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Linda Paterson Austorc De Segret [No S]Ai Qui·M So Tan Suy [Des]Conoyssens (Bdt 41.1)

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Linda Paterson Austorc De Segret [No S]Ai Qui·M So Tan Suy [Des]Conoyssens (Bdt 41.1) Lecturae tropatorum 5, 2012 http://www.lt.unina.it/ – ISSN 1974-4374 30 maggio 2012 http://www.lt.unina.it/Paterson-2012a.pdf Linda Paterson Austorc de Segret [No s]ai qui·m so tan suy [des]conoyssens (BdT 41.1) This sirventes by the otherwise unidentified troubadour Austorc de Segret was composed in the aftermath of the failure of King Louis IX’s second crusade and his death at Tunis in 1270, when Christians were desperately trying to explain the inexplicable: how could God have permitted such an appalling disaster, when the saintly monarch was known to have set out with absolutely pure intentions and total commitment of mind and resources? The troubadour declares himself to be at a total loss to understand how this catastrophe could have come about. Pagans everywhere show utter indifference to the young king Philip «the Bold» of France and Charles of Anjou, now King Charles I of Sicily; indeed, instead of opposing them Charles has be- come their captain and leader, and his is the shameful responsibility for the collapse of Christendom. Austorc urges the English king Edward I «Longshanks» of England (Audoart) to wage war on the French, avenge a certain «Henry» (Haenric), and concludes by sending his sirventes to a lord Othon (Mosenher N’Oth), reiterating that Charles and Philip are bringing shame on the Church. Fabre argued that Mosenher N’Oth was Viscount (Arnaud-)Othon II of Lomagne and Auvillars from 1235 to 1274, and this has been generally accepted.1 Fabre maintained that Othon had a compelling in- terest in the king of England opposing the claims of France in the 1 Césaire Fabre, «Le sirventes d’Austorc de Segret», Annales du Midi, 22, 1910, pp. 467-481 and 23, 1911, pp. 56-69, 1910, pp. 475-476. 2 Lecturae tropatorum 5, 2012 Agenais and the Quercy, and Jeanroy considered the whole piece like- ly to have been composed at the Gascon prince’s request.2 Opinion has since divided as to whether Haenric was the son of Richard of Cornwall, Henry of Almain, originally proposed by Fabre,3 or the Infant Henry of Castile, younger brother of Alfonso X of Cas- tile, a secondary proposal by the same scholar. Jeanroy thought the more likely identification to be Henry of Castile, though did not en- tirely rule out the alternative. The Castilian Infant was also the choice of Félix de La Salle and René Lavaud, Carlos Alvar, and Martin Aurell.4 Arguments hitherto advanced in favour of Henry of Almain in- clude, firstly, the way in which Austorc apparently refers to Henry as dead: «qu’era de sen e de saber ses par, / e tot li mielhs era de sos parens».5 Secondly, Edward specifically appealed to the pope to help him avenge the death of this Henry, who was his cousin,6 and who had been assassinated while attending mass at the church of San Silvestro in Viterbo on 13 March 1271 by his cousins Guy and Simon de Mont- fort, in revenge for the brutal deaths of their father and brother at the battle of Evesham, while Charles and Philip were hearing mass in another chapel in the same town.7 The brothers were excommunicated for this, «one of the most infamous crimes of European history», and Dante placed Guy, submerged to the throat, in a river of boiling blood 2 Alfred Jeanroy, «Sur le sirventés historique d’Austorc de Segret», Annales du Midi, 23, 1911, pp. 198-200. 3 Fabre, «Le sirventes», 1910, pp. 476-481; also Henry J. Chaytor, The Troubadours and England, Cambridge 1923, pp. 93-94 and Stefano Asperti, Car- lo I d’Angiò e i trovatori. Componenti ‘provenzali’ e angioine nella tradizione manoscritta della lirica trobadorica, Ravenna 1995, p. 181 and note 65, also BEdT. Appel had wrongly identified Haenric as Henry III of England. He cor- rected Haenric to Na Enric, though if the H is an error eliminating an honorific this would have to read N’Aenric, as Fabre observed; see his note 5 on p. 471. 4 Félix duc de La Salle de Rochemaure and René Lavaud, Les troubadours cantaliens, 2 vols, Aurillac 1910, II, p. 573; Carlos Alvar, La poesía trovadores- ca en España y Portugal, Barcelona 1977, pp. 271-272; Martin Aurell, La Vielle et l’épée. Troubadours et politique en Provence au XIIIe siècle, Paris 1989, pp. 168-175. 5 A point emphasised by Fabre, «Le sirventes», 1911, p. 57. 6 Fabre, «Le sirventes», 1910, p. 479; Michael Prestwich, Edward I, London 1988, p. 83. 7 Noël Denholm-Young, Richard of Cornwall, Oxford 1947, pp. 150-151; John Robert Maddicott, Simon de Montfort, Cambridge 1994, p. 370. Paterson 41.1 3 in the seventh circle of his Inferno.8 As Stefano Asperti has argued, Dante’s mention of it shows that the assassination must have had enormous resonance, and it is also referred to in the «cobla de Mar- chabrun per lo rei Aduard e per lo rei A(nfos)» (BdT 293a.1).9 Guy and Simon both served Charles in the campaigns that led to his conquest of Sicily and were handsomely rewarded, and by 1270 Guy was acting as Charles’s vicar-general in Tuscany.10 Jeanroy was reluctant to accept this identification, asking: which Henry had Charles wronged more? and answering: undoubtedly Henry of Castile, whom he had exhibited in an iron cage to his enemies after the battle of Tagliacozzo in 1268 and kept in prison indefinitely, whereas the only wrong he had done to Henry of Almain was to have «rempli avec quelque mollesse des fonctions d’arbitre, dans une af- faire qui intéressait sa mémoire».11 Those supporting the identification of Haenric with the Infant of Castile, who continued to languish in prison until his eventual release in 1284, point to the widespread reson- ance of this situation among troubadours such as Paulet de Marselha (BdT 319.1), Bertolome Zorzi (BdT 74.16), Calega Panzan (BdT 107.1), Folquet de Lunel (BdT 154.1), and Cerveri de Girona (BdT 434a.52): see particularly the chapter «Le géolier de l’infant don Enrique (1268- 1285)» in Aurell’s La Vielle et l’épée, where this scholar encapsulates his charisma as follows: «Figure devenue presque mythique de son vi- vant, héros chevaleresque d’un monde perdu à jamais, don Enrique a gagné la sympathie et l’admiration de toute sa génération. Sa popula- rité déclenche un véritable mouvement d’opinion, sur laquelle M. de Riquer a pu écrire: “cette authentique campagne en vers pour sa liber- té nous rappelle les campagnes modernes en faveur de la libération des prisonniers politiques”. En exigeant la liberté de don Enrique, les troubadours portent une nouvelle atteinte à l’image de marque de Charles d’Anjou, son geôlier».12 Alvar deals with Austorc’s apparent reference to him as dead by saying that he is referred to as if he were 8 Maddicott, Simon de Montfort, p. 370; Dante, Inferno, Canto XII. 9 Asperti, Carlo I, p. 181; Giulio Bertoni, I trovatori d’Italia, Modena 1915, p. 31. 10 Maddicott, Simon de Montfort, p. 370. 11 Jeanroy, «Sur le sirventés», pp. 199-200. 12 Aurell, La Vielle, pp. 168-175, quotation from p. 168. 4 Lecturae tropatorum 5, 2012 dead, noting that Cerveri de Girona, in his sirventes dedicated to the support of Henry of Castile, lambasts Charles of Anjou for allowing «s’anta e la mort de N’Anric» (16). Moreover, he argues, whether or not Edward was actually interested in avenging the death of this kins- man, the Catalan troubadour urges him to do so: «N’Audoart [...] / per terra venjara N’Anric».13 Those supporting Jeanroy’s hypothesis have no doubt been heavi- ly influenced by these many references to the plight of Henry of Cas- tile by other troubadours. But Austorc’s lines «qu’era de sen e de sa- ber ses par / e tot lo mielhs era de sos parens» (27-28) point conclu- sively towards Henry of Almain. Edward had been brought up with his cousin from childhood, supported him in his political struggles, and took the cross with him in 1268: to quote Michael Prestwich, «Henry of Almain, Edward’s cousin and childhood companion, was clearly very close to him, and would undoubtedly have played a major part in Edward’s career had it not been for his tragic murder at the hands of Guy de Montfort in 1271».14 And not only was he one of Edward’s kinsman: an English chronicle attributed to Thomas Wyke shows that he was well recognised as being the wisest among them: «qui caeteris sapientia praepollebat». After the death of Louis at Tu- nis, Edward and Henry sailed there on 3 October at the invitation of the young Philip III. «Finding nothing to be done in Africa they win- tered in Sicily at Charles of Anjou’s request, and here, in consequence probably of the official appeal of February 6th from England, Edward determined to send back Henry of Almain. Because “he was wiser than the others”, Henry was chosen to go and arrange for the govern- ment of Gascony, proceeding thence to help Richard of Cornwall in England. Philip III was going home for his coronation and Charles of Anjou going to Viterbo to hurry up the work of the cardinals who had long been there in conclave».15 13Alvar, La poesía trovadoresca, p. 27; Martín de Riquer, Obras completas del trovador Cerverí de Girona, Barcelona 1947, 37, stanza IV. 14 Prestwich, Edward I, p. 27, and see pp. 5-6, 25, 27-28, 31, 33, 41.
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