon, and lodeh* 27 lodeh / lodeh macam makanan. Pecel, rujak, rawon, dan lodeh. - (113/TT/124) (113/ST/131) *jackfruit stew The two others would make ampyang, ongko Dua orang lainnya membuat ampyang, ongko 28 ongko wolu / ongko wolu wolu*, and bread. (152/TT/261) - wolu dan roti. (152/ST/279) *cassava donuts in the shape of a figure eight

172

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

Clothes and Accessories No ST item / TT item Source Text Target Text Loss Di rumah, simbok biasa mengumbar dadanya. Dia At home, she usually let her breasts breathe. She hanya memakai kain yang dililitkan di perutnya, would wear a wrap around her torso that would 1 kemben / x bagian atas perut dibiarkan terbuka. Baru ketika leave her upper body exposed. Only when she left - keluar rumah, Simbok mengangkat kainnya the house would she pull up the wrap to cover her hingga ke dada, menjadi kemben. (009/ST/16) breasts. (009/TT/14) Dari belakang, aku melihat gelungan rambutnya From behind, I could see her hair had been done 2 konde / bun begitu halus. Kondenya dihiasi tusuk berwarna up beautifully onto a bun, pierced with a yellow - kuning, mungkin juga dari emas. (044/ST/41) hairpin that was probably also gold. (044/TT/38) Dari belakang, aku melihat gelungan rambutnya From behind, I could see her hair had been done 3 tusuk / hairpin begitu halus. Kondenya dihiasi tusuk berwarna up beautifully onto a bun, pierced with a yellow - kuning, mungkin juga dari emas. (045/ST/41) hairpin that was probably also gold. (045/TT/38) Ibu mulai menjual berbagai barang kebutuhan. She used the money that she painstakingly saved 4 kain batik / batik cloth Mulai dari wajan, ember, panci, hingga kain up to buy other goods to sell, from frying pans and - batik. (065/ST/60) bucket, to batik cloth. (066/TT/55) Di punggungnya ada tenggok yang berisi beberapa On her back she carried a basket with some cloth 5 jarik / cloth √ jarik dan panci. (082a/ST/73) and pans. (083a/TT/69) Sekarang zamannya dangdut. Seperti yang ada di This was the age of dangdut. It'd be like on the 6 jarik / sashes TV itu. Sudah tidak ada lagi kledek dengan jarit TV. There would be no more dancers with sashes √ dan selendang. (082b/ST/168) and shawls. (083b/TT/161) Bersama Rahayu, aku membeli jarit, brokat, Rahayu and I bought wraps and blouses, shawls 7 jarik / wraps √ selendang, beskap. (082c/ST/271) and men's jacket. (083c/TT/253) Penari-penari mulai memainkan sampur. A troupe of performers began to dance. 8 sampur / x √ (087/ST/86) (088/TT/81)

173

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No ST item / TT item Source Text Target Text Loss Di belakang cucuk lampah ada empat laki-laki mengusung tandu. Mereka berpakaian jawa, They were dressed in traditional Javanese attire, 9 beskap / coats √ beskap dengan kepala ditutup blangkon. complete with the coats and hats. (106a/TT/98) (105a/ST/104) Bersama Rahayu, aku membeli jarit, brokat, Rahayu and I bought wraps and blouses, shawls 10 beskap / men's jacket √ selendang, beskap. (105b/ST/271) and men's jacket. (106b/TT/253) Di belakang cucuk lampah ada empat laki-laki mengusung tandu. Mereka berpakaian jawa, They were dressed in traditional Javanese attire, 11 blangkon / hats √ beskap dengan kepala ditutup blangkon. complete with the coats and hats. (107/TT/98) (106/ST/104) Songkoknya agak miring, kelihatan dipakai His cap was a bit skewed, as though he'd put it on 12 songkok / cap - terburu-buru. (119/ST/141) in a rush. (121/TT/134)

Parts of House No ST item / TT item Source Text Target Text Loss Samar-samar aku hanya ingat Bapak meninggalkan kami waktu aku pertama kali bisa mengangkat panci yang airnya mendidih dari All I can remember, vaguely, is that it was around 1 pawon / stove pawon*. (012a/ST/18) the time when I could carry a pot of boiling water - from the stove. (012a/TT/15) *tungku tradisional yang terbuat dari batu bata dengan bahan bakar kayu Since then it was just the two of us, spending our Sejak itu aku hidup berdua dengan Simbok. Di days in a ramshackle hut with only a wood- 2 pawon / wood-burning stove gubuk reyot yang hanya berisi pawon dan tikar - burning stove and a palm-frond mat. pandan ini kami menghabiskan hari. (012b/ST/18) (012b/TT/16)

174

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No ST item / TT item Source Text Target Text Loss Kamar mandi berada di belakang pawon, The bathroom is behind the range of stoves, 3 pawon / range of stoves dihubungkan dengan lorong panjang. - connected by a long corridor. (012c/TT/51) (012c/ST/55) Aku mendengar pembicaraan Pak Waji dengan I listened to his conversation with Mother from 4 pawon / kitchen - Ibu dari balik pintu pawon. (012d/ST/88) behind the kitchen door. (012d/TT/83) Dari duit gaplek, Nyai Dimah bisa membangun With the money from selling cassava slivers, Mrs. rumah bata dan bergenting tanah liat. Sesuatu Dimah was able to build a brick house and a tiled 5 gedek / woven bamboo yang luar biasa dibandingkan rumah kami yang clay roof. It was extraordinary compared to our - berdinding gedek dan beratap daun pohon kelapa. house with its woven bamboo walls and palm- (024/ST/24) thatched roof. (024/TT/22) Rumah kami terdiri atas empat bangunan rumah Our house consists of four Javanese buildings. 6 omah ngarep / omah ngarep Jawa. Satu bangunan untuk tamu, kami One of the buildings is for guests, and we call it - menyebutnya omah ngarep. (056/ST/54) omah ngarep. (057/TT/50) Di belakangnya ada omah mburi, tempat kami At the back, there's omah mburi, where we 7 omah mburi / omah mburi biasanya tidur bersama di atas tikar, padahal ada usually sleep together on a mat on the floor, even - dua kamar di sana. (057/ST/55) though there are two rooms there. (058/TT/50)

Appliances and Tools No ST item / TT item Source Text Target Text Loss Simbok hanya berkata aku lahir waktu zaman All Simbok told me was that I was born during the perang. Saat semua orang menggunakan baju goni 1 goni / gunny sacks war. Back when everyone wore gunny sacks and - dan ramai-ramai berburu tikus di sawah untuk hunted for field mice together to fry. (007a/TT/13) digoreng. (007a/ST/15) "Aku kuat, Kang. Biasanya aku juga nggendong "I'm strong, Kang. I usually carry baskets, even 2 goni / sacks - tenggok, nggendong goni. Bakul-bakul itu juga sacks. I also carry baskets from home to the

175

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No ST item / TT item Source Text Target Text Loss banyak yang mengangkat sendiri dagangannya market. It's only weak people who can't carry dari rumah ke pasar. Hanya priyayi-priyayi saja them." (007b/TT/30) yang nggak kuat ngangkat goni." (007b/ST/34) Di depan kami, di belakang, juga di samping, perempuan-perempuan menggendong tenggok* Ahead of us, behind us, and all around us, women 3 te nggok / basket menuju Pasar Ngranget. (017/ST/22) were carrying their baskets of goods to Ngranget. √ (017/TT/19) *wadah barang untuk dijajakan Sejak menikah, Pak Suyat berhenti nguli dan After they got married, Mr. Suyat stopped membantu istrinya berjualan pecel. Mencari daun working and started helping her sell the food by 4 pincuk / pincuk √ untuk pincuk dan membuatkan kopi untuk looking for the leaves for pincuk and making pembeli. (028/ST/28) coffee for the customers. (028/TT/25) Berat satu jun* yang berisi penuh air sama saja The weight of a full pail of water was the same a 5 jun / pail dengan satu goni berisi singkong. (040/ST/37) √ full sack of cassavas. (040/TT/34) *wadah untuk mengambil air dari tanah liat We didn't buy anything with the money. I kept it Uang itu kukumpulkan dalam bumbung yang 6 bumbung / box hidden away in a little box that I hid in the rafters. √ kusembunyikan di bawah atap. (043/ST/39) (043/TT/35)

Means of Transportation No ST item / TT item Source Text Target Text Loss Matahari hampir terbenam saat lori yang berisi The sun was almost set when the loaded trucks penuh tebu bergerak. Kereta besi itu menyusuri rel started moving out. The convoy would follow the 1 lori / trucks di sepanjang sawah tebu menuju timur, train tracks east along the cane fields to Glodok - Kecamatan Glodok, tempat Pabrik Gula sub-district, where the Purwadadi Sugar Factory Purwadadi berada. (100/ST/102) was located. (101/TT/96)

176

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

APPENDIX 2.3 CULTURE-SPECIFIC ITEMS IN SOCIAL CULTURE

Social Class No ST item Source Text Target Text loss People said that he was an abangan*. At his house he had a large picture of Sukarno pointing. Orang-orang bilang dia abangan. Di rumahnya (075/TT/61) 1 abangan / abangan ada gambar besar Soekarno yang sedang -

menunjuk. (075/ST/66) * a form of Islam incorporating Javanese cultural and animist beliefs "Aku kuat, Kang. Biasanya aku juga nggendok "I'm strong, Kang. I usually carry baskets, even tenggok, nggendong goni. Bakul-bakul itu juga sacks. I also carry baskets from home to the 2 priyayi / weak people banyak yang mengangkat sendiri dagangannya √ market. It's only weak people who can't carry dari rumah ke pasar. Hanya priyayi-priyayi saja them." (034a/TT/30) yang nggak kuat ngangkat goni." (034a/ST/34) "Eee lha, mau pinjam uang kok ke aku. Aku ya "Why do you want to borrow from me? I don't tidak punya to, Yu, wong kita sama-sama susah. have any, Yu, I'm just as poor as you are. If you 3 priyayi / rich people √ Kalau pinjam duit ya ke priyayi-priyayi itu." want money you should borrow it from rich (034b/ST/67) people." (034b/TT/63) Pak Waji yang priyayi, pegawai yang menerima Mr. Waji, this cultured man who earned a 4 priyayi / cultured man gaji bulanan, tidak mencicil setiap hari seperti monthly salary, didn't pay in daily installments √ orang-orang di Pasar Ngranget. (034c/ST/83) like the people at Ngranget Market. (034c/TT/78) Rasa percaya pada priyayi, orang-orang yang It was her trust in him, in his standing as a bergaji tetap dari negara setiap bulan....membuat salaried official who received a monthly 5 priyayi / salaried official - Ibu meminjamkan uang sebesar itu. wage...was what convinced Mother to lend him (034d/ST/83) such a large amount. (034d/TT/78)

177

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No ST item Source Text Target Text loss Lagi pula, orang mana yang tidak bangga bisa And who wouldn't be proud to have a cultured 6 priyayi / cultured person - mengutangi priyayi. (034e/ST/83) person indebted to them? (034e/TT/78)

Dia menolak membayar, dengan bahasa yang He refused to pay in his own round-about, polite 7 priyayi / x - halus dan santun, khas priyayi. (034f/ST/84) way. (034f/TT/79) "Lho... Sampeyan kok malah teriak-teriak di "Hey... Don't you dare shout in my house. This is 8 priyayi / decent rumahku. Ini rumah priyayi, ndak pernah ada a decent house, there's never been any shouting √ orang teriak-teriak..." (034g/ST/84) here...." (034g/TT/79) Keberanian dan kekuasaannya atas sesama bakul Her bravado and authority over her fellow 9 priyayi / learned man pasar bagaimanapun luntur saat berhadapan market vendors disappeared in the presence of √ dengan priyayi. (034h/ST/84) this learned man. (034h/TT/79) TV merupakan barang mewah yang hanya bisa TV was a luxury that very few people could dibeli orang-orang tertentu. Kalau bukan pejabat afford. Among them were district and sub-district 10 priyayi / educated people √ di kabupaten atau di kecamatan pasti para officials, and educated people employed by the priyayi yang digaji negara. (034i/ST/91) state. (034i/TT/86) Orang-orang bilang itu gara-gara Pak Waji punya People said it was because he had a mistress. simpanan kledek. Katanya, dengan segala They said she used all her wiles to fleece Mr. muslihatnya, kledek itu memeras seluruh uang Waji of his money. They really believed that a 11 priyayi / cultured person Pak Waji. Orang-orang percaya, priyayi seperti cultured person like Mr. Waji would never have Pak Waji tidak akan melakukan hal-hal yang strayed if was not under some kind of spell. tidak benar kalau bukan karena guna-guna dari (034j/TT/88) kledek. (034j/ST/93)

178

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

Social Custom No ST item / TT item Source Text Target Text Loss Setelah Mbah Sambong membaca ujub, tumpeng dan panggang dipotong. Mereka semua mulai When Old Man Sambong ends the prayer, the bancakan / make their 1 bancakan*. (064/ST/56) rice and the chicken are carved up. They all start √ offering to make their offerings. (064/TT/52) * kenduri, selamatan Kusempatkan mampir ke pawon, lalu kuserahkan I passed through the kitchen on the way out and 2 rewang / keeping vigil uang sepuluh ribu pada Tonah yang ikut rewang gave 10,000 to Tonah, who was among those √ di situ. (110a/ST/121) keeping vigil there. (110a/TT/114) Tetangga-tetangga akan rewang di dapur, The neighbors would crowd into the kitchen, 3 rewang / crowd membantu menyiapkan keperluan selamatan. helping prepare everything for the thanksgiving. √ (110b/ST/207) (110b/TT/195) Aku juga sudah meminta tetangga-tetangga I also asked the neighbors to help out. 4 rewang / help out - rewang. (110c/ST/279) (110c/TT/261) Nyewu merupakan hajatan besar, yang hampir It was a big event, almost as important as a 5 mantu / wedding setara dengan mantu atau membangun √ wedding or building a house. (140/TT/195) rumah.(140/ST/207) It would be cooked in five large pots - one for the Lima panci besar rawon dibuat. Untuk temu wedding procession in the morning, one for the temanten siang hari, untuk orang-orang yang 6 jagong / chatting people who would be chatting in the afternoon, √ jagong sore hari, dan untuk orang-orang yang and the rest of the people watching the dance menonton gambyong sampai pagi. (153/ST/279) performance until daybreak. (153/TT/262)

179

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

Works and Occupations No ST item / TT item Source Text Target Text Loss "Aku setiap hari di sini, Ni. Malam tidur di sini. "I'm here every day, Ni. I sleep here at night. 1 ng uli / porter Pagi sampai siang nguli di sini. Nunut hidup di From morning 'til afternoon, I work as a porter - sini." (015/ST/21) here. I live here." (015/TT/18) "Yu, dengar-dengar sampeyan sekarang tidak Cuma bakulan sayur sama perkakas, yo? "So, Yu, I hear you're not just selling vegetables 2 potang / moneylender Sampeyan sekarang mulai potang*, yo?" and household items anymore. You're now a - (076a/ST/70) moneylender, are you?" (076a/TT/66) * meminjamkan uang dengan bunga "Ya tetap jualan, Ndan. Potang sedikit-sedikit "Oh, I'm still trading, chief. I don't lend a lot" 3 potang / lend - saja." (076b/ST/70) (076b/TT/66)

potang / money "Ha ha ha...! Mau sedikit, mau banyak, namanya "Hahaha...! Whether it's a little or a lot, it's still 4 - lending tetap saja potang...." (076c/ST/70) moneylending..." (076c/TT/66) "Aku ngerti. Tapi caranya bagaimana? Dari "I get it, but now what do we do? Where can we mana kita dapat uang sebanyak itu?" "Ya 5 potang / debt get that much money?" "There's no other way. - bagaimana lagi. Tagih potang-potangmu." You'll have to collect on the debt." (076d/TT/76) (076d/ST/81) Pak Lurah memiliki dua hektar sawah yang That was the ward chief's sugarcane. He had two ditanami tebu, itu tanah bengkok yang diberikan 6 tanah bengkok / land hectares of it. The land was given to him when √ sebagai upahnya selama menjadi lurah. he became the ward chief. (101/TT/95) (101/ST/101) Bagian buruh perempuan hanya nderep* atau mbethot kacang. (102/ST/103) Women only planted rice or picked peanuts. 7 nderep / planted rice √ (102/TT/96) * memanen padi

180

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

Kinship and Addressing Terms No ST item / TT item Source Text Target Text Loss "Tape? I want to make some tape. Mbok... Simbok*...let's go to the market, Mbok. We have "Tape? Aku mau buat tape. Mbok... Simbok... 1 sim bok / simbok to get telo!" (004/TT/11) - Ayo ke pasar, Mbok. Kita cari telo!" (004/ST/13)

* mother "You're back on your own, Nduk*? Where's that "Kamu pulang sendiri, Nduk? Mana suamimu handsome husband of yours, Nduk? (006/TT/12) 2 nduk / nduk - yang ganteng itu, Nduk?" (006/ST/14) * child I wondered how Tinah, paklik's* daughter, Aku heran bagaimana Tinah, anak Paklik, bisa managed to be so carefree. (010/TT/14) 3 paklik / paklik - begitu bebas. (010/ST/16) * uncle "I don't have a father, Bulik*. I don't know "Aku tidak punya Bapak, Bulik. Aku tidak tahu where he is," (013/TT/17) 4 bulik / bulik - di mana dia" (013/ST/19) * aunt "I'm not waiting for anyone, Kang*. Just sitting." "Nggak nunggu siapa-siapa, Kang. Cuma duduk- I called him Kang because I figured he wasn't 5 kang / kang duduk," aku menyebutnya Kang, karena kurasa very old. (014/TT/18) - dia belum terlalu tua. (014/ST/21) * honorific for a young man "Ada kerjaan nggak, Yu?" tanya Simbok pada "Is there a job, ma'am?" Simbok asked one of 6 Yu / ma'am seorang perempuan penjual singkong. √ the women selling cassavas. (019a/TT/20) (019a/ST/23)

181

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No ST item / TT item Source Text Target Text Loss "Wah, nggak ada, Yu. Cari lainnya saja," "No, there isn't. Try someplace else," she told 7 Yu / x - katanya pada Simbok. (019b/ST/23) Simbok. (019b/TT/20) Akhirnya aku tahu yang berteriak adalah Yu I finally figured out that it was Yu Parti, the 8 Yu / Yu √ Parti, penjual pecel pincuk. (019c/ST/25) pincuk vendor, who was yelling. (019c/TT/23) "Nyi, masih ada kerjaan?" tanya Simbok. "Ma'am, do you need any work done?" Simbok 9 Nyi / ma'am √ (020/ST/23) asked. (020/TT/21) "Bawa siapa ini, Nem? Anakmu?" "Iya, Nyi. "Who's this with you, Nem? Your daughter?" 10 Nyai / x Mau ikut cari makan," kata Simbok yang dibalas "Yes, ma'am. She wanted to help me find some √ anggukan oleh si Nyai. (021a/ST/24) food," Simbok said. (021a/TT/21) Jualan singkong sudah bertahun-tahun menjadi Mrs. Dimah, the woman who hired us, had been 11 Nyai / Mrs. pekerjaan Nyai Dimah, perempuan yang √ selling cassavas for years. (021b/TT/21) mempekerjakan kami. (021b/ST/24) Semua belanjaan Nyai Wedana itu kumasukkan Nyai Wedana / district I put all of the district official's wife's shopping 12 ke satu goni, lalu kuikat dengan tali dadung. √ official's wife into a sack and tied it shut. (022/TT/34) (022/ST/38) "Sedulur-sedulur*, si Iyem ini sundal. Suami "Everybody, Iyem here is a whore. She's a orang direbut juga,"teriak Yu Parti dengan penuh 13 sedulur -sedulur / everybody husband stealer," Yu Parti yelled in anger. √ amarah. (029/ST/29) (029/TT/23) * saudara-saudara Even Old Man Noto, the oldest porter there who Mbah Noto, kuli paling tua yang bekerja paling had worked longer than any of the others, could 14 Mbah / Old Man awal dibanding kuli lain, hanya ingat dia sudah √ only remember that he began working during the nguli pada zaman Jepang. (039a/ST/36) Japanese occupation. (039a/TT/32) "Nduk, terserah apa penginmu. Yang penting, "Nduk, it's up to you what you want to do. coba nyuwun sama Mbah Ibu Bumi Bapa Kuasa. 15 Mbah / x What's important is that you ask your creator. √ Semua kejadian hanya terjadi kalau Dia yang Things only happen if He wills it." (039b/TT/39) menginginkan." (039b/ST/43)

182

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No ST item / TT item Source Text Target Text Loss "Gusti Mbah Ibu Bumi Bapa Kuasa, berkatilah "Gusti Mbah Ibu Bumi Bapa Kuasa, please bless - usahaku. Aku mau punya uang, memiliki seperti my efforts. I want to have money, I want to have 16 Mbah / Mbah yang dimiliki Nyai Wedana. Biar nggak pernah what the district official's wife has, so that I stop ngrepoti orang lain." (039c/ST/43) being a burden to others." (039c/TT/39) "Laris dagangannya, Mbakyu?" tanyanya pada "How's it going, ma'am?" he asked Mother. 17 mbakyu / Ma'am √ Ibu. (071a/ST/62) (071a/TT/58) "Rezeki itu nggak datang sendiri to, Mbakyu.... "Well, luck doesn't come by itself, you know... 18 mbakyu / x √ Rezeki harus dicari." (071b/ST/62) You have to look for it." (071b/TT/58) Bapak dan Ibu menuju salah satu toko di jajaran Father and Mother headed for one of those stalls. 19 Koh / Koh depan tersebut, Toko Cahaya namanya. It was called Cahaya Store. The owner's name - Pemiliknya Koh Cayadi. (089/ST/91) was Koh Cayadi. (089/TT/85) Dua makam di kompleks itu dianggap keramat, Two of the graves in the enclosure were believed 20 Eyang / Eyang yaitu makam Eyang Sujo dan Eyang Jugo. to be sacred, those of Eyang Sujo and Eyang - (093/ST/95) Jugo. (093/TT/89) Everyone needed sugar. For cooking, for Setiap orang butuh gula. Untuk masak, minum, drinking, or, for people like Kyai* Noto, to help atau untuk orang seperti Kyai Noto yang 21 Kyai/ Kyai sick people take their medicine. (114a/TT/95) - memberikan obat kepada orang sakit melalui

sejumput gula. (114a/ST/102) * title for prominent Islamic cleric Dia kyai yang punya ajian pengasih dan He was a holy man who knew mantras of love 22 kyai / holy man - keselamatan. (114b/ST/132) and of protection. (114b/TT/125) "Sudah, Mbak... Saya sudah nrimo, ikhlas. Saya "Enough, Miss... I've already accepted it. I don't 23 Mbak / Miss tidak mau lagi urusan sama mereka." want anything more to do with them." √ (122/ST/153) (122/TT/145) Rahayu pulang. Bersama laki-laki yang ganteng Rahayu was home. With a man who was as 24 londo / white man - kayak londo. (124/ST/163) handsome as a white man. (124/TT/155)

183

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No ST item / TT item Source Text Target Text Loss "Bukan. Katanya singkek. Matanya sipit." "No. A chink. With the narrow eyes." 25 singkek / chink - (130/ST/175) (130/TT/167) "Le, kalau lapar, mampir saja ke sini. Makan di "If you're ever hungry, come by here. Eat here." 26 Le / x - sini." (141/ST/209) (141/TT/197)

Games and Leisure No ST item / TT item Source Text Target Text Loss Sepanjang hari, anak-anak perempuan bermain The girls drew pictures or played hopscotch, 1 gat eng / drew pictures gateng dan engklek. Yang laki-laki adu neker. √ while the boys played marbles. (143/TT/203) (143/ST/216) Sepanjang hari, anak-anak perempuan bermain The girls drew pictures or played hopscotch, 2 engklek / hopscotch gateng dan engklek. Yang laki-laki adu neker. - while the boys played marbles. (144/TT/203) (144/ST/216) Sepanjang hari, anak-anak perempuan bermain The girls drew pictures or played hopscotch, 3 neker / marbles gateng dan engklek. Yang laki-laki adu neker. - while the boys played marbles. (145/TT/203) (145/ST/216)

184

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

APPENDIX 2.4 CULTURE-SPECIFIC ITEMS IN ORGANIZATIONS, CUSTOMS, IDEAS

Local Political Functions and Institutions No ST item / TT item Source Text Target Text loss Aku tak membantah omongan Simbok. Tak mengiakannya. Tapi hanya tiga hari setelah itu, I didn't argue with her. I didn't agree either. But kamituwo / village official kami telah berada di rumah Kamituwo*. just three days after that, we were at home of the 1 - in charge of marriage (051a/ST/48) village official in charge of marriages. (051a/TT/44) *perangkat desa yang mengurusi pernikahan Kepada Kamituwo yang membacakan ujub I told the village elder who would read the kukatakan ini syukuran untuk anakku yang sudah prayer that this was for my daughter who had 2 kamituwo / village elder - kembali ke rumah setelah belajar di luar kota. returned home after studying in the city. (051b/ST/273) (051b/TT/255) Kalau perempuan itu datang semua pedagang When she came, all the vendors would swarm sibuk melayani, menawarkan semua dagangan over her, offering her their various goods. And 3 wedana / district official yang dipunyai. Dan memang belanjanya selalu √ she always bought a lot. It was said that she was banyak. Kata orang-orang, dia istri wedana. the wife of a district official. (041/TT/34) (041/ST/38) Rasa kasihan juga sering kuterima dari I certainly got that sense of pity from some of the pengunjung pasar lainnya. Ada Pak Guru Dikun other buyers at the market. There was Dikun, the 4 lurah / ward chief - yang selalu datang bersama istrinya, juga Lurah school teacher, who always came with his wife, Singget. (042/ST/39) and also the Singget ward chief. (042/TT/35) Pak Lurah dan Pak Camat juga turun tangan. The ward chief and the sub-district chief also 5 camat / sub-district chief Mereka ikut membujuk Pak Tikno agar mau got involved. They tried to persuade Mr. Tikno - melepaskan tanahnya. (071/ST/63) onto letting go of the land. (071/TT/59)

185

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No ST item / TT item Source Text Target Text loss Keesokan harinya, pagi-pagi sekali, saat aku The next day, very early in the morning, even pak RT / neighborhood unit belum berangkat sekolah dan Bapak-Ibu belum before I had set off for school or my parents for 6 - chief berangkat ke pasar, Pak RT datang ke rumah the market, the neighborhood unit chief came to kami. (080/ST/072) our house. (080/TT/67)

Art and Culture No ST item / TT item Source Text Target Text Loss "Suamiku itu lho, Ni. Dia gendakan sama "It's my husband, Ni. He's having an affair with 1 kledek / another woman √ kledek...." (050a/ST/46) another woman...." (050a/TT/42) "Dasar Teja, lanangan nggak tahu diuntung. "Oh Teja, you ungrateful man. Here I am 2 kledek / other women Susah payah aku cari duit, dia malah enak- struggling to earn money, and he's out having fun √ enakan kelonan sama kledek." (050b/ST/53) with other women." (050b/TT/49) Alunan suara kledek terdengar. Mereka juga The performers danced among the crowd, 3 kledek / performers menari di tengah kerumunan orang. Beberapa pulling some of the men to dance with them. √ laki-laki ditarik untuk ikut menari. (050c/ST/65) (050c/TT/61) Orang-orang bilang itu gara-gara Pak Waji punya People said it was because he had a mistress. simpanan kledek. Katanya, dengan segala They said she used all her wiles to fleece Mr. muslihatnya, kledek itu memeras seluruh uang Waji of his money. They really believed that a 4 kledek / x Pak Waji. Orang-orang percaya, priyayi seperti √ cultured person like Mr. Waji would never have Pak Waji tidak akan melakukan hal-hal yang strayed if was not under some kind of spell. tidak benar kalau bukan karena guna-guna dari (050d/TT/88) kledek. (050d/ST/93) Di Singget ini sundal-sundal seperti itu akan jadi In Singget, loose women like that became fodder omongan sampai mati. Malah sekalian kledek for gossip until the day they die. It wouldn't 5 kledek / prostitutes √ atau sinden, nggak apa-apa, wong itu sudah matter if they were prostitutes or singers, kerjaannya. (050e/ST/165) because that was their job. (050e/TT/157)

186

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No ST item / TT item Source Text Target Text Loss Sekarang zamannya dangdut. Seperti yang ada di This was the age of dangdut. It'd be like on the 6 kledek / dancers TV itu. Sudah tidak ada lagi kledek dengan jarit TV. There would be no more dancers with √ dan selendang. (050f/ST/168) sashes and shawls. (050f/TT/161) Ja, Teja... Tak pernah aku melarangmu gendakan dengan kledek mana saja. Tapi kok teganya, Teja, Teja... I never stopped you from shacking 7 kledek / women √ sudah mati saja masih meninggalkan masalah. up with your women. (050g/TT/184) (050g/ST/194) It was said that there was just as big a crowd for Katanya pemilu itu sama ramainya dengan the election as there would have been for a 8 wayang kulit / wayang kulit - pertunjukan wayang kulit. (066/ST/61) wayang kulit* show. (066/TT/57) * shadow puppet theatre Di sana banyak orang yang menonton, ada There were a lot of people looking around, there 9 gambyong / dance troupe gambyong, juga banyak pedagang keliling. was a dance troupe and there were people √ (067a/ST/61) peddling goods. (067a/TT/57) We could still faintly make out the sounds the Suara gamelan dan teriakan "Cayo!" para penari 10 gambyong / x gamelan and shouts of "Cayo!" from the dancers. √ gambyong terdengar sayup-sayup. (067b/ST/66) (072b/TT/62) It was dark out when Father returned. A sharp Bapak pulang setelah hari gelap. Bau menyengat smell followed him into the house. It was tercium sejak dia memasuki rumah. Aku sering 11 gambyong / dance something I had smelled often wherever there √ mencium bau itu saat ada pentas gambyong. Ya, was a dance performance. It was the smell of itu bau arak. (067c/ST/73) rice wine. (067c/TT/69) Seperti sudah menjadi pakem, halaman balai And almost as if by custom, the yard of the gambyong / dance 12 desa sudah dipersiapkan untuk gambyong. village hall had been set up for yet another dance √ performance (067d/ST/86) performance. (067d/TT/81) "Salah dia apa to, Ndan? Nggak ada bedanya "What did he do wrong, chief? It's no different gambyong / traditional 13 sama kita yang bikin gambyong di punden." than when we hold a traditional dance at a √ dance (067e/ST/182) sacred grave." (067e/TT/173)

187

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No ST item / TT item Source Text Target Text Loss Gong ditabuh, gamelan mulai dimainkan. The gong sounded, the gamelan struck up and a 14 gong / gong - (073/ST/65) crescendo of music rose up. (073/TT/61) Gong ditabuh, gamelan mulai dimainkan. The gong sounded, the gamelan struck up and a 15 gamelan / gamelan - (074/ST/65) crescendo of music rose up. (074/TT/61) Setiap malam, semua orang datang ke rumah Pak Every night, people went to his house to watch dagelan ketoprak / comedy Lurah untuk menonton TV....Kami juga bisa TV,... We also saw the president's face, but what 16 √ show melihat wajah presiden, yang paling ditunggu everyone really wanted to see was the comedy adalah dagelan ketoprak. (088/ST/90) show. (088/TT/85) Di sekolah aku mendapat olok-olok baru. .... At school, I was mocked anew... The other Gundul-Gundul Pacul / Teman-teman sekelasku menyanyikan lagu children would chant the song "Gundul-Gundul 17 Gundul-Gundul Pacul Gundul-Gundul Pacul yang liriknya diganti. Pacul*" with a twist on the lyrics. (098/ST/97) * bald-headed hoe (098/ST/92) Hari itu seluruh orang Singget pergi ke Glodok On the big day, everyone in Singget went to temu Temanten Tebu / 18 untuk melihat temu Temanten Tebu. Glodok for the Sugarcane Couple event. Sugarcane Couple event (103/ST/104) (103/TT/97) Dia menjadi cucuk lampah, pemandu langkah cucuk lampah / cucuk This was the cucuk lampah, the person leading 19 orang-orang yang ikut dalam iring-iringan. - lampah the procession. (104/TT/98) (104/ST/104) The litter was adorned with a palm frond Tandu itu dihiasi janur dan melati, persis seperti 20 janur / palm frond ornament ornament and jasmine wrath, just like a wedding - tandu pengantin. (107/ST/104) litter. (107/TT/98) Di Singget ini sundal-sundal seperti itu akan jadi In Singget, loose women like that became fodder omongan sampai mati. Malah sekalian kledek for gossip until the day they die. It wouldn't 21 sinden / singer - atau sinden, nggak apa-apa, wong itu sudah matter if they were prostitutes or singers, kerjaannya. (127/ST/165) because that was their job. (127/TT/157) All the puppet-masters and the men at the Semua dalang, semua gambyongan berebut 22 dalang / puppet-master performances would try to get her to dance with - untuk bisa mengajaknya pentas. (134/ST/189) them. (134/TT/180)

188

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

Mythical Spirits and Characters No ST item / TT item Source Text Target Text Loss Orang-orang bilang, Ibu memelihara tuyul. People say my mother has a tuyul, a bald-headed Makhluk halus berkepala gundul yang bisa 1 tuyul / tuyul child demon that can make its human patron rich. - membuat orang yang memeliharanya kaya. (056/TT/50) (056/ST/54) Atau dia melihat orang--orang berseragam loreng Or perhaps he saw the men in the uniforms as itu seperti genderuwo atau wewe gombel. demons. Creatures that could only be seen by 2 genderuwo / demon Makhluk halus yang konon sering dilihat anak √ young children and that made them cry. bayi dan membuatnya menangis menjerit-jerit (120/TT/135) ketakutan. (120/ST/142) Atau dia melihat orang--orang berseragam loreng Or perhaps he saw the men in the uniforms as itu seperti genderuwo atau wewe gombel. demons. Creatures that could only be seen by 3 wewe gombel / demon Makhluk halus yang konon sering dilihat anak √ young children and that made them cry. bayi dan membuatnya menangis menjerit-jerit (121/TT/135) ketakutan. (121/ST/142) Sebenarnya aku sudah lama mengenal laki-laki I had actually known this portly man for some 4 bagong / portly √ yang badannya seperti bagong itu. (137/ST/200) time. (137/TT/190) Kami seperti dua buto yang sedang memadu 5 buto / ogres We were like two ogres in heat. (138/TT/193) - berahi. (138/ST/205) I could already imagine that if they got married, Kalau mereka jadi kawin, aku sudah their children would be noble like Arjuna* or 6 Arjuna / Arjuna membayangkan cucuku nanti bakal bagus seperti beautiful like Srikandi. (159/TT/260) - Arjuna atau ayu seperti Srikandi. (150/ST/278) * characters from the Hindu epic Mahabharata

189

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No ST item / TT item Source Text Target Text Loss I could already imagine that if they got married, Kalau mereka jadi kawin, aku sudah their children would be noble like Arjuna or 7 Srikandi / Srikandi membayangkan cucuku nanti bakal bagus seperti beautiful like Srikandi*. (151/TT/260) - Arjuna atau ayu seperti Srikandi. (151/ST/278) * characters from the Hindu epic Mahabharata

Spiritual and Religious References No ST item / TT item Source Text Target Text Loss Every year on your name day, I cook a Setiap hari kelahiranmu, aku memasak tumpeng tumpeng* and grilled meats. Then I put the food 1 tumpeng / tumpeng dan panggang. Lalu kuletakkan di meja di on the table next to your bed. (001a/TT/10) √ sebelah tempat tidurmu. (001a/ST/12) * a cone-shaped rice dish Tonah membuat tumpeng kecil, menyiapkan Tonah makes a rice cone and the rest of the food. 2 tumpeng / rice cone semua ubo rampe. (001b/ST/56) (001b/TT/52) Satu tumpeng besar yang diusung dalam iring- The large rice cone platter carried in the iringan diturunkan. Orang-orang berebut procession was set down. People jostled to get a 3 tumpeng / rice cone platter √ mengambil bagian dari tumpeng itu. piece of it, whether the rice, the grilled meat or (001c/ST/106) the sides. (001c/TT/99) Tumpeng dan panggang itu kubuat untuk sesajen I make the food as an offering to your god. 4 sesajen / offering - dewamu. (002/ST/12) (002/TT/10) Di jumbleng, saat kubuka kainku, aku menjerit But when I took off my wrap inside the outhouse melihat banyak cairan berwarna merah, darah. and saw the red streaks, the blood. I screamed. 5 Gusti / my God - Duh, Gusti, karma apa ini. Apakah aku akan Oh my God, what was happening to me? Was I mati? (047a/ST/31) going to die? (047a/TT/27)

190

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No ST item / TT item Source Text Target Text Loss "Gusti Mbah Ibu Bumi Bapa Kuasa, berkatilah "Gusti Mbah Ibu Bumi Bapa Kuasa, please bless 6 Gusti / Gusti - usahaku..." (047b/ST/43) my efforts..." (047b/TT/39) "Yang kuasa itu Gusti Allah, Bu. Bukan Mbah "The most powerful is Allah, Mother, not the 7 Gusti / x Ibu Bumi," kataku dengan suara keras, membalas - ancestors," I yelled back at her. (047c/TT/54) teriakan Ibu. (047c/ST/59) Mbah Ibu Bumi Bapa Kuasa! Anakku mau kawin Oh Gusti! My child wanted to wed a married 8 Gusti / oh, heavens sama suami orang. Duh, Gusti! Ampuni man. Oh heavens! Have mercy on my wayward - kesalahan anakku ini, Gusti. (47d/ST/164) child. (47d/TT/157) Gusti, setelah membunuh apakah bajingan- Oh God, after killing them, did those bastards 9 Gusti / God bajingan itu masih perlu membawa mayatnya? - still need to take their bodies? (47e/TT/209) (47e/ST/223) "Nduk, terserah apa penginmu. Yang penting, "Nduk, it's up to you what you want to do. Mbah Ibu Bumi Bapa coba nyuwun sama Mbah Ibu Bumi Bapa 10 What's important is that you ask your creator. √ Kuasa / your creator Kuasa. Semua kejadian hanya terjadi kalau Dia Things only happen if He wills it." (048a/TT/39) yang menginginkan." (048a/ST/43) "Gusti Mbah Ibu Bumi Bapa Kuasa*, please Mbah Ibu Bumi Bapa "Gusti Mbah Ibu Bumi Bapa Kuasa, berkatilah bless my efforts..." (048b/TT/39) 11 Kuasa / Mbah Ibu Bumi - usahaku..." (048b/ST/43) Bapa Kuasa * animist spirit of nature and force of creation Katanya semua yang ada di dunia milik Mbah She said that everything on Earth belongs to the Mbah Ibu Bumi Bapa Ibu Bumi Bapa Kuasa. Dialah yang punya 12 Gusti. It was He who had full power to grant - Kuasa kuasa untuk memberikan atau tidak memberikan your wishes or not. (048c/TT/54) yang kita inginkan. (048c/ST/59) Ibu berkata doa-doanya setiap malam dikabulkan Mbah Ibu Bumi Bapa Mother said that her nightly prayers to the 13 oleh Mbah Ibu Bumi Bapa Kuasa. √ Kuasa / ancestors ancestors had been granted. (048d/TT/54) (048d/ST/58)

191

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No ST item / TT item Source Text Target Text Loss

Ibu juga rajin selamatan. Seminggu sekali, Mother is also diligent about her offerings. Once 14 selamatan / offerings setiap hari kelahirannya, dia menyembelih ayam a week, and on her name day, she slaughters a √ untuk dipanggang. (059a/ST/56) chicken to grill. (059a/TT/52) Aku, Bapak, dan Tonah tahu, tumpeng dan Father, Tonah and I know that the rice cone and panggang yang dimakan saat selamatan bukan the chicken that we eat on those days are not the 15 selamatan / those days - satu-satunya yang dimasak setiap hari kelahiran. only things cooked on Mother's name day. (059b/ST/56) (059b/TT/52) Tetangga-tetangga membantu menyiapkan The neighbors were helping prepare for that 16 selamatan / vigil and prayer selamatan buat nanti malam, sampai tujuh hari - night's vigil and prayer. (059c/TT/113) ke depan. (059c/ST/120) Aku tidak memanggil siapa pun untuk I didn't invite anyone for the thanksgiving selamatan / thanksgiving selamatan. Kuujubkan sendiri niatnya, agar 17 ceremony. I made the wish myself, for the house √ ceremony rumah ini tetap dilindungi dan diberi to be protected and kept safe. (059d/TT/169) keselamatan. (059d/ST/178) Selamatan seribu hari umumnya serba besar- The thousandth day anniversary was usually a 18 selamatan / anniversary - besaran. (059e/ST/206) big one. (059e/TT/195)

Tonah membuat tumpeng kecil, menyiapkan Tonah makes a rice cone and the rest of the ubo rampe / the rest of the 19 semua ubo rampe. Ada kulupan, jenang merah food. There's vegetable garnish, a red porridge √ food dan jenang putih. (060/ST/56) and a white porridge. (060/TT/52) Mbah Sambong, perangkat desa yang dipercaya punya kekuatan lebih, membacakan ujub*. Old Man Sambong, a village official who is said 20 ujub / prayer (063a/ST/56) to have special powers, recites a prayer. √ (063a/TT/52) * niat

192

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No ST item / TT item Source Text Target Text Loss Aku tidak memanggil siapa pun untuk selamatan. I didn't invite anyone for the thanksgiving Kuujubkan sendiri niatnya, agar rumah ini tetap 21 ujub / wish ceremony. I made the wish myself, for the house √ dilindungi dan diberi keselamatan. to be protected and kept safe. (063b/TT/169) (063b/ST/178) Sejak bertahun-tahun lalu, tepatnya saat dia For several years, since he was still a child in masih kanak-kanak di Surabaya, orang tuanya Surabaya, his parents would take him routinely rutin mengajaknya ke Gunung Kawi. Gunung Gunung Kawi / Mount to Mount Kawi in Malang, a town just south of 22 Kawi ada di Malang, kota di selatan - Kawi Surabaya. .... At the mountain there was a grave, Surabaya....Di gunung itu ada makam, yang bisa and it was said that whoever made a pilgrimage memberikan berkat bagi orang yang to it would be blessed. (091/TT/87) menziarahinya. (091/ST/92) Koh Cayadi offered to take Mother on his next pilgrimage there on the next Legi* Friday, Koh Cayadi menawari Ibu untuk ikut dalam which was next week. (092/TT/87) 23 Jumat Legi ziarahnya pada Jumat Legi yang jatuh minggu - depan. (092/ST/93) * One of the days of the week in Javanese calendar. Considered auspicious if it falls on a Friday. Ibu membangunkanku, lalu kami berdua duduk Mother would wake me and we'd sit beneath the 24 tirakat / worship di bawah pohon asem. Kata Ibu itu namanya tamarind tree together. She called it praying, √ berdoa, tirakat. (094a/ST/55) worship. (094a/TT/51) Mereka akan tirakat di sekitar makam Eyang They would meditate at the graves of Eyang 25 tirakat / meditate - Sujo dan Eyang Jugo. (094b/ST/95) Sujo and Eyang Jugo. (094b/TT/90) Selama tirakat mereka tidak akan berbicara dan Throughout the meditation, they would not 26 tirakat / meditation - makan minum. (094c/ST/95) speak, eat, or drink. (094c/TT/90)

193

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No ST item / TT item Source Text Target Text Loss During the recital, they would also have to wait Selama tirakat itu, mereka juga akan menunggu 27 tirakat / recital for something to drop from the dewandaru trees √ jatuhnya bagian pohon dewandaru. (094d/ST/95) there. (094d/TT/90) Sudah sejak dari dulu orang-orang Tionghoa The Chinese were known to go to Mount Kawi 28 pesugihan / blessings dikenal suka ke Gunung Kawi setiap Jumat legi every Legi Friday to seek blessings. √ untuk mencari pesugihan. (096a/ST/97) (096a/TT/91) "Bejo was an offering. An offering for a "Bejo jadi sajen. Sajen pesugihan." pesugihan*." (096b/TT/114) 29 pesugi han / pesugihan √ (096b/ST/121) * a ritual to seek wealth Sometimes they said that she had promised to Kadang mereka bilang Ibu mencari pesugihan tumbal / something in give something in return for the blessings, and 30 dan telah menjanjikan tumbal, kadang mereka - return sometimes they said that my mother had a tuyul. bilang Ibu memelihara tuyul. (097a/ST/97) (097a/TT/91) She wanted to leave my house because she was Dia mau pergi dari rumah ini karena takut 31 tumbal / offering scared she would become a pesugihan offering. - menjadi tumbal pesugihan. (097b/ST/187) (097b/TT/178) Pagi-pagi sekali kuajak Teja ke rumah Kyai He was a holy man who knew mantras of love 32 ajian / mantras Noto. Dia kyai yang punya ajian pengasih dan - and of protection. (114/TT/125) keselamatan. (114/ST/132) It was said that inside his room was where he Konon, di kamar itu ia semadi dan membuat 33 semadi / meditated meditated and made his incantations. - jampi-jampi. (116/ST/132) (116/TT/125) It was said that inside his room was where he Konon, di kamar itu ia semadi dan membuat 34 jampi / incantations meditated and made his incantations. - jampi-jampi. (117/ST/132) (117/TT/125)

194

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No ST item / TT item Source Text Target Text Loss

Candi Borobudur / Candi Borobudur, bangunan megah yang Borobudur Temple, that stately monument that 35 - Borobudur Temple menjadi simbol keagungan itu. (118/ST/138) had come to symbolize pride. (118/TT/131) "...Kami datang ke sini cuma mau minta "...We just came here to ask for your blessings 36 pangestu / blessings pangestu. Minta Bapak jadi wali..." and to ask Father to give me away..." - (126/ST/164) (126/TT/156) Malam Sabtu Pahing, pernikahan itu The wedding took place on a Friday night. 37 Sabtu Pahing / Friday night - dilaksanakan. (128/ST/166) (128/TT/158) I would send flowers and make offerings on his name days*. (129/TT/166) Biarlah yang mati istirahat di alam sana. Akan

38 weton / name days kukirim bunga dan panggang tumpeng di setiap - * A day of every month corresponding to the wetonnya. (129/ST/174) same day on which a person was born in the Javanese calendar "Salah dia apa to, Ndan? Nggak ada bedanya sama kita yang bikin gambyong di punden." "What did he do wrong, chief? It's no different 39 punden / sacred grave (131/ST/182) than when we hold a traditional dance at a - sacred grave*." (131/TT/173) * kuburan yang dikeramatkan mendak pindo / two-year Aku akan mengadakan selamatan besar. I wanted to hold a big thanksgiving. The two- 40 - anniversary Selamatan mendak pindo. (132/ST/189) year anniversary. (132/TT/179) Siang hari, saat semua orang mempersiapkan In the morning, as the people in the kitchen were bunga setaman / flower segala kebutuhan di pawon, aku pergi ke makam preparing to cook the meal, I went to Teja's 41 √ petals Teja. Kubersihkan makamnya dan kutaburi grave. I cleaned the headstone and sprinkled the dengan bunga setaman. (133/ST/189) grave with flower petals. (133/TT/179)

195

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No ST item / TT item Source Text Target Text Loss I had a cow slaughtered for the anniversary. This nyewu / thousandth-day Inilah pertama kalinya ada orang Singget was the first time in Singget that anyone had 42 - thanks-giving menyembelih sapi untuk nyewu. (139/ST/206) done that for a thousandth-day thanksgiving. (139/TT/195) mutih / ritual fast of just Sudah tiga hari ini aku menemani Rahayu puasa For the past three days I had joined Rahayu in a 43 - rice and water mutih. (154/ST/279) ritual fast of just rice and water. (154/TT/262)

Malam ini Rahayu hanya akan diam di kamar. She was being secluded so that the next day she 44 dipingit / secluded Dia sedang dipingit. Biar besok bisa benar-benar √ would truly look like an angel. (155/TT/262) menjadi bidadari. (155/ST/280)

Concepts, Values, and Norms No ST item / TT item Source Text Target Text Loss neko-neko / you don't need "...Sudah, nggak usah neko-neko. Kita bisa "...You don't need it. Just be thankful that we 1 - it makan saja syukur" (011a/ST/17) can eat." (011a/TT/15) neko-neko / don't ask for "...Nggak usah neko-neko. Bisa makan tiap hari "...Don't ask for too much. You should just be 2 - too much saja sudah syukur." (011b/ST/19) grateful you have enough to eat." (011b/TT/17) "Ya biarkan saja, Nyi. Namanya juga laki-laki. "Never mind. That's how men are. Damn that karma / She'll get what's 3 Dasar sundal itu yang kurang ajar. Biar nanti shameless whore. She'll get what's coming to √ coming to her kena karma." (032a/ST/29) her." (032a/TT/26) Di jumbleng, saat kubuka kainku, aku menjerit But when I took off my wrap inside the outhouse karma / what was melihat banyak cairan berwarna merah, darah. and saw the red streaks, the blood. I screamed. 4 √ happening to me? Duh, Gusti, karma apa ini. Apakah aku akan Oh my God, what was happening to me? Was I mati? (032b/ST/31) going to die? (032b/TT/27)

196

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No ST item / TT item Source Text Target Text Loss Sama dengan aku, Teja juga takut nanti karma Like me, Teja was afraid that one day karma 5 karma / karma - itu berbalik pada Rahayu. (032c/ST/166) would come back to bite Rahayu. (032c/TT/158)

"Bukan masalah kuat-nggak kuat, Nduk. Ini "It's not a question of being strong or not, Nduk. ilok-ra-ilok / improper or 6 masalah ilok-ra ilok - pantas-nggak pantas. It's a question of being improper or not. √ not Nggak ada perempuan nguli." (036/ST/35) Women don't work as porters." (036/TT/31)

Kalau Simbok sudah menyebut ilok-ra-ilok, itu If she brought up the issue of propriety, that 7 pakem / principle berarti pakem yang sudah tidak bisa dibantah meant she was speaking from principle, and she - lagi. (037a/ST/35) always stuck firm to her principles. (037a/TT/31)

Seperti sudah menjadi pakem, halaman balai And almost as if by custom, the yard of the 8 pakem / custom desa sudah dipersiapkan untuk gambyong. village hall had been set up for yet another dance - (037b/ST/86) performance. (037b/TT/81) If she brought up the issue of propriety, that "Kalau Simbok sudah menyebut ilok-ra-ilok, itu meant she was speaking from principle, and she berarti pakem yang sudah tidak bisa dibantah 9 kualat / cursed always stuck firm to her principles. "You'll be √ lagi.Bisa kualat kalau nggak dituruti," kata cursed if you don't do as I tell you," she said. Simbok. (038/ST/35) (038/TT/31) Kini dia mengumpat bapak. Padahal orang yang Now she was cursing out Father. But no one dimaki entah sedang di mana. Teja yang even knew where he was. Teja the lazy. Teja pemalas. Teja yang tidurnya seperti kerbau, Teja 10 gandrung / shacked up who sleeps like a buffalo. Teja who only cares √ yang hannya mau enaknya sendiri. Teja yang about himself. Teja who is now shacked up with sekarang sedang gandrung dengan kledek... some other woman... (054/TT/49) (054/ST/53)

197

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

No ST item / TT item Source Text Target Text Loss "Uang keamanan buat apa, Pak?" tanya Ibu tidak "Security fee for what, sir?" Mother asked, in a lagi dengan suara lantang kemenyek khas 11 kemenyek / banter fearful tone that was very different from her √ pedagang, tapi suara pasrah ketakutan. usual trader's banter. (072/TT/60) (072/ST/65) Sikap Pak Pahing yang seleh, mengaku salah, He was courteous about it, though, which made 12 seleh / courteous membuat Ibu luluh dan tak bisa berkata apa-apa Mother feel sorry for him and not press him for √ lagi. (086/ST/82) more money. (086/TT/77) "Sudah, Mbak... Saya sudah nrimo, ikhlas. Saya "Enough, Miss... I've already accepted it. I don't 13 nrimo / accept tidak mau lagi urusan sama mereka." want anything more to do with them." - (123/ST/153) (123/TT/145) ...semua makanan yang kusediakan dimakan Another thing I liked about him is that he ate all 14 ndeso / rustic juga. Padahal itu semua makanan ndeso. the food that I prepared. Yet it was all rustic - (125a/ST/164) fare. (125a/TT/156) Panggung kampanye tidak lagi diramaikan There wouldn't be a traditional dance 15 ndeso / too backward gambyongan. Mereka bilang itu ndeso. performance at the campaign rally this year. - (133b/ST/168) They said it was too backward. (133b/TT/161) Hidupku kembali tenang. Ya, tenang yang Calm returned to my life. A wistful sort of calm. 16 ngelangut / wistful √ ngelangut. (136/ST/200) (136/TT/189)

Phenomenon, Customs, and Activities No ST item / TT item Source Text Target Text Loss Ada gumpalan yang lembut dan terlihat There were soft lumps, visible from behind the menyembul dari balik baju yang kupakai. clothes that I wore. Simbok told me I was 1 mringkili / growing up - Simbok bilang aku sudah mringkili.. growing up*. (008a/TT/13) (008a/ST/16) * payudara yang mulai tumbuh

198

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

Diam-diam aku mulai tak nyaman dengan I was beginning to feel uncomfortable about my 2 mringkili / budding - dadaku yang mringkili. (008b/ST/16) budding breasts. (008b/TT/14) Dadanya juga mringkili seperti dadaku. Tapi dia Her breasts were also beginning to grow like mringkili / beginning to 3 bisa lari-lari atau loncat-loncat dengan gampang. mine, but she was running and jumping around - grow (008c/ST/17) with ease. (008c/TT/14) "Aku setiap hari di sini, Ni. Malam tidur di sini. "I'm here every day, Ni. I sleep here at night. 4 nunut / x Pagi sampai siang nguli di sini. Nunut hidup di From morning 'til afternoon, I work as a porter - sini." (016/ST/21) here. I live here." (016/TT/18)

"Enak saja, nyebut aku sundal. Sampeyan sendiri "Don't call me whore. You're the one that can't 5 ngladeni / take care √ yang tidak bisa ngladeni suami..." (030/ST/26) take care of your husband..." (030/TT/23) "Nduk, terserah apa penginmu. Yang penting, coba nyuwun* sama Mbah Ibu Bumi Bapa "Nduk, it's up to you what you want to do. 6 nyuwun / ask Kuasa. Semua kejadian hanya terjadi kalau Dia What's important is that you ask your creator. √ yang menginginkan." (046a/ST/43) Things only happen if He wills it." (046a/TT/39) * memohon Kurasakan tangan Ibu mengusap keningku, I felt her hand rubbing my brow, trying to tease mengusik-usik agar aku terbangun. Aku tidak 7 nyuwun / pray me awake. I didn't want to get up. I didn't want to - mau bangun. Tak mau lagi nyuwun-nyuwun pray to the ancestors anymore. (046b/TT/53) pada leluhur. (046b/ST/57) Sekarang malah anak-istrinya keleleran, kita "...Now it's his wife and kids who've got it hard, 8 keleleran / got it hard - juga yang repot. (081/ST/73) and the rest of us too..." (081/TT/68) Aku sudah tidak punya apa-apa lagi kalau begitu. I would have nothing. I would be forced to 9 ngenger / mooch off Hanya ngenger pada anakku sendiri. - mooch off my own child. (135/TT/187) (135/ST/197) Giginya ompong mengunyah kinang. His toothless gum chewed on a wad of betel 10 kinang / betel leaves (147/ST/221) leaves. (147/ST/221)

199

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

APPENDIX 2.5 CULTURE-SPECIFIC ITEMS IN GESTURES AND HABITS

Interjections and Swear Words No ST item / TT item Source Text Target Text loss "Halah! Aku bukan PKI! Aku cuma mau cari "Please! I'm not PKI! I'm just trying to make a 1 halah / please makan. Tidak mencuri. Tidak merampok. Apa living. I'm not stealing and I'm not robbing. What √ aku salah?..." (077/ST/71) am I doing wrong?..." (077/TT/67) "Hasyah! Prek!" "Kowe prak-prek-prak-prek "Yeah, right! Bull!" "Everything's bull to you! 2 prek / bull terus! Mau nanggung kalau kita dicap PKI?.." You want to be responsible if they declare us (078a/ST/72) PKI?.." (078a/TT/67) "... dijadikan pemimpin...malah blas tidak "... they made you a leader...but you never think 3 prek / to hell with you... memikirkan warganya... Prek... Lurah gombal..." pf your people... To hell with you... You no- (078b/ST/219) good ward chief..." (078b/TT/206) "Hasyahh... Tidak usah bertele-tele. Apa mau "Pfft... No need to beat around the bush. What do 4 hasyah / Pfft... √ kalian?" (084/ST/76) you want?" (084/TT/72) "...Dijadikan lurah...dijadikan pemimpin...malah "...They made you a ward chief...they made you 5 gombal / no-good blas tidak memikirkan warganya... Lurah a leader...but you never think of your people... gombal..." (146/ST/219) You no-good ward chief..." (146/TT/206) Gusti, setelah membunuh apakah bajingan- Oh God, after killing them, did those bastards 6 bajingan / bastards bajingan itu masih perlu membawa mayatnya? still need to take their bodies? (148/TT/209) (148/ST/223)

Politeness Markers No ST item / TT item Source Text Target Text loss "Ya terserah. Kalau mau nguli ya monggo," Kata "Suit yourself. If you want to be a porter, go 1 monggo / go ahead Teja lirih. (035/ST/34) ahead," Teja said resignedly. (035/TT/30)

200

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

"Nuwun sewu, Pak Lurah, saya pengin bisa "Of course I'd like to help, sir, but fifty is just too membantu. Tapi lima puluh itu kok rasanya 2 nuwun sewu / x much for us. I don't think I can afford to give that √ terlalu besar. Saya kok rasanya tidak mampu much," Mother said. (085/TT/75) kalau sebesar itu," kata Ibu. (085/ST/79)

Figurative Language No ST item / TT item Source Text Target Text loss Ibu, yang beberapa menit sebelumnya penuh Mother, who just a minute ago was all smiling kesurupan / convulsed with 1 senyum dan patuh, kini seperti orang kesurupan. and pliant, is now convulsed with rage. Her face √ rage Mukanya merah, penuh amarah. (052/ST/52) is red, flushed with anger. (052/TT/48) "Dasar Teja, lanangan nggak tahu diuntung. Susah payah aku cari duit, dia malah enak- "Oh Teja, you ungrateful man. Here I am 2 kelonan / having fun enakan kelonan* sama kledek." (053/ST/53) struggling to earn money, and he's out having √ fun with other women." (053/TT/49) * tidur sambil berpelukan "I work my fingers to the bone day and night, meres keringet / work my "Aku meres keringet siang-malam malah 3 and yet I'm accused of having a tuyul!" fingers to the bone dibilang punya tuyul!" (058/ST/55) (058/TT/55) "...Terus mereka seenak udele meras orang. "...They're the ones who're shaking down people. 4 seenak udele / x Dulu ngambil panci. Sekarang datang minta First they took my pans, and now they're after duit!" (079/ST/71) my money!" (079/TT/67) Hidup sekarang hanya mengandalkan gaji yang They now had to depend on their meager 5 sakpuluk / meager √ hanya sakpuluk itu. (149/ST/257) salaries. (149/TT/241)

201