DOCSLIB.ORG

Introduction

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

Notes Introduction 1. Hobsbawm 1990, 66. 2. Diamond 1998, 322–33. 3. Fairbank 1992, 44–45. 4. Fei Xiaotong 1989, 1–2. 5. Diamond 1998, 323, original emphasis. 6. Crossley 1999; Di Cosmo 1998; Purdue 2005a; Lavely and Wong 1998, 717. 7. Richards 2003, 112–47; Lattimore 1937; Pan Chia-lin and Taeuber 1952. 8. My usage of the term “geo-body” follows Thongchai 1994. 9. B. Anderson 1991, 86. 10. Purdue 2001, 304. 11. Dreyer 2006, 279–80; Fei Xiaotong 1981, 23–25. 12. Jiang Ping 1994, 16. 13. Morris-Suzuki 1998, 4; Duara 2003; Handler 1988, 6–9. 14. Duara 1995; Duara 2003. 15. Turner 1962, 3. 16. Adelman and Aron 1999, 816. 17. M. Anderson 1996, 4, Anderson’s italics. 18. Fitzgerald 1996a: 136. 19. Ibid., 107. 20. Tsu Jing 2005. 21. R. Wong 2006, 95. 22. Chatterjee (1986) was the first to theorize colonial nationalism as a “derivative discourse” of Western Orientalism. 23. Gladney 1994, 92–95; Harrell 1995a; Schein 2000. 24. Fei Xiaotong 1989, 1. 25. Cohen 1991, 114–25; Schwarcz 1986; Tu Wei-ming 1994. 26. Harrison 2000, 240–43, 83–85; Harrison 2001. 27. Harrison 2000, 83–85; Cohen 1991, 126. 186 • Notes 28. Duara 2003, 9–40. 29. See, for example, Lattimore 1940 and 1962; Forbes 1986; Goldstein 1989; Benson 1990; Lipman 1998; Millward 1998; Purdue 2005a; Mitter 2000; Atwood 2002; Tighe 2005; Reardon-Anderson 2005; Giersch 2006; Crossley, Siu, and Sutton 2006; Gladney 1991, 1994, and 1996; Harrell 1995a and 2001; Brown 1996 and 2004; Cheung Siu-woo 1995 and 2003; Schein 2000; Kulp 2000; Bulag 2002 and 2006; Rossabi 2004. 30. L. Liu 1995, 1–42. 31. Ibid., 26. 32. Keyes 2002, 1182; Lin Yaohua 1963; Dikötter 1992, 108–10; Crossley 1990b, 19–20. 33. Morris-Suzuki 1998, 204; Duara 1995, 36n10. 34. Chatterjee 1986, vii. 35. Furth 1976; Crossley 1990b, 19. 36. Chen Liankai [1988] 1994, 27–69. 37. Chow Kai-wing 1997, 39. During the 1900s, Zhang and other revolutionaries used the terms Hanzu, Hanren, Hanzhong, and Han renzhong interchangeably to refer to their more circumscribed Sinic identity, one that explicitly excluded the Manchus. By the 1911 Revolution, Hanzu emerged as the neologism of choice, allowing for the distinction between a larger “yellow race” (huangzhong) and the Hanzu as a branch or lineage of the yellow race (see Chow Kai-wing 2001, 54–55). 38. Gladney 1991, 82–83; Chow Kai-wing 2001, 47–48, 76. 39. Zhao Gang 2006, 6; Chen Liankai [1988] 1994, 32–34; L. Liu 2004, 75–81. 40. Zhao Gang 2006, 10–14. See also the language employed in the international treaties signed between the Qing dynasty and the West that are contained in Tian Tao 1999. 41. Liang Qichao 1901, 3, as cited in L. Liu 2004, 76–77. 42. The earliest usage of Zhonghua minzu that I have been able to locate is Liang Qichao’s 1907 essay investigating the role of the Chinese minzu in history (see Liang Qichao 1907, 2). Here Liang employs the term as a synonym for the Hanzu, which nearly all turn-of-the-century Chinese intellectuals used to refer to the Sinic cultural and political community. Yet, unlike the anti-Manchuists, Liang went to great lengths in other essays to demonstrate the inclusive, racially composite nature of the Zhonghua minzu and how it fused together a number of different lineages living within the territorial confines of Qing China. In doing so, he paved the way for the term’s widespread usage among Republican-era elites and the repositioning of the Hanzu as the racial “back- bone” (gugan) of a territorially bounded yet multiethnic Zhonghua minzu (see Liang Qichao 1922, 1–34). 43. Chen Liankai [1988] 1994, 66–69; Lipman 2002, 117–18. 44. Dikötter 2002, 496. 45. B. Anderson 1991, 19. 46. Adelman and Aron 1999, 814–16. 47. Luo Zhufeng 1997, 3: 6467; Ma Ruheng and Ma Dazheng 1994, 85–101; Purdue 2005a, 409–61. Notes • 187 48. Thierry 1989, 77. 49. My translation of guozu, a term that literally means “state lineage,”as “race- state” is an attempt to articulate the widespread semantic convergence of race, nation, and state among turn-of-the-century intellectuals. Numerous scholars have pointed out how these concepts were used interchangeably among Western elites prior to the end of World War I (see Duara 1995, 22). The same was true of Chinese intellectuals who used what is today rendered in English as “race” (zhongzu), “nation” or “nationality” (minzu), and “state” (guojia) inter- changeably to refer to a group of territorially and genealogically distinct peo- ples locked in a battle for evolutionary survival with other race-states. 50. Liang Qichao 1903a, 12; Hobsbawm 1990, 31–45. 51. Liang Qichao 1903a, 11. 52. Jin Binggao 1987, 47. 53. Crossley 2005. 54. Eley and Suny 1996, 8. 55. Sun Yat-sen 1921a, 24. 56. Harrell 1996, 4. 57. Cited in Hobsbawm 1990, 12. 58. B. Anderson 1991, 204–6. Chapter 1 1. Kaldor 2004, 161–77. 2. Gellner 1983; Smith 2000; Hobsbawm 1990; Greenfeld 1992. 3. Hobsbawm 1990, 66. 4. Ibid., 137, 66n37. 5. Gellner 1983, 16, 108, 109n1, 141. 6. B. Anderson 1991, 113. 7. B. Anderson 2001, 31. 8. Chatterjee 2000, 940. 9. Purdue 1998a, 285. Also see Purdue 2005b, 183–86. 10. Crossley 1990b, 1–34. See also Fairbank and Teng 1954; and Levenson 1964–65 (with recent criticism of the “impact/response” model of sinology in Cohen 1984; and Farquhar and Hevia 1993). 11. Fiskesjö 2006, 19. 12. Fairbank 1968. 13. Levenson 1964–65. 14. Hsiao Kung-chuan 1979, 24. 15. Ibid., 25. 16. Ibid. The culturalism-to-nationalism thesis remains influential, albeit in a qualified fashion, with James Townsend (1996) and Zhao Suisheng (2004, 40–44) recently rearticulating its significance. 17. Lattimore 1932; Lattimore 1937. 188 • Notes 18. Eberhard 1982; Fletcher 1995; Franke and Twitchett 1994; Rossabi 1975 and 1988; Wakeman 1985; Barfield 1989. 19. Chen Yinke 1977; Xiang Da 1979. 20. Harrell 1995a; Millward 1996. Also see Millward 1998; Di Cosmo 2002; Di Cosmo and Wyatt 2003; Mair 2005; Crossley, Siu, and Sutton 2006; Giersch 2006. 21. Langlois 1981, 15; Also see Serruys 1987, 137–90. 22. Elliott 2001, 5–6; Crossley 1990a; Rhoads 2000. 23. Crossley 1990b, 2. See also Brown 2004, 30–34. 24. Gladney 1991; Elliott 2006, 32–35; and Duara 1995, 49–54. On ethnicity as a boundary process, see Barth 1969. 25. Levenson 1964–65, 96. 26. Duara 1995, 8. 27. Ibid., 57. 28. Duara 1995, 60. Also see Dow Tsung-I 1982; Dikötter 1992; Huang Guangxue 1995, 51–92; Q. Wang 1999; Ebrey 1996; Poo Mu-chou 2005. 29. Yang Lien-sheng 1968, 26. 30. Legge 1961, 355. The exclusivist representation in the Zuo commentary is closely associated with the unique form of environmental determinism that grew out of the proto-Sinic yin-yang, and five-element epistemologies of the Zhou period (see Henderson 1984). This system of “correlative thought” that came to underpin imperial Confucianism during the Han dynasty linked celestial phenomena, climatic conditions, human physiognomy, and nature in a cosmology that situated differences in regional qi (psycho-physical energy) that produced distinct xing (nature). While in the inclusivist narrative of political community, one’s xing was transformable, the exclusivist tradition argued that the differences in nature and lifestyle associated with different cli- matic zones created an unbridgeable chasm between the frontier and the har- monious qi of the central plains. As the Book of Rites (Liji) states, “The Chinese and the barbarians of the five directions all have their own xing which cannot be transposed (tuiyi)” (Liu Dianjue and Chen Fangzheng 1992, 34). 31. Cited in Yang Lien-sheng 1968, 28. See also Yu Ying-shih 1967; Barfield 1989; Di Cosmo 2002. 32. Cited in Pusey 1983, 322. 33. Cited in Huan Kuan 1931, 77. 34. Ebrey 1996, 26. 35. We must resist the temptation, however, to read modern taxonomies of race backward into premodern markers of difference (see Dikötter 1992, 3; Dikötter 2002, 497). While the imperial tradition of ethnocentrism con- tributed to the modern discourse of race, these markers operated within a sep- arate episteme in which qi (psycho-physical energies) differed from xue (blood), and zulei (kinship) was distinct from zhongzu (race). 36. See the writings of Emile Durkheim, Edmund Leach, and Fredrik Barth; on the rich genealogy of “ethnicity” as an analytical concept, see S. Jones 1997. 37. Cited in Gladney 1996, 471. Notes • 189 38. Duara 1996, 49-54. For a discussion of the various elements of this Sinic cul- tural complex, see Ng-Quinn 1993, 53–61; Watson 1993, 80–103; Ho Ping- Ti 1976, 547–54; Ebrey 1996; R. Wong 2006, 93–4; Harrison 2001, 10–25. Fitzgerald refers to imperial China’s “proto-nation” as “the wedding of internal differentiation with formal unity.” He goes onto to explain: “That is, it con- sisted of a series of distinct vertical communities within large regional blocs which were integrated internally by ties of customs and commerce, which were associated with one another through common ritual practices and a common textual tradition, and which were bound to the state through the working of the imperial bureaucracy and the placement of imperial garrisons” (Fitzgerald 1994, 27). 39. Johnson, Nathan, and Rawski 1985; Watson and Rawski 1988; Watson 1993; Tu Wei-ming 1994. 40. R. Wong, Huters, and Yu 1997; Sutton 2007; and other contributors to the January 2007 special issue of Modern China. 41. Melissa Brown’s recent article is an important exception. However, I believe she underestimates the role of culture in identity formation, treating Han, or Chinese identity, more broadly as a type of false consciousness forcefully imposed by state elites for coldly calculated political and economic gain.
Recommended publications
  • The Cartographic Steppe: Mapping Environment and Ethnicity in Japan's Imperial Borderlands

    The Cartographic Steppe: Mapping Environment and Ethnicity in Japan's Imperial Borderlands

    The Cartographic Steppe: Mapping Environment and Ethnicity in Japan's Imperial Borderlands The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Christmas, Sakura. 2016. The Cartographic Steppe: Mapping Environment and Ethnicity in Japan's Imperial Borderlands. Doctoral dissertation, Harvard University, Graduate School of Arts & Sciences. Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:33840708 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA The Cartographic Steppe: Mapping Environment and Ethnicity in Japan’s Imperial Borderlands A dissertation presented by Sakura Marcelle Christmas to The Department of History in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the subject of History Harvard University Cambridge, Massachusetts August 2016 © 2016 Sakura Marcelle Christmas All rights reserved. Dissertation Advisor: Ian Jared Miller Sakura Marcelle Christmas The Cartographic Steppe: Mapping Environment and Ethnicity in Japan’s Imperial Borderlands ABSTRACT This dissertation traces one of the origins of the autonomous region system in the People’s Republic of China to the Japanese imperial project by focusing on Inner Mongolia in the 1930s. Here, Japanese technocrats demarcated the borderlands through categories of ethnicity and livelihood. At the center of this endeavor was the perceived problem of nomadic decline: the loss of the region’s deep history of transhumance to Chinese agricultural expansion and capitalist extraction.
  • The Guangzhou-Hongkong Strike, 1925-1926

    The Guangzhou-Hongkong Strike, 1925-1926

    The Guangzhou-Hongkong Strike, 1925-1926 Hongkong Workers in an Anti-Imperialist Movement Robert JamesHorrocks Submitted in accordancewith the requirementsfor the degreeof PhD The University of Leeds Departmentof East Asian Studies October 1994 The candidateconfirms that the work submitted is his own and that appropriate credit has been given where referencehas been made to the work of others. 11 Abstract In this thesis, I study the Guangzhou-Hongkong strike of 1925-1926. My analysis differs from past studies' suggestions that the strike was a libertarian eruption of mass protest against British imperialism and the Hongkong Government, which, according to these studies, exploited and oppressed Chinese in Guangdong and Hongkong. I argue that a political party, the CCP, led, organised, and nurtured the strike. It centralised political power in its hands and tried to impose its revolutionary visions on those under its control. First, I describe how foreign trade enriched many people outside the state. I go on to describe how Chinese-run institutions governed Hongkong's increasingly settled non-elite Chinese population. I reject ideas that Hongkong's mixed-class unions exploited workers and suggest that revolutionaries failed to transform Hongkong society either before or during the strike. My thesis shows that the strike bureaucracy was an authoritarian power structure; the strike's unprecedented political demands reflected the CCP's revolutionary political platform, which was sometimes incompatible with the interests of Hongkong's unions. I suggestthat the revolutionary elite's goals were not identical to those of the unions it claimed to represent: Hongkong unions preserved their autonomy in the face of revolutionaries' attempts to control Hongkong workers.
  • Contemporary China: a Book List

    Contemporary China: a Book List

    PRINCETON UNIVERSITY: Woodrow Wilson School, Politics Department, East Asian Studies Program CONTEMPORARY CHINA: A BOOK LIST by Lubna Malik and Lynn White Winter 2007-2008 Edition This list is available on the web at: http://www.princeton.edu/~lynn/chinabib.pdf which can be viewed and printed with an Adobe Acrobat Reader. Variation of font sizes may cause pagination to differ slightly in the web and paper editions. No list of books can be totally up-to-date. Please surf to find further items. Also consult http://www.princeton.edu/~lynn/chinawebs.doc for clicable URLs. This list of items in English has several purposes: --to help advise students' course essays, junior papers, policy workshops, and senior theses about contemporary China; --to supplement the required reading lists of courses on "Chinese Development" and "Chinese Politics," for which students may find books to review in this list; --to provide graduate students with a list that may suggest books for paper topics and may slightly help their study for exams in Chinese politics; a few of the compiler's favorite books are starred on the list, but not much should be made of this because such books may be old or the subjects may not meet present interests; --to supplement a bibliography of all Asian serials in the Princeton Libraries that was compiled long ago by Frances Chen and Maureen Donovan; many of these are now available on the web,e.g., from “J-Stor”; --to suggest to book selectors in the Princeton libraries items that are suitable for acquisition; to provide a computerized list on which researchers can search for keywords of interests; and to provide a resource that many teachers at various other universities have also used.
  • Dressing for the Times: Fashion in Tang Dynasty China (618-907)

    Dressing for the Times: Fashion in Tang Dynasty China (618-907)

    Dressing for the Times: Fashion in Tang Dynasty China (618-907) BuYun Chen Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2013 © 2013 BuYun Chen All rights reserved ABSTRACT Dressing for the Times: Fashion in Tang Dynasty China (618-907) BuYun Chen During the Tang dynasty, an increased capacity for change created a new value system predicated on the accumulation of wealth and the obsolescence of things that is best understood as fashion. Increased wealth among Tang elites was paralleled by a greater investment in clothes, which imbued clothes with new meaning. Intellectuals, who viewed heightened commercial activity and social mobility as symptomatic of an unstable society, found such profound changes in the vestimentary landscape unsettling. For them, a range of troubling developments, including crisis in the central government, deep suspicion of the newly empowered military and professional class, and anxiety about waste and obsolescence were all subsumed under the trope of fashionable dressing. The clamor of these intellectuals about the widespread desire to be “current” reveals the significant space fashion inhabited in the empire – a space that was repeatedly gendered female. This dissertation considers fashion as a system of social practices that is governed by material relations – a system that is also embroiled in the politics of the gendered self and the body. I demonstrate that this notion of fashion is the best way to understand the process through which competition for status and self-identification among elites gradually broke away from the imperial court and its system of official ranks.
  • Notes and References

    Notes and References

    Notes and References Front and Introduction 1. Hu Yaobang's interview with Selig Harrison, Far Eastern Economic Review, 26 July 1986. 2. Ma Ying-cheou's interview with the author, Taipei, June 1989. 1 Geography and Early History On Taiwan's topography, see Anon. (1960) and Hseih (1964). On pre-history, see Chai (1967), Davidson (1988) and God­ dard (1966). Early contacts with the mainland Davidson (1988), Goddard (1966) and Reischauer and Fair­ bank (1958). Early foreign contacts Davidson (1988), Goddard (1966), Hsu (1970) and Reischauer and Fairbank (1958). Taiwan under the Dutch Campbell (1903), Davidson (1988) and Goddard (1966). The Koxinga interregnum Croizier (1977), Hsu (1970) and Kessler (1976). The 'Wild East' Davidson (1988), Goddard (1966) and Gold (1986). Taiwan joins international politics Broomhall (1982), Davidson (1988), Hibbert (1970), Hsu (1970), Wang and Hao (1980) and Yen (1965). Early modernisation Goddard (1966), Gold (1986) and Kerr (1974). 246 Notes 247 The Japanese annexation Davidson (1988), Hsu (1970), Jansen (1980), Kerr (1974), Li (1956), Reischauer and Fairbank (1958), Smith and Liu (1980) and Wang and Hao (1980). Taiwan under the Japanese Behr (1989), Davidson (1988), Gold (1986), Ho (1978), Kerr (1974) and Mendel (1970). REFERENCES l. The 'Dragon Myth' is cited in Davidson (1988). 2. Quoted in Campbell (1903). 3. Quoted in Hsu (1970). 4. Quoted in Gold (1986). 5. Quoted in Davidson (1988). 6. Fairbank (1972). 2 The Kuomintang The Kuomintang in 1945 Belden (1973), Bianco (1971), China White Paper (1967), Harrison (1976), Kerr (1974), Loh (1965), Seagrave (1985) and Tuchman (1972). Sun Yat-sen and the origins of the KMT Bianco (1971), Chan (1976), Creel (1953), Fairbank (1987), Gold (1986), Harrison (1976), Hsu (1970), Isaacs (1951), Schiffrin (1968), Spence (1982) and Tan (1971).
  • Jingjiao Under the Lenses of Chinese Political Theology

    Jingjiao Under the Lenses of Chinese Political Theology

    religions Article Jingjiao under the Lenses of Chinese Political Theology Chin Ken-pa Department of Philosophy, Fu Jen Catholic University, New Taipei City 24205, Taiwan; [email protected] Received: 28 May 2019; Accepted: 16 September 2019; Published: 26 September 2019 Abstract: Conflict between religion and state politics is a persistent phenomenon in human history. Hence it is not surprising that the propagation of Christianity often faces the challenge of “political theology”. When the Church of the East monk Aluoben reached China in 635 during the reign of Emperor Tang Taizong, he received the favorable invitation of the emperor to translate Christian sacred texts for the collections of Tang Imperial Library. This marks the beginning of Jingjiao (oY) mission in China. In historiographical sense, China has always been a political domineering society where the role of religion is subservient and secondary. A school of scholarship in Jingjiao studies holds that the fall of Jingjiao in China is the obvious result of its over-involvement in local politics. The flaw of such an assumption is the overlooking of the fact that in the Tang context, it is impossible for any religious establishments to avoid getting in touch with the Tang government. In the light of this notion, this article attempts to approach this issue from the perspective of “political theology” and argues that instead of over-involvement, it is rather the clashing of “ideologies” between the Jingjiao establishment and the ever-changing Tang court’s policies towards foreigners and religious bodies that caused the downfall of Jingjiao Christianity in China. This article will posit its argument based on the analysis of the Chinese Jingjiao canonical texts, especially the Xian Stele, and takes this as a point of departure to observe the political dynamics between Jingjiao and Tang court.
  • New China and Its Qiaowu: the Political Economy of Overseas Chinese Policy in the People’S Republic of China, 1949–1959

    New China and Its Qiaowu: the Political Economy of Overseas Chinese Policy in the People’S Republic of China, 1949–1959

    1 The London School of Economics and Political Science New China and its Qiaowu: The Political Economy of Overseas Chinese policy in the People’s Republic of China, 1949–1959 Jin Li Lim A thesis submitted to the Department of International History of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, September 2016. 2 Declaration: I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 98,700 words. 3 Abstract: This thesis examines qiaowu [Overseas Chinese affairs] policies during the PRC’s first decade, and it argues that the CCP-controlled party-state’s approach to the governance of the huaqiao [Overseas Chinese] and their affairs was fundamentally a political economy. This was at base, a function of perceived huaqiao economic utility, especially for what their remittances offered to China’s foreign reserves, and hence the party-state’s qiaowu approach was a political practice to secure that economic utility.
  • Re-Branding a Nation Online: Discourses on Polish Nationalism and Patriotism

    Re-Branding a Nation Online: Discourses on Polish Nationalism and Patriotism

    Re-Branding a Nation Online Re-Branding a Nation Online Discourses on Polish Nationalism and Patriotism Magdalena Kania-Lundholm Dissertation presented at Uppsala University to be publicly examined in Sal IX, Universitets- huset, Uppsala, Friday, October 26, 2012 at 10:15 for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. The examination will be conducted in English. Abstract Kania-Lundholm, M. 2012. Re-Branding A Nation Online: Discourses on Polish Nationalism and Patriotism. Sociologiska institutionen. 258 pp. Uppsala. ISBN 978-91-506-2302-4. The aim of this dissertation is two-fold. First, the discussion seeks to understand the concepts of nationalism and patriotism and how they relate to one another. In respect to the more criti- cal literature concerning nationalism, it asks whether these two concepts are as different as is sometimes assumed. Furthermore, by problematizing nation-branding as an “updated” form of nationalism, it seeks to understand whether we are facing the possible emergence of a new type of nationalism. Second, the study endeavors to discursively analyze the ”bottom-up” processes of national reproduction and re-definition in an online, post-socialist context through an empirical examination of the online debate and polemic about the new Polish patriotism. The dissertation argues that approaching nationalism as a broad phenomenon and ideology which operates discursively is helpful for understanding patriotism as an element of the na- tionalist rhetoric that can be employed to study national unity, sameness, and difference. Emphasizing patriotism within the Central European context as neither an alternative to nor as a type of nationalism may make it possible to explain the popularity and continuous endur- ance of nationalism and of practices of national identification in different and changing con- texts.
  • Varieties of American Popular Nationalism.” American Sociological Review 81(5):949-980

    Varieties of American Popular Nationalism.” American Sociological Review 81(5):949-980

    Bonikowski, Bart, and Paul DiMaggio. 2016. “Varieties of American Popular Nationalism.” American Sociological Review 81(5):949-980. Publisher’s version: http://asr.sagepub.com/content/81/5/949 Varieties of American Popular Nationalism Bart Bonikowski Harvard University Paul DiMaggio New York University Abstract Despite the relevance of nationalism for politics and intergroup relations, sociologists have devoted surprisingly little attention to the phenomenon in the United States, and historians and political psychologists who do study the United States have limited their focus to specific forms of nationalist sentiment: ethnocultural or civic nationalism, patriotism, or national pride. This article innovates, first, by examining an unusually broad set of measures (from the 2004 GSS) tapping national identification, ethnocultural and civic criteria for national membership, domain- specific national pride, and invidious comparisons to other nations, thus providing a fuller depiction of Americans’ national self-understanding. Second, we use latent class analysis to explore heterogeneity, partitioning the sample into classes characterized by distinctive patterns of attitudes. Conventional distinctions between ethnocultural and civic nationalism describe just about half of the U.S. population and do not account for the unexpectedly low levels of national pride found among respondents who hold restrictive definitions of American nationhood. A subset of primarily younger and well-educated Americans lacks any strong form of patriotic sentiment; a larger class, primarily older and less well educated, embraces every form of nationalist sentiment. Controlling for sociodemographic characteristics and partisan identification, these classes vary significantly in attitudes toward ethnic minorities, immigration, and national sovereignty. Finally, using comparable data from 1996 and 2012, we find structural continuity and distributional change in national sentiments over a period marked by terrorist attacks, war, economic crisis, and political contention.
  • Hang Tu 涂航 2 Peabody Terrace, #1703, Cambridge, MA, 02138 Email: Hangtu@G.Harvard.Edu Phone: +1-443-345-6628 Education： H

    Hang Tu 涂航 2 Peabody Terrace, #1703, Cambridge, MA, 02138 Email: [email protected] Phone: +1-443-345-6628 Education： H

    Hang Tu 涂航 2 Peabody Terrace, #1703, Cambridge, MA, 02138 Email: [email protected] Phone: +1-443-345-6628 Education： Harvard University 2015-Present East Asian Languages & Civilizations Ph.D. University of Washington June 2014 English Language and Literature M.A. Sun Yat-Sen University July 2012 English Language and Literature B.A. Dissertation: “Revolution Remains: Literature, Thought, and Memory Politics in Contemporary China” Committee: Professor David Der-wei Wang (Chair), Professor Elizabeth J. Perry, Professor Jie Li Publications: Book Chapters: “Cultural Imperialism Redux? Reassessing the Christian Colleges of Republican China,” co- authored with Elizabeth J. Perry, in China and the World—The World and China: A Transcultural Perspective, Vol. 3 (Gossenberg: OSTASIEN Verlag, 2019). “Anticipatory Utopia and Redemptive Utopia in Post-revolutionary China,” in Utopia and Utopianism in the Contemporary Chinese Context: Texts, Ideas, Spaces, David Der-wei Wang eds. (Hong Kong University Press, forthcoming). English Journal Articles: “Pleasure and Sin, Li Zehou, Liu Zaifu, and the Political-Theological Motif in Post-Mao Cultural Reflections,” in Prism: Theory and Modern Chinese Literature, accepted. Chinese Journal Articles: “Le yu zui: Li Zehou, Liu Zaifu, yu wenhuafansi de liangzhonglujing” 樂與罪：李澤厚, 劉 再復, 與文化反思的兩種路徑” [Pleasure and sin: Li Zehou, Liu Zaifu, and the two routes of cultural reflection in post-Mao China], in Huawenwenxue 華文文學 [Sinophone Literature], Feb. 2019. (Peer-reviewed) “Meiyu dai zongjiao: houwusi shidai de meixue sichao” 美育代宗教：后五四時代的美學 思潮 [An aesthetic education with religious sentiments: notes on a political-theological motif in post-May Fourth aesthetics], in Nanfangwentan 南方文壇 [Southern Forum], Jan. 2019. (Peer-reviewed) “Huidao kangde: Li Zehou yu bashiniandai de qimeng sichao” 回到康德：李澤厚與八十 年代的啟蒙思潮 [Back to Kant: Li Zehou and the question of enlightenment in post-Mao China], in Sixiang 思想雜誌 [Reflexion] , Dec.
  • Confucianism, "Cultural Tradition" and Official Discourses in China at the Start of the New Century

    Confucianism, "Cultural Tradition" and Official Discourses in China at the Start of the New Century

    China Perspectives 2007/3 | 2007 Creating a Harmonious Society Confucianism, "cultural tradition" and official discourses in China at the start of the new century Sébastien Billioud Édition électronique URL : http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/2033 DOI : 10.4000/chinaperspectives.2033 ISSN : 1996-4617 Éditeur Centre d'étude français sur la Chine contemporaine Édition imprimée Date de publication : 15 septembre 2007 ISSN : 2070-3449 Référence électronique Sébastien Billioud, « Confucianism, "cultural tradition" and official discourses in China at the start of the new century », China Perspectives [En ligne], 2007/3 | 2007, mis en ligne le 01 septembre 2010, consulté le 14 novembre 2019. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/2033 ; DOI : 10.4000/chinaperspectives.2033 © All rights reserved Special feature s e v Confucianism, “Cultural i a t c n i e Tradition,” and Official h p s c r Discourse in China at the e p Start of the New Century SÉBASTIEN BILLIOUD This article explores the reference to traditional culture and Confucianism in official discourses at the start of the new century. It shows the complexity and the ambiguity of the phenomenon and attempts to analyze it within the broader framework of society’s evolving relation to culture. armony (hexie 和谐 ), the rule of virtue ( yi into allusions made in official discourse, we are interested de zhi guo 以德治国 ): for the last few years in another general and imprecise category: cultural tradi - Hthe consonance suggested by slogans and tion ( wenhua chuantong ) or traditional cul - 文化传统 themes mobilised by China’s leadership has led to spec - ture ( chuantong wenhua 传统文化 ). ((1) However, we ulation concerning their relationship to Confucianism or, are excluding from the domain of this study the entire as - more generally, to China’s classical cultural tradition.
  • Information to Users

    Information to Users

    INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript Pas been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissenation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from anytype of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely. event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material bad to beremoved, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with smalloverlaps. Each original is also photographed in one exposure and is included in reduced form at the back ofthe book. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6" x 9" black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. UMI A Bell &Howell Information Company 300North Zeeb Road. Ann Arbor. MI48106-1346 USA 313!761-47oo 800:521·0600 THE LIN BIAO INCIDENT: A STUDY OF EXTRA-INSTITUTIONAL FACTORS IN THE CULTURAL REVOLUTION A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE DIVISION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF HAWAII IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN HISTORY AUGUST 1995 By Qiu Jin Dissertation Committee: Stephen Uhalley, Jr., Chairperson Harry Lamley Sharon Minichiello John Stephan Roger Ames UMI Number: 9604163 OMI Microform 9604163 Copyright 1995, by OMI Company.