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Self-Interested Patriots: Individual Choice And View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by ScholarBank@NUS SELF-INTERESTED PATRIOTS: INDIVIDUAL CHOICE AND STATE-LED NATIONALIST MOBILIZATION IN CHINA WEN ZHA (M.A. ), University of Warwick A THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY DEPARTMENT OF POLICIAL SCIENCE NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF SINGAPORE 2013 DECLARATION I hereby declare that this thesis is my original work and it has been written by me in its entirety. I have duly acknowledged all the sources of information which have been used in this thesis. This thesis has also not been submitted for any degree in any university previously. ________________________________ Wen Zha 20 July 2013 i Acknowledgement This dissertation would not have been possible without the guidance from my teacher Dr. Chong Ja Ian. I want to thank him for taking me as his student. During various phases of graduate school, Dr Chong‘s encouragement, help, and comments have been invaluable for me. Without him, I cannot imagine how I could successfully pass the qualifying exam, carry out my fieldwork, and write this dissertation. I am much indebted to my committee members, Professor Jamie Davidson and Dr. Lee Seung-Joon for their support and insightful comments. I developed a keen interest in comparative politics in the seminar offered by Professor Davidson. I owe my profound gratitude to Professor Terry Nardin, who taught me political theory and international relations. More importantly, as the head of the Department of Political Science at the National University of Singapore, Professor Nardin has always been approachable to students. Without his trust and support, I might have quit the program three years ago. I would like to thank the faculty and staff of the Department of Political Science at the National University of Singapore. Special thanks are due to Professor Chen An, Professor Janice Bially Mattern, Dr. Kevin McGahan, Dr. Terence Lee, Dr. Wang Cheng-Lung, who taught me in the past four years. I wish to thank Dr. Yoshinori Nishizaki, of whom I was a teaching assistant. I learned enormously from him how to make dull theories of political science interesting to students. I also owe debts to Ms Noor Sham binte Abdul Hamid and Ms Angeline Koh, who have always been so patient and helpful, explaining various policies of the university to me. I wish to thank East Asian Institute at the National University of Singapore for funding my study and research. Professor Zheng Yongnian persuaded me ii to pursue a degree at the NUS. My career would have followed a different path if I had not met Professor Zheng. Moreover, I am fortunate to have a group of friends at the NUS. I would like to thank Li Xiang and Chen Chao for their constructive comments, and Chen Tingjia, Zhu Ruolei, Wang Tong, Maria Waqar, Cooray Nishantha Dominic, and Yueng Wingyan for their support in the past four years. I am indebted to my parents. Their encouragement and sacrifice make everything possible. This dissertation is dedicated to them. iii Table of Contents Summary ........................................................................................................ viii List of Tables ..................................................................................................... x List of Figures .................................................................................................. xii Chapter 1 Introduction ................................................................................... 1 1.1 The Argument: Individual Choice and State Accumulation ......... 3 1.2 Conceptualization and Operationalization .................................... 6 1.3 Case Selection ............................................................................. 15 1.4 Nationalism in Present-Day China.............................................. 22 1.5 Thesis Organization .................................................................... 25 Chapter 2 Explaining State-Led Nationalist Movements: Individual Choice and State Mobilization ..................................................................................... 26 2.1 Situating the Theory .................................................................... 26 2.1.1 Rational Elites, Emotional Masses ............................................. 26 2.1.2 Is a Mass-Based Instrumentalist Explanation Possible? ............. 32 2.1.3 Self-Interests and Group Interests ............................................... 34 2.2 Explaining Mass Nationalist Movements ................................... 36 2.2.1 Assumptions ................................................................................ 36 2.2.2 Why Does Nationalism Matter?.................................................. 38 2.2.3 Explaining Participation: What Motivates Individuals to Participate? ............................................................................................... 39 2.2.4 Explaining Mobilization ............................................................. 43 2.2.5 Bringing the Two Components Together ................................... 45 2.3 Alternative Explanations ............................................................. 49 2.3.1 Cultural Symbols ........................................................................ 49 2.3.2 Ethnic Animosities ...................................................................... 50 2.4 Conclusion .................................................................................. 51 Chapter 3 The New Life Movement in Jiangxi: Weak Threat Perceptions, Pro-Minority Institutions, and the Limits of Nationalism ............................... 53 3.1 Is the New Life Movement a Nationalist Movement? ................ 55 iv 3.1.1 The Rationale of the New Life Movement: From Daily Habits to National Revival ....................................................................................... 55 3.1.2 Cleaning up Cities ....................................................................... 58 3.1.3 Rehabilitating the Rural Areas .................................................... 59 3.2 Assessing the Outcome of New Life Mobilization ..................... 62 3.3 The Public‘s Weak Perception of Foreign Threats ..................... 71 3.3.1 Nationalist Mobilization without a Foreign Enemy .................... 71 3.3.2 Effects on Mobilization............................................................... 73 3.4 The Restoration of Pro-Minority Institutions ............................. 78 3.4.1 ―Returning the Land to the Original Owners‖ ............................ 78 3.4.2 Effects on Mobilization............................................................... 80 3.5 Competing Explanations ............................................................. 84 3.5.1 Policy Implementation by Local Officials .................................. 84 3.5.2 Domestic Contenders .................................................................. 87 3.5.3 The Superficiality of the New Life Movement ........................... 88 3.5.4 Top-Down Model........................................................................ 89 3.5.5 Customs and Cultural Symbols ................................................... 90 3.6 Conclusion .................................................................................. 92 Chapter 4 Sichuan during the Sino-Japanese War：Strong Threat Perceptions, Pro-Minority Institutions, and the Limited Success of Nationalist Mobilization ………………………………………………………………….94 4.1 The Outcome of Nationalist Mobilization: A Limited Success .. 94 4.2 Strong Perception of Foreign Threats and Mass Participation . 103 4.2.1 The Industrial Relocation at the Onset of the War ................... 103 4.2.2 Life in the Interior: Japanese Bombing and its Effects on Wartime Mobilization ............................................................................. 108 4.3 Pro-Minority Institutions and Their Effects on Nationalist Mobilization ............................................................................................... 114 4.3.1 Pro-Minority Economic Institutions ......................................... 114 4.3.2 Pro-Minority Political Institutions ............................................ 115 4.3.3 Effects on Mobilization............................................................. 117 v 4.4 Alternative Explanations ........................................................... 121 4.4.1 Central-Local Relations and Mobilization Implementation ..... 121 4.4.2 Ethnic Animosities .................................................................... 123 4.5 Conclusion ................................................................................ 125 Chapter 5 The Lower Yangtze Region during the Korean War: Strong Threat Perceptions, Pro-Majority Institutions, and Successful Nationalist Mobilization…………. .................................................................................. 127 5.1 The Outcomes of Wartime Mobilization .................................. 128 5.2 Strong Perception of Foreign Threats and Mass Participation . 137 5.2.1 The Public‘s Perception of Threats ........................................... 137 5.2.2 Effects on Mobilization............................................................. 140 5.3 Pro-Majority Institutions and Mass Participation ..................... 142 5.3.1 Mobilizing the Urban Population.............................................. 142 5.3.2 Mobilizing the Rural Population ............................................... 146 5.3.3 The Effects on Mobilization
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