Democratic Deficit Theory: a Reversed Approach
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Codebook Indiveu – Party Preferences
Codebook InDivEU – party preferences European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies December 2020 Introduction The “InDivEU – party preferences” dataset provides data on the positions of more than 400 parties from 28 countries1 on questions of (differentiated) European integration. The dataset comprises a selection of party positions taken from two existing datasets: (1) The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File contains party positions for three rounds of European Parliament elections (2009, 2014, and 2019). Party positions were determined in an iterative process of party self-placement and expert judgement. For more information: https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/65944 (2) The Chapel Hill Expert Survey The Chapel Hill Expert Survey contains party positions for the national elections most closely corresponding the European Parliament elections of 2009, 2014, 2019. Party positions were determined by expert judgement. For more information: https://www.chesdata.eu/ Three additional party positions, related to DI-specific questions, are included in the dataset. These positions were determined by experts involved in the 2019 edition of euandi after the elections took place. The inclusion of party positions in the “InDivEU – party preferences” is limited to the following issues: - General questions about the EU - Questions about EU policy - Questions about differentiated integration - Questions about party ideology 1 This includes all 27 member states of the European Union in 2020, plus the United Kingdom. How to Cite When using the ‘InDivEU – Party Preferences’ dataset, please cite all of the following three articles: 1. Reiljan, Andres, Frederico Ferreira da Silva, Lorenzo Cicchi, Diego Garzia, Alexander H. -
The Making of SYRIZA
Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line Panos Petrou The making of SYRIZA Published: June 11, 2012. http://socialistworker.org/print/2012/06/11/the-making-of-syriza Transcription, Editing and Markup: Sam Richards and Paul Saba Copyright: This work is in the Public Domain under the Creative Commons Common Deed. You can freely copy, distribute and display this work; as well as make derivative and commercial works. Please credit the Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line as your source, include the url to this work, and note any of the transcribers, editors & proofreaders above. June 11, 2012 -- Socialist Worker (USA) -- Greece's Coalition of the Radical Left, SYRIZA, has a chance of winning parliamentary elections in Greece on June 17, which would give it an opportunity to form a government of the left that would reject the drastic austerity measures imposed on Greece as a condition of the European Union's bailout of the country's financial elite. SYRIZA rose from small-party status to a second-place finish in elections on May 6, 2012, finishing ahead of the PASOK party, which has ruled Greece for most of the past four decades, and close behind the main conservative party New Democracy. When none of the three top finishers were able to form a government with a majority in parliament, a date for a new election was set -- and SYRIZA has been neck-and-neck with New Democracy ever since. Where did SYRIZA, an alliance of numerous left-wing organisations and unaffiliated individuals, come from? Panos Petrou, a leading member of Internationalist Workers Left (DEA, by its initials in Greek), a revolutionary socialist organisation that co-founded SYRIZA in 2004, explains how the coalition rose to the prominence it has today. -
GLOBSEC YOUTH TRENDS: How Young Central Europeans View The
Strategic Communication Programme GLOBSEC YOUTH TRENDS: How Young Central Europeans View the World www.globsec.org CREDITS GLOBSEC Policy Institute Polus Tower II, Vajnorská 100/B 831 04 Bratislava, Slovakia www.globsec.org GLOBSEC Policy Institute carries out research, analytical and communication activities related to the impact of disinformation, information warfare and other subversive efforts aimed at changing the perception and attitudes of the general population in Central European countries. AUTHORS ⊲ Daniel Milo, Senior Research Fellow, GLOBSEC Policy Institute ⊲ Katarína Klingová, Research Fellow, GLOBSEC Policy Institute This publication and research was supported by the National Endowment for Democracy. © GLOBSEC Policy Institute 2018 GLOBSEC Policy Institute and the National Endowment for Democracy assume no responsibility for facts or opinions expressed in this publication or their subsequent use. Sole responsibility lies with the authors of this publication. CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: 5 MAIN TRENDS 5 COMPARATIVE OVERVIEW 7 Where do you think your country belongs to geopolitically? 7 Perceptions of EU membership 8 Perceptions of NATO membership 9 EU membership referendum 10 NATO membership referendum 11 Importance of NATO membership for national security 12 Liberal democracy vs. autocracy 13 COUNTRY-SPECIFIC REPORTS 14 The Czech Republic 14 Hungary 16 Poland 18 Slovakia 21 GLOBSEC YOUTH TRENDS HOW YOUNG CENTRAL EUROPEANS VIEW THE WORLD EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 5 MAIN TRENDS This executive summary provides some of the most interesting findings and takeaways from the opinion surveys and focus group discussions conducted by GLOBSEC and its partners in the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia (the Visegrad Four group) in 2017. A more detailed analysis is presented in the comparative section and individual country chapters. -
SMART DEFENSE: OVERCOMING HURDLES and PASSING BATONS by António Eugénio
SMART DEFENSE: OVERCOMING HURDLES AND PASSING BATONS By António Eugénio GEORGE C. MARSHALL EUROPEAN CENTER FOR SECURITY STUDIES PROMOTING PEACE THROUGH UNDERSTANDING Unit 24502, APO AE 09053 OCCASIONAL PAPER SERIES DSN: (314) 440-2469 NO 25 | DECEMBER 2013 | ISSN 1863-6020 DSN FAX: (314) 440-2452 Gernackerstrasse 2, 82467 Garmisch-Partenkirchen, Germany CIV: +49 (0) 8821 750-2469, CIV FAX: +49 (0) 8821 750-2452 GEORGE C. MARSHALL EUROPEAN CENTER FOR SECURITY STUDIES Unit 24502, APO AE 09053 DSN: (314) 440-2469 DSN FAX: (314) 440-2452 Gernackerstrasse 2, 82467 Garmisch-Partenkirchen, Germany CIV: +49 (0) 8821 750-2469, CIV FAX: +49 (0) 8821 750-2452 The George C. Marshall European Center for Security Studies The George C. Marshall European Center for Security Studies is a leading transatlantic defense educational and security studies institution. It is bilaterally supported by the U.S. and German governments and dedicated to the creation of a more stable security environment by advancing democratic institutions and relationships, especially in the field of defense; promoting active, peaceful security cooperation; and enhancing enduring partnerships among the countries of North America, Europe, and Eurasia. The Marshall Center Occasional Paper Series The Marshall Center Occasional Paper Series seeks to further the legacy of the Center's namesake, General George C. Marshall, by disseminating scholarly essays that contribute to his ideal of ensuring that Europe and Eurasia are democratic, free, undivided, and at peace. Papers selected for this series are meant to identify, discuss, and influence current defense related security issues. The Marshall Center Occasional Paper Series focus is on comparative and interdisciplinary topics, including international security and democratic defense management, defense institution building, civil-military relations, strategy formulation, terrorism studies, defense planning, arms control, stability operations, peacekeeping, crisis management, regional and cooperative security. -
The Housing Policies in Socialist Yugoslavia 287
2 Analize • For our comrade Ivan Radenković Publisher: Center CZKD - Center for Cultural Decontamination Birčaninova 21, Belgrade For the publisher: Borka Pavićević Editors: Vida Knežević, Marko Miletić Technical editor: Anica Stojanović Introduction: Vida Knežević and Marko Miletić Analyses: Domagoj Mihaljević, Artan Sadiku, Mario Reljanović, Borovo Group (Sven Cvek, Snježana Ivčić, Jasna Račić), Lidija K. Radojević and Ana Podvršič, Boris Postnikov, Iskra Krstić, Ivan Radenković and Maja Solar, Ivana Vaseva, Isidora Ilić and Boško Prostran (Doplgenger), Rade Pantić, Ines Tanović and Boriša Mraović (Crvena), Tanja Vukša and Vladimir Simović Research and art works: Borovo Group (Sven Cvek, Snježana Ivčić, Jasna Račić), Mario Reljanović, Srđan Kovačević, The Workers’ Video Club – Zrenjanin, Lidija Radojević and Ana Podvršič, Boris Postnikov, Vigan Nimani, Iskra Krstić, Irena Pejić, Milivoje Krivokapić (Culture Center Punkt), Milica Lupšor, Bojan Mrđenović, Filip Jovanovski, Contemporary Art Center of Montenegro (Nađa Baković), Doplgenger, Crvena, Majlinda Hoxha, Miloš Miletić and Mirjana Radovanović (KURS) Translation and proofreading: Novica Petrović, Andrew Hodges, Jelena Mandić, Elizabeta Bakovska, Iskra Krstić Design and layout: Andreja Mirić This publication is illustrated with details from exhibition visualizations by KURS (Miloš Miletić and Mirjana Radovanović) Printed by: Standard 2, Belgrade Print run: 600 We Have Built Cities for You On the contradictions of Yugoslav socialism Belgrade, 2018 6 Introduction: 11 ..... Vida Knežević and Marko Miletić, We Have Built Cities for You: On the Contradictions of Yugoslav Socialism Analyses: 29 ..... Domagoj Mihaljević, In search for the lost future 47 ..... Artan Sadiku, From the Core to the Periphery: On the Aesthetic Form of Workers 61 ..... Mario Reljanović, The normative position of trade unions and the ideals of selfmanagement 81 .... -
Winning Votes and Weathering Storms: the 2009 European and Parliamentary Elections in Greece
Winning Votes and Weathering Storms: The 2009 European and Parliamentary Elections in Greece Kostas Gemenis Keele European Parties Research Unit (KEPRU) Working Paper 32 © Kostas Gemenis, 2010 ISSN 1475-1569 ISBN 1-899488-73-1 KEPRU Working Papers are published by: School of Politics, International Relations and Philosophy (SPIRE) Keele University Staffs ST5 5BG, UK Fax +44 (0)1782 73 3592 www.keele.ac.uk/kepru Editor: Professor Kurt Richard Luther ([email protected]) KEPRU Working Papers are available via SPIRE’s website. Launched in September 2000, the Keele European Parties Research Unit (KEPRU) was the first research grouping of its kind in the UK. It brings together the hitherto largely independent work of Keele researchers focusing on European political parties, and aims: • to facilitate its members' engagement in high-quality academic research, individually, collectively in the Unit and in collaboration with cognate research groups and individuals in the UK and abroad; • to hold regular conferences, workshops, seminars and guest lectures on topics related to European political parties; • to publish a series of parties-related research papers by scholars from Keele and elsewhere; • to expand postgraduate training in the study of political parties, principally through Keele's MA in Parties and Elections and the multinational PhD summer school, with which its members are closely involved; • to constitute a source of expertise on European parties and party politics for media and other interests. The Unit shares the broader aims of the Keele European Research Centre, of which it is a part. KERC comprises staff and postgraduates at Keele who are actively conducting research into the politics of remaking and integrating Europe. -
Globsec 2018/2019 Overview
GLOBSEC 2018/2019 OVERVIEW www.globsec.org GLOBSEC 2018/2019 OVERVIEW (3 TABLE OF CONTENT Introduction 4 Flagship Forums and Activities in 2018/2019 5 Policy institute activities in 2018/2019 12 Visibility of GLOBSEC in 2018/2019 16 Partnerships 18 Fundrising overview 19 4) GLOBSEC 2018/2019 OVERVIEW INTRODUCTION GLOBSEC is a global think-tank committed to enhancing security, prosperity and sustainability in Europe and throughout the world. Its mission is to influence the future by generating new ideas and solutions for a better and safer world. We believe we can change the world by putting together the right stakeholders at the right time for a free exchange of ideas. Its main goal is to shape the global debate through conducting research activities and connecting key experts on foreign and security policy. To this goal contributes the annual GLOBSEC Bratislava Forum, one of the leading conferences on global security in the world. GLOBSEC also organises the annual GLOBSEC Tatra Summit, a conference that provides the opportunity for experts to have fruitful political discussions on the future of Europe. Committed to supporting young talents in the field,GLOBSEC Academy Centre was established to identify exceptional young individuals and aims to educate them to become excellent analysts of tomorrow. The GLOBSEC Policy Institute is a policy-oriented think-tank analysing foreign policy and international environment. While being an integral part of the GLOBSEC organisation, it focuses on research which is relevant to decision-makers, business leaders and all concerned citizens. Its ambition is to help people make sense of the world and identify how the world might make more sense to people – through better policies. -
The Greek Cauldron
stathis kouvelakis THE GREEK CAULDRON he escalation of the Eurozone crisis in the closing months of 2011 has produced spectacular upheavals in the political land- scape. Within less than a fortnight, the Greek Prime Minister George Papandreou had announced a referendum on the Tpunitive terms of a loan agreed at the Eurozone summit on October 27, only to abandon the plan after public humiliation by Sarkozy and Merkel at the G20 summit in Cannes on November 4, and resign two days later. On November 10, Lucas Papademos, ex-chief of the Bank of Greece and a former vice-president of the European Central Bank, was installed at the head of a government of so-called national accord. Alongside ministers from the preceding pasok government, with several key figures— notably the Finance Minister Evangelos Venizelos—keeping their posts, the centre-right opposition New Democracy party has been awarded six cabinet positions, including Defence and Foreign Affairs. Papademos’s government also includes a minister and two deputy ministers from the extreme-right laos party, which returns to office for the first time since the fall of the military dictatorship in 1974. By contrast, the parties of the Italian centre right, the Lega Nord and Popolo della Libertà, announced their opposition to the so-called technocratic government of the eu Commissioner Mario Monti, formed in Rome on November 12 after the forced departure of Silvio Berlusconi; thus scotching the plans of the centre-left pd, which had hoped to enter office on Monti’s coattails. The outcome in both Athens and Rome was above all determined by outside pressure from the German and French governments, accompa- nied by relentless assault from the bond markets, which have priced up both countries’ debts to unsustainable levels. -
What's Left of the Left: Democrats and Social Democrats in Challenging
What’s Left of the Left What’s Left of the Left Democrats and Social Democrats in Challenging Times Edited by James Cronin, George Ross, and James Shoch Duke University Press Durham and London 2011 © 2011 Duke University Press All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America on acid- free paper ♾ Typeset in Charis by Tseng Information Systems, Inc. Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data appear on the last printed page of this book. Contents Acknowledgments vii Introduction: The New World of the Center-Left 1 James Cronin, George Ross, and James Shoch Part I: Ideas, Projects, and Electoral Realities Social Democracy’s Past and Potential Future 29 Sheri Berman Historical Decline or Change of Scale? 50 The Electoral Dynamics of European Social Democratic Parties, 1950–2009 Gerassimos Moschonas Part II: Varieties of Social Democracy and Liberalism Once Again a Model: 89 Nordic Social Democracy in a Globalized World Jonas Pontusson Embracing Markets, Bonding with America, Trying to Do Good: 116 The Ironies of New Labour James Cronin Reluctantly Center- Left? 141 The French Case Arthur Goldhammer and George Ross The Evolving Democratic Coalition: 162 Prospects and Problems Ruy Teixeira Party Politics and the American Welfare State 188 Christopher Howard Grappling with Globalization: 210 The Democratic Party’s Struggles over International Market Integration James Shoch Part III: New Risks, New Challenges, New Possibilities European Center- Left Parties and New Social Risks: 241 Facing Up to New Policy Challenges Jane Jenson Immigration and the European Left 265 Sofía A. Pérez The Central and Eastern European Left: 290 A Political Family under Construction Jean- Michel De Waele and Sorina Soare European Center- Lefts and the Mazes of European Integration 319 George Ross Conclusion: Progressive Politics in Tough Times 343 James Cronin, George Ross, and James Shoch Bibliography 363 About the Contributors 395 Index 399 Acknowledgments The editors of this book have a long and interconnected history, and the book itself has been long in the making. -
The Political Consequences
The Political Consequences of the Great Recession in Southern Europe Crisis and Representation in Spain Guillem Vidal Thesis submitted for assessment with a view to obtaining the degree of Doctor of Political and Social Sciences of the European University Institute Florence, 13 June 2019 ii European University Institute Department of Political and Social Sciences The Political Consequences of the Great Recession in Southern Europe Crisis and Representation in Spain Guillem Vidal Thesis submitted for assessment with a view to obtaining the degree of Doctor of Political and Social Sciences of the European University Institute Examining Board Prof. Hanspeter Kriesi, European University Institute (Supervisor) Prof. Elias Dinas, European University Institute Prof. Eva Anduiza, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona Prof. Kenneth M. Roberts, Duke University © Guillem Vidal, 2019 No part of this thesis may be copied, reproduced or transmitted without prior permission of the author Researcher declaration to accompany the submission of written work Department of Political and Social Sciences - Doctoral Programme I Guillem Vidal certify that I am the author of the work The Political Consequences of the Great Recession in Southern Europe: Crisis and Representation in Spain I have presented for examination for the Ph.D. at the European University Institute. I also certify that this is solely my own original work, other than where I have clearly indicated, in this declaration and in the thesis, that it is the work of others. I warrant that I have obtained all the permissions required for using any material from other copyrighted publications. I certify that this work complies with the Code of Ethics in Academic Research issued by the European University Institute (IUE 332/2/10 (CA 297). -
Democratic Deficit Theory: a Reversed Approach Why Radical Political Changes in Member States Affect the Quality of Democracy in the EU
ema Awarded Theses 2019/2020 Olivia Houssais Democratic Deficit Theory: A Reversed Approach Why Radical Political Changes in Member States Affect the Quality of Democracy in the EU ema, The European Master’s Programme in Human Rights and Democratisation OLIVIA HOUSSAIS DEMOCRATIC DEFICIT THEORY: A REVERSED APPROACH. WHY RADICAL POLITICAL CHANGES IN MEMBER STATES AFFECT THE QUALITY OF DEMOCRACY IN THE EU OLIVIA HOUSSAIS FOREWORD The European Master’s Degree in Human Rights and Democratisation (EMA) is a one-year intensive programme launched in 1997 as a joint initiative of universities in all EU Member States with support from the European Commission. Based on an action- and policy-oriented approach to learning, it combines legal, political, historical, anthropological and philosophical perspectives on the study of human rights and democracy with targeted skills- building activities. The aim from the outset was to prepare young professionals to respond to the requirements and challenges of work in international organisations, field operations, governmental and non-governmental bodies, and academia. As a measure of its success, EMA has served as a model of inspiration for the establishment of six other EU-sponsored regional master’s programmes in the area of human rights and democratisation in different parts of the world. Today these programmes cooperate closely in the framework of the Global Campus of Human Rights, which is based in Venice, Italy. Up to 90 students are admitted to the EMA programme each year. During the first semester in Venice, they have the opportunity to meet and learn from leading academics, experts and representatives of international and non-governmental organisations. -
Beyond Populism European Politics in an Age of Fragmentation and Disruption
GETTY/EMANUELE CREMASCHI Beyond Populism European Politics in an Age of Fragmentation and Disruption By Matt Browne, Max Bergmann, and Dalibor Rohac October 2019 With contributions from: Ismaël Emelien; Karin Svanborg-Sjövall and Andreas Johansson Heinö; and Agata Stremecka WWW.AMERICANPROGRESS.ORG Beyond Populism European Politics in an Age of Fragmentation and Disruption By Matt Browne, Max Bergmann, and Dalibor Rohac October 2019 With contributions from: Ismaël Emelien; Karin Svanborg-Sjövall and Andreas Johansson Heinö; and Agata Stremecka Contents 1 Introduction and summary 3 Fragmentation, polarization, and the realignment of the political mainstream in Europe 18 Populists in power 25 Populism’s impact on Europe’s trajectory 31 Conclusion 32 About the authors 34 Endnotes Introduction and summary Since 2016, concern over the resurgence of illiberal populist political parties and movements has been palpable in Europe and the United States. The election of Donald Trump, the United Kingdom’s referendum to leave the European Union, and the electoral advances of far-right parties in many European states, including France and Germany, created the sense that populist parties were a new, unstoppable politi- cal force in democratic politics.1 Yet in 2019, the notion that populist parties are the future of European politics seems far less certain. The term “populism” itself may have outlived its usefulness. Originally, it referred to parties and leaders who described themselves as true voices of the people against self-serving, out-of-touch elites—and it was prone to run roughshod over estab- lished political norms and institutions. Over the past three years, differences in approaches, tactics, and outlooks between different populist parties have emerged, making it clear that there is no clear populist governing strategy.