New Cambridge History of the

Volume IV: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe

Editor: Raymond Hickey (also general editor)

Introduction: Language Variation and Change

1. Sociolinguistic sources of change (Devyani Sharma) 2. Life-span changes and the history of English (Isabelle Buchstaller) 3. Vernaculars, supraregional varieties and standards (Raymond Hickey) 4. Historical divisions and perceptual dialectology (Chris Montgomery)

English in

5. Dialects, dialectology and the history of English (Warren Maguire) 6. The history of (Anne Fabricius) 7. Early English (Laura Wright) 8. The recent history of London English (Susan Fox) 9. English in the South-West of England (Juhani Klemola) 10. English in (David Britain and Rob Potter) 11. English in the Midlands (Esther Asprey and Natalie Braber) 12. English in Merseyside (Kevin Watson) 13. English in Tyneside (Adam Mearns)

English in Wales

14. The history of English in Wales (Robert Penhallurick)

English in Scotland

15. The history of Scots (Joanna Kopaczyk) 16. The lexicography of Scots (Margaret Scott) 17. Taking stock of Scots and in the early twenty-first century (Jane Stuart-Smith and Rachel Macdonald) 18. English in Orkney and Shetland (Peter Sundkvist)

English in Ireland NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 2 of 61

19. English in the south of Ireland (Raymond Hickey) 20. English in the north of Ireland (Kevin McCafferty)

English in Europe

21. English in the Channel Islands (Heinrich Ramisch) 22. English in Gibraltar (Elena Seoane and Cristina Suárez-Gómez) 23. English in Malta (Alexandra Vella) 24. English in Cyprus (Sarah Buschfeld) NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 3 of 61

1

Sociolinguistic sources of change

Devyani Sharma Queen Mary, University of London

Abstract

The present-day shape of English, in all its diverse forms, is a layered record of the inexorable push and pull of social forces over its lifetime. This chapter reviews some of the major social sources of linguistic change in . We will see that, despite major social transformations over 1500 years, the underlying social processes that shape language are remarkably consistent. We will also see how present-day scenarios, which offer more plentiful data for close analysis, help us to speculate about the nature of linguistic processes and even social relations that obtained in the past. The chapter reviews a number of social factors in change, each illustrated with examples from historical and present-day varieties of English in the British Isles. One of the most well-established sociolinguistic sources of change in English is socioeconomic status. Less conscious and more regular change tends to diffuse upward through the socioeconomic hierarchy, whereas more conscious and often more arbitrary prestige norms tend to be imposed downward (Labov 2001). These processes of change interact in strikingly regular ways with gender (Trudgill 1974). Conscious and unconscious language attitudes can sustain such norms over long periods (Milroy and Milroy 1985; Montgomery 2012). At finer levels of community structure, social networks (Milroy 1987; Bergs 2005) almost always organize the diffusion of change, while peer group dynamics shape the social meanings of forms that feed into such networks of diffusion (Eckert 2000; Moore and Podesva 2009). This leads us from larger social structure down to the micro-interactional level. A long-standing challenge in sociolinguistics is to reconcile seemingly agentive shifts at this moment-to-moment level of spoken interaction with more mechanistic macro-social processes of change (Sharma and Rampton 2015). The chapter also briefly reviews further factors, such as the intriguing and possibly changing role of media influence (Stuart-Smith and Ota 2014). An integral part of all such factors is social context. The second half of the chapter turns to how wider social transformations in the UK — migration, conflict, technology —heightened or attenuated the operation of the above sociolinguistic factors, leading to such outcomes as dialect birth (Cheshire et al. 2011), koineisation (Kerswill and Williams 2005), and levelling (Britain 2002, in press). Historical and contemporary case studies from across the British Isles are used to illustrate situations of language contact and demographic change, and the types of linguistic change that these engendered. Language change is shown to be a powerful measure of prevailing social and ideological structures. In closing, I briefly reflect on the relationship between internally- and externally-driven linguistic change, placing sociolinguistic factors within the wider frame of language as a cognitive system.

References NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 4 of 61

Bergs, Alexander. (2005) Social networks and historical sociolinguistics. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Britain, D. (2002) Diffusion, levelling, simplification and reallocation in past tense BE in the English Fens. Journal of Sociolinguistics, 6(1), p.16-44. Britain, David, and Sarah Grossenbacher. (in press) Counterurbanisation, dialect contact and the levelling of non-salient traditional dialect variants: The case of the front short vowels in Eastern England. In Arne Ziegler, Stefanie Edler, Nina Kleczkowski and Georg Oberdorfer (eds.), Urban Matters. Current Approaches of International Sociolinguistic Research. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Cheshire, Jenny, Paul Kerswill, Sue Fox, and Eivind Torgersen. (2011) Contact, the feature pool and the speech community: The emergence of Multicultural London English. Journal of Sociolinguistics, 15(2), p.151-196. Eckert, Penny. (2000) Linguistic Variation as Social Practice: The Linguistic Construction of Identity in Belton High. Malden, MA: Blackwell. Kerswill, Paul, and Ann Williams. (2005) New towns and koineization: linguistic and social correlates. Linguistics, 43(5), p.1023-1048. Labov, William. (2001) Principles of Linguistic Change: Social Factors. Volume 2. Oxford: Wiley Blackwell. Milroy, James, and Lesley Milroy. (1985) Authority in Language: Investigating Language Prescription and Standardisation. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Milroy, Lesley. (1987) Language and Social Networks. Second Edition. Oxford: Blackwell. Montgomery, Chris. (2012) Perceptions of dialects: Changing attitudes and ideologies. In T. Nevalainen and E. Traugott (eds) The Oxford Handbook of the History of English, 457–469. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Moore, Emma, and Robert Podesva. (2009) Style, indexicality, and the social meaning of tag questions. Language in Society, 38(4), 447-485. Sharma, Devyani, and Ben Rampton. (2015) Lectal focusing in interaction: A new methodology for the study of style variation. Journal of English Linguistics 43(1): 3-35. Stuart-Smith, Jane, and Ichiro Ota. (2014) Media models, ‘the shelf’ and stylistic variation in East and West: rethinking the influence of the media on language variation and change. In Androutsopoulos, J. ed. The Media and Sociolinguistic Change. Berlin: De Gruyter, pp.127-70. Trudgill, Peter. (1974) The social differentiation of English in Norwich. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Institutional address

Prof. Devyani Sharma Department of Linguistics Queen Mary University of London Mile End Road London E14NS United Kingdom NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 5 of 61 NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 6 of 61

2

Life-span changes and the history of English

Isabelle Buchstaller University of Duisburg and Essen

Abstract

Models of language change tend to rely on the critical period hypothesis which assumes that speakers’ linguistic habits stabilize after puberty. Under this hypothesis, post-adolescent speakers would not contribute to ongoing change, remaining essentially constant as younger generations around them push forward incoming forms. Panel research, which follows individual speakers through chronological time, puts to the test the assumptions of the critical period hypothesis and thus its fundamental tenet of intra-speaker stability. While panel studies remain relatively sparse – mainly due to difficulties involved in re-recording individuals across their life-span – Sankoff and Blondeau’s (2007) call for linguists to engage with this line of research has resulted in an increasing body of evidence that post-adolescent speakers contribute in socially differentiated ways to community-wide change. These panel studies have revealed that post-adolescent changes in language use occur in two broad patterns of instability: Life-span change, when individuals adapt their language use towards the direction of change and thus replicate patterns of the community-wide trend. Retrograde movement against the community-wide change, when post-adolescent speakers move away from ongoing change. Independently, later-life change whereby an individual picks up linguistic features characteristic of a community to which they have relocated has been found in second dialect acquisition. Notably, these two patterns of intra-speaker lability tend to have socio-economic correlates, with more highly educated speakers having been reported to pick up on incoming prestige standard forms. Upwardly mobile individuals and speakers in the higher socio-economic brackets have also been shown to eschew incoming tends away from the prescriptive standard, reverting to older, prescriptive norms. Findings such as these suggest that a strong version of the critical age hypothesis does not adequately describe the continued linguistic malleability that has been found to occur into age ranges well beyond adolescence. This chapter explores the contribution of the individual speaker to language change at the community level as well as the range and determinants of intra-speaker malleability (Bowie and Yaeger-Dror 2016) across the life-span. Reflecting on the growing field of panel research and drawing on a combination of trend and panel data collected in the North East of England, I will illustrate different types of intra-speaker lability as well as the repercussions which malleability across the life-span of the individual has for our models of historical language change.

References

Anderson, Stephen (2016). Synchronic versus diachronic explanation and the nature of the language faculty. Annual Review of Linguistics 2:11-31. NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 7 of 61

Birdsong, David (ed.). 1999. Second language acquisition and the critical period hypothesis. Mahwah & London: Lawrence Erlbaum. Blondeau, Pierrette, Gillian Sankoff and Anne Charity (2002). Parcours individuels et changements linguistiques en cours dans la communauté francophone montréalaise. Revue Québécoise de Linguistique 31(1): 13-38. Bowie, David and Malcah Yaeger-Dror (2016). Language change in real time. In Patrick Honeybone & Joseph Salmons (eds.), Handbook of historical phonology, 603 – 618. Oxford, U.K.: Oxford University Press. Buchstaller, Isabelle (2015). Exploring linguistic malleability across the life-span: Age-specific patterns in quotative use. Language in Society 44(4): 457 - 496. Buchstaller, Isabelle (2016). Investigating the effect of socio-cognitive salience and speaker-based factors in morpho-syntactic life-span change. Journal of English Linguistics 44: 199 –229. Buchstaller, Isabelle, Anne Krause, Anja Auer and Stefanie Otte (2017). Levelling across the life-span? Tracing the FACE vowel in panel data from the North East of England. Journal of Sociolinguistics 21(1): 3-33. Lenneberg, Eric (1967). Biological foundations of language. New York: Wiley. MacKenzie, Laurel (2017) Forthcoming. Frequency effects over the lifespan: A case study of Attenborough's r's. Linguistics Vanguard 3(1): 1-12. Prichard, Hilary and Meredith Tamminga (2012). The impact of higher education on Philadelphia vowels. University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics 18(2): 87-95. Stevens, Mary and Jonathan Harrington (2014). The individual and the actuation of sound change. Loquens 1(1). Sankoff, Gillian (2004). Adolescents, young adults and the critical period: Two case studies from ‘Seven Up’. In Carmen Fought (ed.), Sociolinguistic variation: Critical reflections, 121–39. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press. Sankoff, Gillian (2005). Cross-sectional and longitudinal studies in sociolinguistics. In Ulrich Ammon, Norbert Dittmar, Klaus Mattheier & Peter Trudgill (eds.), An international handbook of the science of language and society, Vol. 2, 1003–13. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Sankoff, Gillian (2013). Longitudinal studies. In Robert Bayley, Richard Cameron & Ceil Lucas (eds.), The Oxford handbook of sociolinguistics, 261-279. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Sankoff, Gillian (2019). Language change across the life-span: Three trajectory types. Language 95(2): 1-33 Sankoff, Gillian (2018). Language Change Across the Lifespan. Annual Review of Linguistics 4:297-316. Sankoff, Gillian and Hélène Blondeau (2007). Language change across the lifespan: /r/ in Montreal French. Language 83(3): 560-588. Sankoff, Gillian and Suzanne Evans Wagner. Forthcoming. The long tail of language change: A trend and panel study of Québecois French futures. Canadian Journal of Linguistics. Tamminga, Meredith, Laurel MacKenzie and David Embick (2016). The dynamics of variation in individuals. Linguistic Variation 16(2): 300-336. Vanhove, Jan (2013). The Critical Period Hypothesis in Second Language Acquisition: A Statistical Critique and a Reanalysis. PLoS One 8(7). NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 8 of 61

Wagner, Suzanne Evans & Isabelle Buchstaller (eds). 2017. Panel studies in language variation and change. Routledge. Wagner, Suzanne Evans and Gillian Sankoff (2011). Age grading in the Montréal French inflected future. Language Variation and Change 23(3): 275–313.

Institutional address

Prof. Isabelle Buchstaller Sociolinguistics Lab Department of Anglophone Studies University of Duisburg Essen Universitätsstraße 2 45141 Essen Germany NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 9 of 61

3

Vernaculars, supraregional varietues and standards

Raymond Hickey UniversIty of Duisburg and Essen

Abstract

Traditionally and in many contemporary investigations of language variation, a binary distinction is made between dialects and standards. However, the investigation of speaker data reveals that there is a continuum between the most vernacular form in a region (Milroy, Milroy and Hartley 1994) and the standard of language (Haugen 1964) which applies there. Along this continuum will be varieties which vary in their degree of vernacularity on the one hand and in the extent to which they approximate to the standard of the country in question on the other. This continuum reflects the tension between solidarity and status (Milroy and Milroy 1999) which is typical of all Western-style societies where language variation and change has been investigated since at least the middle of the twentieth century. The scalar nature of language variation is most obvious in pronunciation as this is the level which is most immediately accessible to sociolinguistic assessment by speakers. The range of varieties which occupy the central-to-upper portion of the vernacular-to-standard scale are labelled supraregional varieties and in general show a combination of features of a country’s standard and local non-standard features. The latter serve the purpose of identifying speakers as from a specific region but without their speech consisting exclusively of dialect traits. For countries in the anglophone world (and for those in the hispanophone world as well, for instance) there will be bundles of features which in their totality serve to identify speakers as from a particular country or region (Abercrombie 1997, Stuart-Smith 2008). These features represent the supraregional variety of a country and are not identical with those of an extra-national norm (Hickey 2012, 2013). Supraregional varieties are themselves subject to change and vary across time and space just like any other varieties (Hickey 2003, 2007). Supraregional varieties arise through the historical process of supra- regionalisation whereby varieties of a language lose specifically local features and becomes less regionally bound. The upper limits of supraregionalisation depend on a number of external factors, such as the geography of the country/region in which the set of varieties is spoken. Furthermore, if the country/region was historically within the sphere of influence of another country or has come to be within it, then there may be an (unconscious) wish to maintain some linguistic distinctiveness vis à vis the varieties of this latter country. This situation can be observed in varying degrees in Ireland and Scotland in relation to England. Supraregional varieties may also be found within a country, again depending on the degree of separateness and indentity which a region may enjoy, e.g. the North of England vis à vis the South of English (Hickey 2015). As a type of language change supraregionalisation is subject to the phases of actuation, propagation and termination. The actuation is probably triggered by a consciousness of the provinciality of speech, by individuals and hence collectively by NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 10 of 61

the community to which they belong, and the presence of more mainstream varieties, be these extra-national or not. In the case of Irish English it can be seen that in the course of the nineteenth century (Hickey 2008) a number of features were filtered out so that reports on Irish English at the beginning of the twentieth century make no allusion to them. A section of the current chapter will be concerned with just what type of features are removed during the process of supraregionalisation and will attempt to offer reasons for the disappearance of certain features and the retention of others (Hickey 2000, Kerswill and Williams 2002).

References

Abercrombie, David 1979. The accents of in Scotland. In Adam J. Aitken and Tom McArthur (eds) Languages of Scotland. Edinburgh: Chambers, pp. 68–84. Haugen, Einar 2003 [1964]. Dialect, language, nation. In Christina Bratt Paulston and G. Richard Tucker (eds) Sociolinguistics: The Essential Readings. Oxford: Blackwell, pp. 411–422. Hickey, Raymond 2000. Salience, stigma and standard. In Laura Wright (ed.) The Development of Standard English 1300–1800. Theories, Descriptions, Conflicts. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 57–72. Hickey, Raymond 2003. What’s cool in Irish English? Linguistic change in contemporary Ireland. In Hildegard L. C. Tristram (ed.) Celtic Englishes III. Heidelberg: Winter, pp. 357-373. Hickey, Raymond 2007. Dartspeak and . Advanced metropolitan speech in Ireland and England’, in Ute Smit, Stefan Dollinger, Julia Hüttner, Ursula Lutzky, Gunther Kaltenböck (eds). Tracing English through time: explorations in language variation. Vienna: Braumüller, pp. 179-90. Hickey, Raymond 2008. Feature loss in 19th century Irish English’, in Terttu Nevalainen, Irma Taavitsainen, Päivi Pahta and Minna Korhonen (eds) The Dynamics of Linguistic Variation: Corpus Evidence on English Past and Present. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, pp. 229-43. Hickey, Raymond 2012. Standard Irish English. In Raymond Hickey (ed.). Standards of English. Codified Varieties Around the World. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press., pp. 96-116. Hickey, Raymond 2013. Supraregionalisation and dissociation. In J. K. Chambers and Natalie Schilling (eds) Handbook of Language Variation and Change. Second edition. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, pp. 537-554. Hickey, Raymond (ed.) 2015. Researching Northern English. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Kerswill, Paul and Ann Williams 2002. “Salience” as an explanatory factor in language change: evidence from dialect levelling in urban England. In Mari Jones and Edith Esch (eds) Language Change: The Interplay of Internal, External and Extra-Linguistic Factors. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter, pp. 81–110. Milroy, James, Lesley Milroy and Sue Hartley 1994. Local and supra-local change in British English: the case of glottalisation’, English World-Wide 15: 1–33. Milroy, James and Lesley Milroy 1999. Authority in Language. Third edition. London: Routledge. Stuart-Smith, Jane 2008. Scottish English: phonology. In Bernd Kortmann and Clive NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 11 of 61

Upton (eds) Varieties of English. Vol. 1: The British Isles. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter, pp. 48–70.

Institutional address

Prof. Raymond Hickey Department of Anglophone Studies University of Duisburg and Essen 45141 Essen Germany NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 12 of 61

4

Historical divisions and perceptual dialectology

Chris Montgomery University of Sheffield

Abstract

This chapter will discuss the divisions of varieties of English used in England from the earliest available commentary on variation in the language to the present day and examine the perceptions of these varieties over time. Historical and contemporary divisions will be dealt with according to their aerial distribution. Historical commentary on these divisions will be accessed from various sources, including reflective commentaries on language such as pronouncing dictionaries (e.g. Walker 1846 [1791]) and literary sources. These historical divisions and attitudes will be contrasted with contemporary accounts of dialect divisions and the perceptions of these divisions. Contemporary perceptions will be accessed via perceptual dialectology methods. Perceptual dialectology (see Preston 1989; Montgomery 2018) aims to access non-linguists perceptions of the dialect landscape, using blank maps, reactions to dialect concepts or voice samples, and spoken data to build up a picture of naïve respondents’ perceptions of variation in the language that they hear every day. This perceptual dialectology data, although clearly differing from what we are able to access from earlier periods in the history of English (see Montgomery 2012), provides contemporary evidence of non-specialists’ perceptions and attitudes. This can then be usefully compared with historical perceptions and attitudes present in commentaries and literary sources. The chapter will reveal the changing nature of the perceptions of regional variation over time. Historical accounts will be discussed in relation to their general tendency to regard ‘provincial’ speech as something to be avoided amongst speakers of the ‘best’ English. Such historical attitudes will be traced to the contemporary period, and the extent to which these types of historical attitudes have been maintained will be considered. Alongside this, the chapter will present contemporary attitude data that demonstrates a hierarchy of regional varieties. It will be argued that such data indicates changing perceptions over the time period considered by the chapter, from a blanket disapproval of regional forms as the most prestigious forms of English were established to a (grudging) acceptance of certain forms of regional variation in the contemporary period.

References

Ihalainen, Ossi. 1994. The Dialects of England Since 1776. In Robert Burchfield (ed.), English in Britain and Overseas: Origins and development (The Cambridge History of the English Language), 197–274. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 13 of 61

Montgomery, Chris. 2012. Perceptions of Dialects: Changing attitudes and ideologies. In Terttu Nevalainen & Elizabeth Closs Traugott (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of the History of English, 457–469. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Montgomery, Chris. 2018. The perceptual dialectology of England. In Natalie Braber & Sandra Jansen (eds.), Sociolinguistics in England, 127–164. Basingstoke: Palgrave. Preston, Dennis R. 1989. Perceptual Dialectology: Non-linguists’ view of aerial linguistics. Dordrecht: Foris. Walker, John. 1846 [1791]. A Critical Pronouncing Dictionary and Expositor of the English Language: To which are Prefixed, Principles of English Pronunciation; ... the Whole Interspersed with Observations Etymological, Critical, and Grammatical. Thomas Tegg; R. Griffin & Company, Glasgow; Cumming and Ferguson, Dublin.

Institutional address

Dr Chris Montgomery School of English University of Sheffield Jessop West 1 Upper Hanover Street Sheffield S3 7RA NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 14 of 61

5

Dialects, dialectology and the history of English

Warren Maguire University of Edinburgh

Abstract

This chapter considers the importance of traditional 19th and 20th century dialects and dialectology for understanding the history of English. The 19th century saw an explosion in interest in the regional dialects of England, in the form of dialect literature (see Honeybone & Maguire 2020), dialect dictionaries (e.g. Wright 1898-1905), and the first strictly linguistic studies of them (Ellis 1889, Wright 1892), a trend which culminated in the detailed surveys and analyses of the early and mid-20th century (especially the Survey of English Dialects, Orton & Dieth 1962-71). The history of English has often been framed as a history of the standard literary language, with the study of non-standard dialects serving as a contribution to our understanding of it. For example, Joseph Wright, who might be considered the ‘grandfather’ of English dialectology, said in his English Dialect Grammar that “it is in the elucidation of the literary language that the chief value of a dialect grammar lies” (Wright 1905: iii). But throughout its history English has, like every other language, been characterised by dialect variation, and the development of its dialects is also a part of its history, not just a means of understanding the development of the literary standard. The vast amount of data assembled by dialect writers and dialectologists in the 19th and 20th centuries, then, forms a very important source of evidence for the history of the language as a whole, the more so given the large-scale levelling and death of England’s traditional dialects over the last century (Britain 2009). This chapter examines the different kinds of evidence we have for traditional 19th and 20th century English dialects, and what these can tell us about the history of the language. It discusses key phenomena such as Pre-R Dentalisation (Maguire 2012), the Great Vowel Shift (Lass 1992; Stockwell & Minkova 1988), the face Merger (Maguire 2020), and the Great Scandinavian Belt (Samuels 1985), much of the evidence for which comes from the traditional English dialects recorded in the 19th and 20th centuries. It is argued that our understanding of the history of the language would be much reduced without the evidence provided by dialect writers and traditional dialectologists, who recorded these forms of speech before the far-reaching effects of levelling and death dramatically reduced the diversity of English dialects and obscured much of the evidence we have for the earlier history of the language.

References

Britain, David. 2009. One foot in the grave? Dialect death, dialect contact, and dialect birth in England. International Journal of the Sociology of Language 196/7, pp. 121-155. NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 15 of 61

Ellis, Alexander. 1889. On Early English Pronunciation, Part V: The Existing Phonology of English Dialects Compared with that of West Saxon. New York: Greenwood Press. Honeybone, Patrick & Warren Maguire (eds.). 2020. Dialect Writing and the North of England. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Lass, Roger. 1992. What, if anything, was the Great Vowel Shift? In Matti Rissanen, Ossi Ihalainen, Terttu Nevalainen & Irma Taavitsainen, History of Englishes: New Methods and Interpretations in Historical Linguistics, Berlin & New York: Mouton de Gruyter, 144-155. Maguire, Warren. 2012. Pre-R Dentalisation in Northern England. English Language and Linguistics 16(3), 361-84. Maguire, Warren. 2020. Phonological analysis of early 19th century Tyneside dialect literature: Thomas Wilson’s ‘The Pitman's Pay’. In Patrick Honeybone & Warren Maguire (eds.), pp. 243-65. Orton, Harold and Eugen Dieth (eds.). 1962-71. Survey of English Dialects (B): The Basic Material. E.J. Arnold and Son Ltd. Samuels, Michael. 1985. The Great Scandinavian Belt. In Eaton R., O. Fischer, W. Koopman and F. van der Leek (eds.) Papers from the 4th International Conference on English Historical Linguistics. Amsterdam and Philadelphia: John Benjamins, pp. 269-82. Stockwell, Robert & Donka Minkova. 1988. The English vowel shift: problems of coherence and explanation. In Kastovsky, D. and G. Bauer (eds.) Luick revisited: papers read at the Luick-Symposium at Schloß Liechtenstein, 15.-18.9.1985. (Tübinger Beiträge zur Linguistik 288). Tübingen: Gunter Narr, pp. 355-94. Wright, Joseph. 1892. A Grammar of the Dialect of Windhill in the West Riding of Yorkshire. London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner & Co. Wright, Joseph. 1898-1905. The English Dialect Dictionary (7 vols). London & New York: Henry Frowde. Wright, Joseph. 1905. The English Dialect Grammar. Oxford, London, Edinburgh, Glasgow, New York & Toronto: Henry Frowde.

Institutional address

Dr. Warren Maguire Linguistics and English Language The University of Edinburgh Dugald Stewart Building 3 Charles Street Edinburgh, EH8 9AD United Kingdom NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 16 of 61

6

The history of Received Pronunciation

Anne Fabricius Roskilde UniversIty

Abstract

This chapter will present a sociolinguistically focused overview of the history of Received Pronunciation, probably one of the most widely recognized varieties of spoken English in the world. The sociolinguistic community for whom it is a vernacular is a small one numerically in the larger picture of global English, but its form of speech had an outsized historical and sociolinguistic impact for a century of British history, from approximately 1870 to 1970 (Agha, 2003; Mugglestone, 2007). Fundamental sociological and historical change has upended the sociolinguistic status of the elite sociolect in Great Britain and across the world, and it is a transformed variety partly as a result of this, and partly as a result of endogenous linguistic shifts, such as vowel chain shifts in the short vowel system (Fabricius, 2019). In attempting to place Received Pronunciation within the overall history of the English language, its development as a vernacular has often been overshadowed by and confused with its putative status as a kind of ‘standard accent’ in certain contexts and settings. The sociolinguistic discussion here will treat these aspects quite distinctly, and focus on the variation and change of a vernacular elite sociolect over time. The chapter will therefore cover a range of perspectives on this well-known and much-studied accent variety, whose nature as a sociolinguistically-anchored vernacular has historically been somewhat neglected in the past (Britain, 2017). These perspectives include innovative vocalic and consonantal productions (Ferragne & Pellegrino, 2010; Hannisdal, 2006; Harrington, 2006; Harrington et al., 2000; Hawkins & Midgley, 2005; Wikström, 2013) and the sociolinguistic perception of RP, including issues of accent prejudice (Cardoso et al., 2019; Coupland & Bishop, 2007). Finally, it will also examine RP as a ‘construct’ and its performance, including stylizations (Coupland, 2007; Fabricius, 2006; Fabricius, fc). Issues of sociolinguistic fieldwork on the accent will also be discussed briefly. In this way, the variety’s sociolinguistic status will be placed in a historical perspective, with a particular focus on the changes and evolutions that took place in the post-World War II period in Great Britain. The chapter will also discuss recent and ongoing historical corpus projects documenting this accent over historical time.

References

Agha, A. (2003). The social life of cultural value. Language & Communication, 23(3–4), 231–273. https://doi.org/10.1016/S0271-5309(03)00012-0 Britain, D. (2017). Beyond the “gentry aesthetic”: Elites, Received Pronunciation and the dialectological gaze. Social Semiotics, 27(3), 288–298. https://doi.org/10.1080/10350330.2017.1301794 NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 17 of 61

Cardoso, A., Levon, E., Sharma, D., Watt, D., & Yang, Y. (2019). Inter-speaekr variation and the evaluation of British English accents in Employment contexts. Proceedings of the 19th International Congress of Phonetic Sciences, Melbourne, Australia 2019. Calhoun, S., Escudero, P., Tabain, M. & Warren, P. (Eds.). Canberra: Australiasian Speech Science and Technology Association, Inc. , 1615–1619. https://assta.org/proceedings/ICPhS2019/papers/ICPhS_1664.pdf Coupland, N. (2007). Style: Language variation and identity. Cambridge University Press. Coupland, N., & Bishop, H. (2007). Ideologised values for British accents. Journal of Sociolinguistics, 11(1), 74–93. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9841.2007.00311.x Fabricius, A. (2006). The ‘vivid sociolinguistic profiling’ of Received Pronunciation: Responses to gendered dialect-in-discourse. Journal of Sociolinguistics, 10(1), 111–122. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1360-6441.2006.00320.x Fabricius, A. H. (fc). What’s in a (sociolinguistic) norm? The case of change in prevocalic /r/ in RP. In Norms and the Study of Language in Social Life. De Gruyter. Fabricius, A. H. (2019). The anticlockwise checked vowel chain shift in Modern RP in the twentieth century: Incrementations and diagonal shifts. Proceedings of the 19th International Congress of Phonetic Sciences, Melbourne, Australia 2019. Calhoun, S., Escudero, P., Tabain, M. & Warren, P. (Eds.). Canberra: Australiasian Speech Science and Technology Association, Inc. , 592–596. https://assta.org/proceedings/ICPhS2019/papers/ICPhS_641.pdf Ferragne, E., & Pellegrino, F. (2010). Formant Frequencies of Vowels in 13 Accents of the British Isles. Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 40(01), 1–34. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0025100309990247 Hannisdal, B. R. (2006). Variability and change in Received Pronunciation: A study of six phonological variables in the speech of television newsreaders [PhD Thesis, University of Bergen]. http://hdl.handle.net/1956/2335 Harrington, J. (2006). An acoustic analysis of [`]happy-tensing’ in the Queen’s Christmas broadcasts. Journal of Phonetics, 34(4), 439–457. https://doi.org/doi: 10.1016/j.wocn.2005.08.001 Harrington, J., Palethorpe, S., & Watson, C. (2000). Monophthongal Vowel Changes in Received Pronunciation: An Acoustic Analysis of the Queen’s Christmas Broadcasts. Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 30(1–2), 63–78. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0025100300006666 Hawkins, S., & Midgley, J. (2005). Formant frequencies of RP monophthongs in four age groups of speakers. Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 35(2), 183–199. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0025100305002124 Mugglestone, L. (2007). Talking proper: The rise of accent as social symbol. Oxford University Press. Wikström, J. (2013). An acoustic study of the RP English LOT and THOUGHT vowels. Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 43(01), 37–47. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0025100312000345

Institutional address

Prof. Anne H. Fabricius Department of Communication and Arts NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 18 of 61

Roskilde University Postbox 260 DK-4000 Roskilde Denmark NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 19 of 61

7

Early London English

Laura Wright UniversIty of Cambridge

Abstract

The chapter will be divided into centuries and proceed chronologically, beginning with a survey of what has been written to date on medieval London dialect: Morsbach (1888), Heuser (1914), Chambers & Daunt (1931), Ekwall (1956), Samuels (1963). It will consider what their evidence was and what the shortcomings of their claims (ie why there was no such thing as Chancery Standard, a claim that results from ignoring variation and focusing on phonology and orthography only), and how London English and Standard English were not synonymous, although textbooks often conflate the two. Each division below, into centuries, will present a checklist of salient linguistic features drawn from relevant MSS. 1300s: Brief mention of how data prior to the fourteenth century is not monolingual. Data will then be discussed from the monolingual English London guild certificates of 1388, demonstrating the variant pool. The ‘incomers to London’ problem will be raised and solved via the Founder Effect (Mufwene). 1400s: Data will be taken from from the Hammond scribe’s English writing, medieval wills, London Bridge archive. The variant pool remained wide at the turn of the century, but individuals made selections of subsets from the pool so that writing appears less variable than in the 1300s. The problem with discussions to date is that monolingual data is all that has been considered, eliding the source of much late Middle English vocabulary: Durkin’s (in press) “huge spike” of fifteenth-century French-coined words in present-day high-frequency vocabulary, which was coined in London mixed-language writing. Foreigners in London (Lombards, Hansa) mentioned, but swamping effect lacking. 1500s: Mixed language became abandoned. Variation from the London Bridge archive will be demonstrated via changing graphs for the vowel in the verb ‘shut’, as the chapel doors were recorded as opening and shutting over the century (all possible graphs for the vowels are present – a,e, i, o, u, y – with ratios shifting over time). Evidence for the avertive gaining ground. 1600s. Data from the Bridewell archive shows introduction of verbal -s and ratios for verb morphology. Evidence for sound-changes v~w merger and TH-fronting presented. The rise of the London East India Company from 1600 onwards brings vocabulary from newly-discovered languages, focussing on cloth-terminology from India. 1700s: Data taken from Sir Richard Hoare’s servants’ and shopkeepers’ bills. Parliamentary street-numbering act causes demise of building names, resulting in knock-on changes in locative prepositional phrases. Evidence for front glide insertion presented. Indexicalisation of -oon suffix demonstrated via East India Company traders and their commodities. Multilingual input from foreigners working in London discussed: the 1742 Green Park firework display resulting in firework terminology. NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 20 of 61

1800s: Language of servants’ want ads analysed and compared to Freshfield’s paupers’ letters. Database: OldBaileyOnline. Rise of technical and marketing language from London businesses: chemical developments introduce colour-terms ‘mauve’, ‘maroon’, ‘magenta’; synthetic perfumes reflect the new marketing ploy of appealing to specific social groups in advertising language.

References

Chambers, R. W. and Marjorie Daunt (eds.). 1931. A Book of London English 1384-1425. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 22-31. Durkin, Philip. In press. “The relationship of borrowing from French and Latin in the Middle English period with the development of the lexicon of standard English: some observations and a lot of questions”. In Wright, Laura (ed.). The Multilingual Origins of Standard English. Berlin: Mouton. Ekwall, Bror Eilert, 1956. Studies on the Population of Medieval London. Stockholm: Almqvist and Wiksell. Heuser, Wilhelm. 1914. Alt-London mit besonderer Berücksichtigung des Dialekts. Strassburg: Karl J. Trübner Morsbach, Lorenz. 1888. Über den Ursprung der neuenglischen Schriftsprache. Heilbronn: Henninger. Mufwene, Salikoko S. 1996. “The founder principle in creole genesis.” Diachronica 13, 83-134. Samuels, Michael Louis. 1963. “Some Applications of Middle English Dialectology”. English Studies 44. 81-94. Reprinted in Angus McIntosh, Michael Louis Samuels & Margaret Laing (eds.). 1989. Middle English Dialectology: essays on some principles and problems. Aberdeen: Aberdeen University Press. 64-80. Wright, Laura. 2004. “Life after degrammaticalisation: plural be”. In Hans Lindquist and Christian Mair (ed.). Corpus Approaches to Grammaticalization in English. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. 211-226. Wright, Laura. 2006. “Street addresses and directions in mid-eighteenth-century London newspaper advertisements.” Nicholas Brownlees (ed.). News Discourse in Early Modern Britain. Bern: Peter Lang. 199-215. Wright, Laura. 2008. “Social attitudes towards Londoners’ front-glide insertion after velar consonants and before front vowels.” In Massimo Sturiale, Joan Beal and Carmen Nocera (eds). Perspectives on Prescriptivism. Peter Lang. 215-235. Wright, Laura. 2010. “Eighteenth-Century London Non-Standard Spellings as Evidenced by Servants’, Tradesmen’s and Shopkeepers’ Bills”. In Nicholas Brownlees, Gabriella Del Lungo and John Denton (eds.). The Language of Public and Private Communicaton in a Historical Perspective. Cambridge: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 161-190. Wright, Laura. 2011. “The Nomenclature of some French and Italian Fireworks in Eighteenth-Century London”. The London Journal 36/2, July, 109-39. Wright, Laura. 2011. “Semantic shift of the colour-terms maroon and magenta in British Standard English”. Revista de Lengua para Fines Específicos 17, 341-376. Wright, Laura. 2017 [2016]. “From Lavender Water to Kiss Me, You Dare!: Shifting Linguistic Norms in the Perfume Industry, 1700-1900”. In Giovanni Iamartino and Laura Wright (eds.). Textus English Studies in Italy: Late Norms and Usage 29/3, 147-176. NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 21 of 61

Insitutional address

Dr Laura Wright Reader in English Language University of Cambridge Cambridge, UK NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 22 of 61

8

The recent history of London English

Susan Fox University of Bern

Abstract

This chapter will consider the recent history of London English, covering the period from the latter half of the nineteenth century to the present day. There is, of course, no homogeneous speech form to which a label such as ‘London English’ can be attached and, as with any other regional variety, there is a continuum of accents and standardness. In the main, this chapter will focus on the variety furthest away from the standard, starting with an overview of the traditional dialect of , associated with the densely populated, working-class neighbourhoods of the ‘East End’ of London (Fox 2012; 2015). The chapter will then discuss the sociohistorical and demographic changes that have taken place in East London since around the 1950s when, due to high levels of both in- and out-migration, the area experienced a shift away from the largely Anglo working-class families to the “super-diversity” (Vertovec 2007) that is London’s population in the twenty-first century. London now has one of the highest proportions of foreign-born residents across cities globally, with 3 million (34.9%) of its estimated 8.6 million population being foreign-born (Fox and Sharma 2017). Unsurprisingly, the result of such changes has had linguistic consequences; young people acquire language in multilingual and multicultural neighbourhoods and this has the potential to lead to contact-induced language change (Cheshire et al. 2011; Fox 2015). Data from two large-scale sociolinguistic studies conducted between 2004-2010, which document the emergence of Multicultural London English (MLE), will be presented here and the main characteristics of MLE will be described. Language contact and group second language acquisition are considered to be the sources for the emergence of this new urban variety. For some speakers, MLE has become their everyday ‘vernacular’, in the sense of Labov (1972), while, for others, it is used as a stylistic resource, drawn from a repertoire of speech styles (Kerswill and Torgersen, 2020, fc). Recent research has also shown that speakers are able to identify the variety even if they are not able to give it its somewhat academically contrived label. This chapter will therefore conclude with a discussion of the features that listeners find perceptually salient (Fox and Kircher, in prep) and the role that language attitudes may play in the entrenchment of this new urban London English vernacular (Kerswill 2014; Kircher and Fox 2019a, 2019b).

References

Cheshire, Jenny. 2013. Grammaticalisation in social context: The emergence of a new English pronoun. Journal of Sociolinguistics, 17(5): 608–633. doi: 10.1111/josl.12053 NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 23 of 61

Cheshire, Jenny, Paul Kerswill, Sue Fox, and Eivind Torgersen. 2008. Ethnicity, friendship network and social practices as the motor of dialect change: Linguistic innovation in London. Sociolinguistica, 22:1–23. Cheshire, Jenny and Sue Fox. 2009. Was/were variation: A perspective from London. Language Variation and Change, 21(1):1–23. doi: 10.1017/S0954394509000015 Cheshire, Jenny, Paul Kerswill, Sue Fox, and Eivind Torgersen. 2011. Contact, the feature pool and the speech community: The emergence of multicultural London English. Journal of Sociolinguistics, 15/2:151–196. doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9841.2011.00478.x Cheshire, Jenny, David Adger, and Sue Fox. 2013. Relative who and the actuation problem. Lingua, 126:51–77. doi: 10.1016/j.lingua.2012.11.014 Fox, Sue. 2012. Performed narrative: The pragmatic function of this is + speaker and other quotatives in London adolescent speech. In Ingrid van Alphen and Isabelle Buchstaller (eds.) Quotatives: Cross-linguistic and cross-disciplinary perspectives, Amsterdam: Benjamins.231–257. Fox, Susan. 2015. The New Cockney: New ethnicities and adolescent speech in the traditional East end of London. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Fox, Sue and Ruth Kircher (in prep). The cognitive and social salience of MLE among the language community of London. Fox, Susan. and Devyani Sharma. 2017. The Language of London and Londoners. In Patrick Heinrich and Dick Smakman (eds). Urban Sociolinguistics – The City as a Linguistic Process and Experience. Abingdon: Routledge, 115-29. Fox, Susan and Eivind Torgersen. 2018. Language change and innovation in London: Multicultural London English. In Natalie Braber & Sandra Jansen (eds.) Sociolinguistics in England. London: Palgrave.189–213. Gabrielatos, Costas, Eivind Torgersen, Sebastian Hoffmann, and Sue Fox. 2010. A corpus-based sociolinguistic study of indefinite article forms in London English. Journal of English Linguistics, 38(4):297–334. doi: 10.1177/0075424209352729 Kerswill, Paul. 2014. The objectification of ‘Jafaican’: The discoursal embedding of Multicultural London English in the British media. In Jannis Androutsopoulos (ed.) The media and sociolinguistic change. Berlin: De Gruyter.428–455. Kerswill, Paul. 2018. Dialect formation and dialect change in the Industrial Revolution: British vernacular English in the nineteenth century. In Laura Wright (ed.) Southern English varieties then and now. Berlin: De Gruyter.8–38. Kerswill, Paul and Eivind Torgersen. 2020, fc. Tracing the Origins of an Urban Youth Vernacular: Founder Effects, Frequency, and Culture in the Emergence of Multicultural London English. In Karen Beaman, Isabelle Buchstaller, Sue Fox and James Walker (eds). Advancing Socio-grammatical Variation and Change. In Honour of Jenny Cheshire. London, New York: Routledge. Kerswill, Paul and Eivind Torgersen. 2016. London’s Cockney in the twentieth century: Stability or cycles of contact-driven change? In Raymond Hickey (ed.) Listening to the past - Audio records of Accents of English. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.85–113. Kircher, Ruth and Sue Fox. 2019a. Attitudes towards Multicultural London English: Implications for attitude theory and language planning. Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development, 40(10):847–864. doi: 10.1080/01434632.2019.1577869 Kircher, Ruth. & Fox, Sue. 2019b. Multicultural London English and its speakers: a corpus-informed discourse study of standard language ideology and social NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 24 of 61

stereotypes. Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development. Online ahead of print. Labov, William. 1972. Sociolinguistic patterns. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Sivertsen, Eva. 1960. Cockney phonology. Oslo: Oslo University Press. Vertovec, Steven (2007). Super-diversity and its implications. Ethnic and Racial Studies 30 (6): 1024–1054. Wells, John C. 1982. Accents of English. 3 vols. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Institutional address

Dr. Susan Fox University of Bern Department of English Länggassstrasse 49 CH-3012 Bern NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 25 of 61

9

English in the South-West of England

Juhani Klemola Tampere University

Abstract

The South-West of England as a geographical area (also often referred to as the ) consists of the of Cornwall, , , , and Gloucestershire. The exact boundaries of the South-West in the North and East are blurry, and, linguistically at least, the counties of Berkshire, and Oxfordshire share many of the dialect features typical of the South-West of England. Up to the late eighteenth century the South-West was predominantly a rural area, and the traditional dialects in the South-West until the Second World War can be considered in many respects conservative, perhaps even archaic, preserving linguistic features carried over from earlier historical periods. Another external factor affecting the dialects in the South-West is, arguably, the connection of the region to the (historically) Celtic speaking areas of Cornwall and South Wales. The southwestern dialects are relatively well documented in many nineteenth century dialect studies (e.g. Jennings 1982, Elworthy 1877, 1886, Barnes 1886), for the traditional dialects in the first part of the twentieth century, the Survey of English Dialects Basic Material (Orton et al 1962-71) and Tape-Recordings remain an essential source of data. This chapter presents an overview of the historical development of the dialects in the South-West of England, focusing especially on morphosyntax. The characteristic features of Southwestern dialects discussed include periphrastic do (They do go there), generalized -s in the present tense (They makes them), uninflected be (He be always complaining), pronoun exchange (Her told I) and other pronominal features, such as retention of second person singular forms (Thee dost know) and proclitic ‘ch ‘I’(cham ‘I’m’, chall ‘I’ll’). The focus in the chapter will be on the historical development and dialectal distribution of these features, the role of language contact in their evolution, and the significance of Southwestern dialects in the historical development of the English language.

References

Barnes, William. 1886. A Glossary of the with a Grammar of Its Word Shapening and Wording. London: Trübner & Co. (Reprinted 1970, Guernsey: Steven Cox, The Toucan Press.) Ellegård, Alvar. 1953. The Auxiliary DO. The Establishment and Regulation of Its Use in English. (Gothenburg Studies in English. II). Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell. Elworthy, Frederic Thomas. 1877. An Outline of the Grammar of the Dialect of West Somerset. Illustrated by Examples of the Common Phrases and Modes of Speech Now in Use Among the People. (English Dialect Society, 19.). London: Trübner & Co. NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 26 of 61

Elworthy, Frederic Thomas. 1886. The West Somerset Word Book. A Glossary of Dialectal and Archaic Words and Phrases Used in the West of Somerset and East Devon. (English Dialect Society, 50.). London: Trübner & Co. Ihalainen, Ossi. 1994. ‘The dialects of England since 1776’. In Burchfield, Robert (ed.), The Cambridge History of the English Language. Volume 5: English in Britain and Overseas. Origins and Development. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 197-274. Jennings, James. 1825. Observations on Some of the Dialects of the West of England, Particularly Somersetshire. London: Baldwin, Cradock and Joy. Klemola, Juhani. 1996. Non-standard Periphrastic do: A Study in Variation and Change. Ph.D. thesis, University of Essex. Klemola, Juhani. 2018. ‘The historical geographical distribution of periphrastic do in Southern Dialects’. In Wright, Laura (ed.), Southern English Varieties Then and Now (Topics in English Linguistics, 100). Berlin: Walter de Guyter. 272-302. Orton, Harold. 1962. Survey of English Dialects. (A): Introduction. Leeds: E.J. Arnold. Orton, Harold et al. 1962-1971. Survey of English Dialects. (B): The Basic Material (4 Vols.). Leeds: E.J. Arnold. Wakelin, Martyn F. 1975. Language and History in Cornwall. Leicester: Leicester University Press. Wakelin, Martyn F. 1986. The Southwest of England (Varieties of English Around the World, T5). Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

Institutional address

Prof. Juhani Klemola Faculty of Information Technology and Communication Sciences 33014 Tampere University Finland NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 27 of 61

10

English in East Anglia

David Britain Robert Potter University of Bern University of Essex

Abstract

In this chapter we provide a description – phonological, morphosyntactic and lexical - of contemporary . For the purposes of this chapter, we define present-day East Anglia as including the counties of , as well as Northern and Eastern Cambridgeshire, as well as North Essex, a definition defined on linguistic grounds by Trudgill (2001). We aim here to examine not only what East Anglia as a region has in common, but also internal variation within the region. In order to examine the past century of East Anglian English, we can rely on robust empirical evidence of a number of kinds: For the traditional dialect of the late 19th century, we have the recordings from Kökeritz (1932), as well as from the Survey of English Dialects (Orton et al 1962-71). For present-day East Anglian English, we rely both on an extensive existing literature, especially about Norwich and Norfolk (e.g. Trudgill 1974, 1988, 2003), but also elsewhere (Kingston 2000, Amos 2011, Britain and Grossenbacher 2020, Braña-Straw 2006) as well as a significant number of sociolinguistically motivated corpora of data from across the region: Trudgill’s 60+ speaker corpus from Norwich (e.g. Trudgill 1974), his 150+ speaker corpus from a range of urban locations across East Anglia (e.g. Trudgill 1983), Britain’s 80-speaker corpus from the Fens of NE Cambridgeshire and West Norfolk (e.g. Britain 1997, 2005, 2015), Potter’s 72-speaker corpus from Ipswich and East Suffolk (e.g Potter 2018), Britain’s 60 speaker corpus from Colchester in North Suffolk (e.g. Fanger 2013), as well as a 40+ speaker corpus from other smaller rural locations in North Essex and Suffolk (e.g. Britain 2020). These are supplemented by results from over 2400 East Anglian users of the English Dialect App (a smartphone application collecting evidence of accent and dialect use) (Leemann et al 2018, Britain et al 2020). Our description of East Anglian English will, therefore, be a multilocality one, enabling us to spot region-internal variation, the advent of innovation from beyond the region, and geographical evidence of dialect levelling within. We will also be able to contrast the traditional dialect of the region, with the situation today. For the phonological description, we will use Wells’s (1982) lexical set system. For the morphosyntactic description, we will follow the schema in Kortmann and Lunkenheimer’s (2013) Electronic World Atlas of English, supplementing it with additional categories when necessary. For the lexical description, we will use historical evidence from the existing literature, as well as our own datasets to provide a synthesis of the state of contemporary localized lexis.

References NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 28 of 61

Amos, J. (2011). A socio-phonological analysis of Mersea Island English. An investigation of the diphthongs (aʊ), (aɪ) and (ɔɪ). Unpublished doctoral thesis. Colchester: University of Essex. Braña - Straw, M. (2006). Dialect acquisition and ethnic boundary maintenance: Barbadians in Ipswich. Unpublished PhD dissertation. Colchester: University of Essex. Britain, D. (1997). Dialect Contact and Phonological Reallocation: 'Canadian Raising' in the English Fens. Language in Society 26: 15-46. Britain, D. (2005). Innovation diffusion, ‘Estuary English’ and local dialect differentiation: the survival of Fenland Englishes. Linguistics 43: 995-1022. Britain, D. (2015). Between North and South: The Fenland. In R. Hickey (ed.). Researching Northern English. Amsterdam: Benjamins. 417-435. Britain, D, (2020). What happened to those relatives from East Anglia?: a multilocality analysis of dialect levelling in the relative marker system. In K. Beaman, I. Buchstaller, S. Fox and J. Walker (eds.), Socio-grammatical Variation and Change: In Honour of Jenny Cheshire. New York: Routledge. Britain, D., Blaxter, T. and Leemann, A. (2020). East Anglian English in the English Dialects App. English Today. Britain, D. and Grossenbacher, S. (2020). Counterurbanisation, dialect contact and the levelling of non-salient traditional dialect variants: The case of the front short vowels in Eastern England. In A. Ziegler, S. Edler, N. Kleczkowski and G. Oberdorfer (eds.), Urban Matters. Current Approaches of International Sociolinguistic Research. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Fanger, M. (2013). Possession in Spoken Colchester English: Grammatical variation and change in a mainstream urban variety of British English. Unpublished MA dissertation. Bern: University of Bern. Kingston, M. (2000). Dialects in danger. Dialect attrition in the East Anglian of Suffolk. Unpublished master thesis. Colchester: University of Essex. Kökeritz, H. (1932). The phonology of the Suffolk dialect, descriptive and historical. Uppsala: Appelberg. Kortmann, B. and Lunkenheimer, K. (eds.) (2013). The Mouton World Atlas of Variation in English. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Leemann, A., Kolly, M-J. and Britain, D. (2018). The English Dialects App. The creation of a crowdsourced dialect corpus. Ampersand 5. 1–17. Orton, H. et al. (eds.). (1962–1971). Survey of English dialects. Basic materials: Introduction. 4 vols. (each in 3 parts). Leeds: Arnold & Son. Potter, R. (2018). A variationist multilocality study of unstressed vowels and verbal -s marking in the peripheral dialect of East Suffolk. Unpublished doctoral thesis. Colchester: University of Essex. Trudgill, P. (1974). The social differentiation of English in Norwich (Cambridge Studies in Linguistics 13). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Trudgill, P. (1983). On Dialect. Oxford: Blackwell. NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 29 of 61

Trudgill, P. (1988). Norwich Revisited: Recent Linguistic Changes in an English Urban Dialect. English World-Wide 9: 33-49. Trudgill, P. (2001). Modern East Anglia as a dialect area. In J. Fisiak and P. Trudgill (eds.) East Anglian English. Woodbridge: Boydell and Brewer, 1-12. Trudgill, P. (2003). The . Cromer: Poppyland. Wells, J. (1982). Accents of English. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Institutional address (lead author)

Department of English University of Bern Länggassstrasse 49 3012 Bern Switzerland NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 30 of 61

11

English in the Midlands

Esther Asprey Natalie Braber University of Warwick Nottingham Tent University

Abstract

This chapter looks at the structure of Mercian , moving on to examine differences and commonalities across the Midlands region (notably Scandinavian influence and lack of it south of Watling Street). It moves on to discuss some of the features of East Midlands English which were to form what would eventually become the standard for the whole of England following standardization through the printing press and mass literacy. It then examines dialect data from the 19th and 20th centuries from the urban centres of Nottingham and the and contrasting dialect innovation in those centres with linguistic developments in the rural hinterland. We then discuss what could be argued to make Midlands English distinctive from that of the north or south in phonological, lexical and grammatical terms (Upton: 2012). Supporting our spoken data driven insights with interview data and literary dialect data, we look at which areas of the Midlands have well-known dialects and which are under-investigated and under-theorized, noting particularly under- representation of the East Midlands and of the rural areas of Worcestershire and Herefordshire. We close by examining the different statuses which Midlands dialects now enjoy UK and world-wide, examining the role of media exposure through TV programmes like Peaky Blinders and looking at the literature from perceptual dialectology concerning evaluative reactions. We also point forwards to the continuing agents of change within the variety – in-migration from within Britain as well as migration from the Republic of Ireland, Northern Ireland, the former Commonwealth, and most recently, the European Union. We finish by discussing the historical, social and linguistic evidence for and against naming a discrete Midlands dialect area.

References

Benskin,M.; M. Laing; V. Karaiskos and K. Williamson. 2013. An Electronic Version of a Linguistic Atlas of Late Mediaeval English. Available at: http://www.lel.ed.ac.uk/ihd/elalme/elalme.html Britain, David (ed). 2007. Language in the British Isles. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Ellis, A., 1889. On Early English Pronunciation, with especial Reference to Shakspere and Chaucer. Part V. London: Trübner and Co. Laing, M. 2013. A Linguistic Atlas of Early Middle English, 1150–1325, Version 3.2. Available at: http://www.lel.ed.ac.uk/ihd/laeme2/laeme2.html Orton, Harold and Michael Barry (eds). 1968-70. Survey of English Dialects (B): The Basic Material. Vols 1-3, The West Midland Counties. Leeds: E.J. Arnold. NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 31 of 61

Orton, Harold; Dieth, Eugen; Tilling, Philip M and H. Pauline Duncan (eds). 1968-70. Survey of English dialects (B): The Basic Material. Vols 1-3, The East Midland Counties and East Anglia. Leeds: E.J. Arnold. Schneider, Edgar W.; Kate Burridge; Bernd Kortmann; Rajend Mesthrie and Clive Upton (eds). 2004. A Handbook of Varieties of English. Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton. Upton, Clive. 2012. The importance of being Janus: Midland speakers and the ‘North-South divide’. In: M. Markus, Y. Iteiri, R. Heuberger and E. Chamson (eds), Middle and Modern English Corpus Linguistics: A Multi-Dimensional Approach (pp. 257-268). Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

Institutional addresses

Dr. Esther Asprey Department of Applied Linguistics, University of Warwick, Coventry, CV4 7AL, United Kingdom.

Dr. Natalie Braber School of Arts and Humanities, Nottingham Trent University, Clifton Lane, Nottingham, NG11 8NS NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 32 of 61

12

English in Merseyside

Kevin Watson University of Canterbury, Christchurch

Abstract

Liverpool English is one of the most famous and easily recognisable accents of British English, in part because of the negative stereotypes associated with it, and in part because it has a number of phonetic characteristics which make it stand out. The first investigation of Liverpool English was Knowles (1973), a PhD thesis, which is a detailed but still unpublished analysis of the phonetic features that ‘make a Liverpudlian sound like one’ (p 1). Knowles based his description on a dataset of 47 speakers, the oldest born in 1897 and the youngest born in 1938. The work appeared shortly after what was to become Labov’s foundation for the field of variationist sociolinguistics (e.g. Labov 1966). Knowles mentions how his intention was to apply some of Labov’s analytical methods to the Liverpool dataset, but adds that this was too difficult given the dataset available. The result is a thesis packed with detail, but one in which the speech community patterns are often difficult to see clearly. This is because the notion of the sociolinguistic variable, a relatively new concept at the time, was not used, and the data was not quantified in the way that has since become standard in the field. The first aim of this chapter, then, is to reconsider Knowles’ (1973) analysis, with, where necessary, the help of hindsight from the following forty plus years of variationist sociolinguistic work. Following this, Knowles’ seminal work will be connected to the current state-of-the-art. To do this, I present data from the Origins of Liverpool English project (OLIVE). OLIVE is a corpus of, currently, 140 speakers from Liverpool and two smaller hinterland localities. There are three age cohorts, split into subcorpora: the ‘Archive’ subcorpus has speakers born between 1890 and 1943, the ‘Older’ subcorpus has speakers born between 1918 and 1942, and the ‘Teen’ subcorpus has speakers born between 1992 and 1994. The speakers in OLIVE’s Liverpool ‘Archive’ subcorpus are broadly comparable to Knowles’ speakers, so new data can be added to the original description. Importantly, I also provide (1) an acoustic phonetic analysis of these speakers, adding to Knowles’ original auditory work, and (2) a quantified analysis, using modern statistical methods (e.g. mixed effects regression modelling). By comparing Knowles’ description and OLIVE’s Archive subcorpus with analysis of data from the other subcorpora, I provide an in depth analysis of phonological change in Liverpool English. I test, for example, whether the changes suggested by Knowles have continued their trajectory in subsequent generations of speakers. These changes are discussed in the context of phonological levelling and supralocalisation in British English, processes by which socially and/or geographically marked features of accents are replaced by more widespread forms. This is well attested in Britain and there have been relatively few reported counterexamples. The situation in Liverpool is unclear, as it has been cited as a counterexample (e.g. by Watson 2006), but also as having adopted some supralocal features (Clark, Watson & West 2011). The extent to NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 33 of 61 which Liverpool English is levelling, then, is an unanswered question, partly because so far the practice has been to examine one variable at a time. I rectify this problem by looking at a range of vocalic and consonantal variables over time, providing the most detailed analysis of phonological change in Liverpool English to date.

References

Knowles, Gerald. (1973). : The urban dialect of Liverpool. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Leeds. Clark L. and Watson K. (2016) Phonological leveling, diffusion, and Divergence: /t/lenition in Liverpool and its hinterland. Language Variation and Change 28(1): 31-62. Watson, Kevin. (2006). Phonological resistance and innovation in the North-West of England. English Today 22(2):55–61. Watson K. (2007) Liverpool English. Journal of the International Phonetics Association 37(3): 351-360.

Institutional address

Dr. Kevin Watson Department of Linguistics University of Canterbury Private Bag 4800 Christchurch 8140 New Zealand NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 34 of 61

13

English in Tyneside

Adam Mearns Newcastle University

Abstract

Histories of the North East of England typically stress the highly distinctive nature of the area in relation to other parts of the country, and emphasize how this combines with a further, equally strong sense of identity that operates at a more localized level within the region, differentiating between Northumberland, Durham, Wearside, Teesside, and of course Tyneside (e.g. Colls & Lancaster 2005; Green & Pollard 2007; Vall 2011; Jackson 2019). Given the essential link between identity and language, it is unsurprising that there are key linguistic features that can be associated with these various layers of regional identity (Beal et al. 2012). Studies in the perceptual dialectology of the North East reinforce this, clearly showing that language plays a central role in the perceptions of people in Tyneside and across the different parts of the region, in terms of what they think they have in common and what they believe makes them distinct (Pearce 2009, 2011, 2012). For example, the fact that some speakers in Newcastle and Gateshead say wor rather than our stands out to residents of Sunderland or Middlesbrough. Tynesiders themselves might equally point to the way in which their vowel sound in unstressed syllables, often a lower [ɐ], sounds different, or highlight the fact that they do not exhibit the /h/-dropping which they perceive as typical of other parts of the region. However, there are plenty of other dialect features that locals might expect to hear, to a greater or lesser extent, throughout the North East, such as sentence-final like or but (Beal et al. 2012), or across the north of England more generally, such as the short vowel pronunciation of bath, grass, last, etc. The different layers of regional identity that are at play here therefore reflect and underpin the various ways in which the dialect of the Tyneside ‘ Nation’ (Beal 2004c) both contrasts and overlaps with varieties of language from the other areas of the North East (Beal 1993; Beal et al. 2012), from across the north of England more broadly (Beal 2004a, 2004b; Hickey 2015), and from the rest of the UK and Ireland. In examining some distinctive linguistic characteristics of the Tyneside dialect, this chapter explores ways in which these features have been shaped by the region’s history and evolving layers of identity, for instance as part of an area which was settled by speakers of an Anglian rather than a Saxon dialect of Old English, and which then emerged as a kind of frontier region, first in relation to Scandinavian settlement to the south and later as part of the borderlands between Scotland and England. In looking at later periods, we will consider the impact of the area’s status as a coastal region that established maritime trade links with the Netherlands from the 17th century and as a centre of heavy industry that attracted immigrants from Scotland and Ireland in the 19th century (Beal & Corrigan 2009; Griffiths 2011), before experiencing considerable social and economic upheaval with the industrial decline of the later 20th century and a subsequent cultural resurgence (Bailey et al. 2004). In all NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 35 of 61

of this, the focus will be on the ways in which the individual linguistic features that have been introduced and shaped by these various historical developments function as part of distinctive systems of sociolinguistic variation. For example, the word canny has meanings and uses that are specific to the region (OED 2020) and the role that it therefore plays in the systems of related adjectives and especially intensifiers that are available to local speakers has a significant effect in helping to mould the nature of those systems as a whole (Barnfield and Buchstaller 2010; Pearce 2013; Childs 2016). The Tyneside dialect has been the focus of a great deal of research, often drawing on the extensive body of sociolinguistic interviews that have been gathered together in the Diachronic Electronic Corpus of Tyneside English (DECTE, Corrigan et al. 2012-). The chapter will review some of the studies that have analysed interviews from the 1970s (e.g. Pellowe et al. 1972; Jones-Sargent 1983; Moisl & Maguire 2008), the 1990s (e.g. Watt & Milroy 1999; Watt 2002) and the 2000s onwards, including those that are now able to take advantage of the longitudinal span of the data to examine diachronic changes in the Tyneside dialect, and even in the language of individuals across their lifespans (e.g. Barnfield & Buchstaller 2010; Buchstaller et al. 2017; Buchstaller and Mearns 2018). These previous studies have focused on various phonological, morphosyntactic and discourse pragmatic features in the datasets. In contrast, far less attention has so far been paid to lexical features. To begin to address this, the chapter will explore selected examples of Tyneside lexis, again focusing on the impact that individual localized items have in contributing to distinctive systems of sociolinguistic variation (in this case lexical sets and semantic fields), using previously unavailable material from the full DECTE archive, which now contains more than 920 hours and seven million words of interviews recorded at various points in the last five decades and capturing the voices of people from across the North East, with birth dates ranging from 1891 to 2001.

References

Bailey, Christopher, Steven Miles & Peter Stark 2004. ‘Culture-led urban regeneration and the revitalisation of identities in Newcastle, Gateshead and the North East of England’, International Journal of Cultural Policy 10 (1): 47–65. Barnfield, Kate & Isabelle Buchstaller. 2010. ‘Intensification on Tyneside: Longitudinal developments and new trends’, English World-Wide 31: 252–287. Beal, Joan C. 1993. ‘The grammar of Tyneside and Northumbrian English’, in: James Milroy & Lesley Milroy (eds) Real English: The Grammar of English Dialects in the British Isles. London: Longman. 187–213. Beal, Joan C. 2004a. ‘English dialects in the North of England: phonology’, in: Bernd Kortmann & Edgar W. Schneider (eds) A Handbook of Varieties of English, Volume I: Phonology. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. 113–133. Beal, Joan C. 2004b. ‘English dialects in the North of England: morphology and syntax’, in: Bernd Kortmann & Edgar W. Schneider (eds) A Handbook of Varieties of English, Volume II: Morphology and Syntax. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. 114–141. Beal Joan C. 2004c. ‘‘Geordie Nation’: Language and regional identity in the North-East of England’, Lore and Language 17: 33–48. Beal, Joan C., Lourdes Burbano-Elizondo & Carmen Llamas. 2012. Urban North-Eastern English: Tyneside to Teesside. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Beal, Joan C. & Karen P. Corrigan. 2009. ‘The impact of nineteenth-century Irish English migrations on contemporary Northern Englishes: Tyneside and Sheffield compared’, in: Esa Pentila & Heli Paulasto (eds) Language Contacts Meet English Dialects: Studies in Honour of Markku Filppula. Cambridge: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. 231–258. NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 36 of 61

Buchstaller, Isabelle, Anne Krause, Anja Auer & Stefanie Otte. 2017. ‘Levelling across the life-span? Tracing the FACE vowel in panel data from the North East of England’, Journal of Sociolinguistics 21 (1): 3–33. Buchstaller, Isabelle & Adam Mearns. 2018. ‘The effect of economic trajectory and speaker profile on lifespan change: Evidence from stative possessives on Tyneside’, in: Natalie Braber & Sandra Jansen (eds) Sociolinguistics in England. London: Palgrave Macmillan. 215–241. ‘canny, adj. and adv.’ OED Online. March 2020. Oxford: Oxford University Press. https://www.oed.com/view/Entry/27143 (accessed May 31, 2020). Childs, Claire. 2016. ‘Canny good, or quite canny? The semantic-syntactic distribution of canny in the North East of England’, English World-Wide 37 (3): 238–266. Colls, Robert & William Lancaster (eds). 2005. : Roots of Regionalism, 2nd edition. Newcastle upon Tyne: Northumbria University Press. Corrigan, Karen P., Isabelle Buchstaller, Adam Mearns & Hermann Moisl. 2012-. The Diachronic Electronic Corpus of Tyneside English (DECTE). Newcastle University. https://research.ncl.ac.uk/decte Green, Adrian & Anthony J. Pollard (eds). 2007. Regional Identities in North-East England, 1300–2000. Woodbridge: Boydell Press. Griffiths, Bill 2011. A Dictionary of North East Dialect, 3rd edition. Alnwick: Northumbria Press. Hickey, Raymond (ed.). 2015. Researching Northern English (Varieties of English Around the World, G55). Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Jackson, Daniel. 2019. The Northumbrians: North-East England and Its People. London: Hurst & Company. Jones-Sargent, Val. 1983. Tyne Bytes: A Computerised Sociolinguistic Study of Tyneside. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang. Moisl, Hermann & Warren Maguire. 2008. ‘Identifying the main determinants of phonetic variation in the Newcastle Electronic Corpus of Tyneside English’, Journal of Quantitative Linguistics 15 (1): 46–69. Pearce, Michael. 2009. ‘A perceptual dialect map of North East England’, Journal of English Linguistics 37.2: 162–192. Pearce, Michael. 2011. ‘Exploring a perceptual dialect boundary in North East England’, Dialectologia et Geolinguistica 19: 3–22. Pearce, Michael. 2012. ‘Folk accounts of dialect differences in Tyne and Wear’, Dialectologia et Geolinguistica 20: 5–25. Pearce, Michael. 2013. ‘‘That word so fraught with meaning’: The history, cultural significance and current use of canny in North East England. English Studies 94 (5): 562–581. Pellowe, John, Graham Nixon, Barbara Strang & Vincent McNeany. 1972. ‘A dynamic modelling of linguistic variation: the urban (Tyneside) linguistic survey’, Lingua 30(1): 1–30. Vall, Natasha. 2011. Cultural Region: North East England 1945–2000. Manchester: Manchester University Press. Watt, Dominic. 2002. ‘“I don’t speak with a Geordie accent, I speak, like, the Northern accent”: contact-induced levelling in the Tyneside vowel system’, Journal of Sociolinguistics 6.1: 44–63. Watt, Dominic and Lesley Milroy. 1999. ‘Variation in three Tyneside vowels: is this dialect levelling?’, in: Paul Foulkes and Gerard J. Docherty (eds) Urban Voices: Accent Studies in the British Isles. London: Arnold. 25–47.

Institutional address

Dr. Adam Mearns School of English Literature, Language & Linguistics Newcastle University Newcastle, NE1 7RU, United Kingdom NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 37 of 61

14

The history of English in Wales

Rob Penhallurick Swansea UniversIty

Abstract

This chapter focuses on and its varieties. Beginning with consideration of the influence of the geography and geology of Wales on the social patterns of cultural and linguistic identity, the chapter then continues with a history of the English language in Wales viewed from three perspectives. First, the demographic perspective is presented, using available data on the historically shifting numbers of Welsh, English, and bilingual speakers, and on in- and out-migration, and examining population movement within Wales and the process of anglicization from the medieval period onwards. Second, using documentary and literary evidence, as well as evidence from other artistic media, a history of the origins and development of Welsh English as a whole is provided, incorporating also an account of perceptions of this variety. This section looks at how the notion of Welsh English has been constructed historically in documentary and fictive texts. And finally, the chapter surveys the key research on English in Wales in combination with a synopsis of the diagnostic characteristics of Welsh English as uncovered by this research. The survey of research is a guide to the main larger-scale works and resources on Welsh English and to a selection of the more locally focused studies as well as to some fascinating lesser-known publications, covering work in philology, dialectology, and sociolinguistics. The descriptive synopsis includes summaries of segmental and suprasegmental phonology, morphology and syntax, and lexis. It also offers a model of the regional and social patterning of English in Wales, returning to the fundamental picture introduced at the start of the chapter, as well as referring to models presented in research on Welsh English hitherto. In summary, the aim of the chapter is to provide a concise but comprehensive overview of existing knowledge about the history, development, characteristics, and perceptions of the English language in Wales.

References (some main sources)

Durham, Mercedes & Jonathan Morris (eds) (2016) Sociolinguistics in Wales (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan). Garrett, Peter, Nikolas Coupland & Angie Williams (2003) Investigating Language Attitudes: Social Meanings of Dialect, Ethnicity and Performance (Cardiff: University of Wales Press). Jones, Benjamin A. (2018) A History of the Welsh English Dialect in Fiction (Swansea: Swansea University PhD dissertation). Parry, David R. (1977, 1979) The Survey of Anglo-Welsh Dialects, Vol. 1: The South-East, Vol. 2: The South-West. (Swansea: David Parry). Paulasto, Heli (2006) Welsh English Syntax: Contact and Variation. (Joensuu: Joensuu University Press). (Available online at: NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 38 of 61

http://epublications.uef.fi/pub/urn_isbn_952-458-804-8/index_en.html) Heli Paulasto, Rob Penhallurick & Benjamin A. Jones (2020) Welsh English (Dialects of English Series, Vol. 12) (Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton). Penhallurick, Robert (1991) The Anglo-Welsh Dialects of North Wales (University of Bamberg Studies in English Linguistics, Vol. 27) (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang). Penhallurick, Robert (1994) Gowerland and its language (University of Bamberg Studies in English Linguistics, Vol. 36) (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang).

Address

Prof. R. Penhallurick 7 Cefn Draw Three Crosses Swansea SA4 3PJ UK NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 39 of 61

15

The history of Scots

Joanna Kopaczyk UniversIty of Glasgow

Abstract

The geographic coverage of this volume on varieties of English includes, uncontroversially, the island of Great Britain and within it, Scotland. Still uncontroversially, the present-day variety of English used in Scotland, Standard Scottish English, is dealt with in Chapter 17. The present chapter concentrates on the history of Scots, the earliest Germanic language developed on the territory of Scotland, starting with the arrival of Germanic speakers north of the Solway-Tweed line, to the loss of Scotland’s political independence in 1707. Its inclusion in a book on varieties of English may be perceived as controversial for two reasons: firstly, Scots is recognised as a minority language in its own right (see the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages), and secondly, its historical development and that of English varieties down south ran in parallel in separate socio-political and cultural environments (albeit mutually influential). The linguistic history of the Germanic language of Scotland provides a rich background for the discussion of several central issues in historical linguistics. How do we construct language history out of dialect writing, disconnected in time and space? When does a local variety become a “language”? Can we jump between genres to pick up snapshots of language use from different periods and weave them into a single narrative? Is “language history” reserved for standard languages as we know them today? What about varieties which were on the same path towards standardisation but did not complete the process due to extralinguistic pressures? This chapter takes stock of well-established scholarship on pre-eighteenth-century Scots (Aitken 1971, Devitt 1989, Meurman-Solin 1993, McClure 1995, Jones (ed.) 1997, Aitken and Macafee 2002, Macafee and Aitken 2002, Corbett et al. (eds.) 2003), and expands it with new thinking, new resources, and new findings. In recent years the traditional periodisation of Scots has been questioned (Kopaczyk 2013a), long-awaited corpora of historical Scots have been made available, e.g. the Helsinki Corpus of Scottish Correspondence (Meurman-Solin 2016), and others are in the final stages of completion (Alcorn et al. forthcoming). Historical Scots has inspired innovative approaches to language history in general, e.g. digital approaches to historical dialectology (Williamson 1992/93, Alcorn et al. eds. 2018), research on visual prosody (Meurman-Solin 2013), textual standardisation (Kopaczyk 2013b, 2020) and grapho-phonological parsing (Alcorn et al. forthcoming, Kopaczyk et al. 2018). New studies are changing our understanding of Scots spelling and sound change (Alcorn et al. 2017, Molineaux et al. 2018, Maguire et al. 2019, Molineaux et al. 2020, Molineaux et al. forthcoming), syntax (Gotthard 2019), address strategies in Scots (Leitner 2013) and its relationship with other languages (Havinga forthcoming). The history of Scots is a thriving field which provides the history of English with interesting parallels, looks at the degrees of intelligibility between the two languages NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 40 of 61

and their mutual relationship (including Anglicisation of Scots), and recognises the impact of sociocultural, political and historical circumstances on linguistic choices within communities.

Selected references

Aitken, A.J. 1971. Variation and variety in written Middle Scots. In: Edinburgh Studies in English and Scots, edited by A.J. Aitken, Angus McIntosh & Hermann Pálsson, 177-209. London: Longman. Aitken, A. J. and C. Macafee 2002. The Older Scots Vowels. Edinburgh: Scottish Text Society. Alcorn, R., Kopaczyk, J., Los, B. and Molineaux, B. (Eds.) 2018. Historical Dialectology in the Digital Age. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Alcorn, R., Molineaux, B., Kopaczyk, J., Karaiskos, V., Los, B. and Maguire, W. (2017) The emergence of Scots: Clues from Germanic *a reflexes. In: Cruickshank, J. and McColl Millar, R. (eds.) Before the Storm: Papers from Forum for Research on the Languages of Scotland and Ulster Triennial Meeting, Ayr 2015. Aberdeen: Forum for Research on the Languages of Scotland and Ulster, pp. 1-32. Alcorn, R., V. Karaiskos, J. Kopaczyk, B. Los, W. Maguire & B. Molineaux. Forthcoming. From Inglis to Scots: A Corpus of Grapho-phonological Correspondences (1380–1500) with Associated Corpus of Changes. www.amc.lel.ed.ac.uk/fits/ Corbett, J., J.D. McClure and J. Stuart-Smith (eds.) 2003. The Edinburgh companion to Scots. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Devitt, A. 1989. Standardizing written English. Diffusion in the case of Scotland 1520-1659. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Gotthard, L. 2019. Why do-support in Scots is different? English Studies 100(3): 314-338. Havinga, A. Forthcoming. ‘Assessing the intensity of language contact between Middle Dutch and Scots in late medieval Aberdeen’. In Joanna Kopaczyk & Robert McColl Millar (eds.) 2020. Language on the Move across Contexts and Communities. Aberdeen: Forum for Research on the Languages of Scotland and Ireland, 183-211. Jones, Ch. (ed.) 1997. The Edinburgh history of the Scots language. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Kopaczyk, J. 2013a. Rethinking the traditional periodisation of the Scots language. In: Cruickshank, J. and McColl Millar, R. (eds.) After the Storm: Papers from the Forum for Research on the Languages of Scotland and Ulster triennial meeting, Aberdeen 2012. Series: Languages of Scotland and Ulster (4). Forum for Research on the Languages of Scotland and Ireland: Aberdeen, pp. 233-260. Kopaczyk, J. 2013b. The Legal Language of Scottish Burghs: Standardization and Lexical Bundles (1380-1560). Oxford / New York: Oxford University Press. Kopaczyk, J., Molineaux, B., Karaiskos, V., Alcorn, R., Los, B. and Maguire, W. (2018) Towards a grapho-phonologically parsed corpus of medieval Scots: Database design and technical solutions. Corpora, 13(2), pp. 255-269. Leitner, M. 2013. Thou and you in Late Middle Scottish and Early Modern Northern English witness depositions. Journal of Historical Pragmatics 14(1): 100-129. Macafee, C. and †Aitken A.J. 2002 ‘A history of Scots to 1700’ in A Dictionary of the Older Scottish Tongue vol. XII, xxix-clvii. Online https://dsl.ac.uk/about-scots/history-of-scots/ NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 41 of 61

Maguire, W., Alcorn, R., Molineaux, B., Kopaczyk, J, Karaiskos, V. and Los, B. 2019. Charting the rise and demise of a phonotactically motivated change in Scots. Folia Linguistica Historica 40(1), pp. 37-59. McClure, J. D. 1995. English in Scotland, in Robert Burchfield (ed.) The Cambridge history of the English language. Vol.5. English in Britain and overseas. Origins and developments. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 23-93. Meurman-Solin, A. 1993. Variation and change in early Scottish prose: Studies based on the Helsinki Corpus of Older Scots. University of Helsinki. Meurman-Solin, A. 2013. Taxonomisation of features of visual prosody. In: Principles and Practices for the Digital Editing and Annotation of Diachronic Data, edited by A. Meurman-Solin & J. Tyrkkö. Helsinki: VARIENG. Meurman-Solin, A. 2016. Manual to the Helsinki Corpus of Scottish Correspondence 1540-1750 (ScotsCorr). University of Helsinki. Molineaux, B., Kopaczyk, J., Alcorn, R., Maguire, W., Karaiskos, V. and Los, B. 2018. Early spelling evidence for Scots L-vocalisation: A corpus-based approach. In: Alcorn, R., Kopaczyk, J., Los, B. and Molineaux, B. (eds.) Historical Dialectology in the Digital Age. Edinburgh University Press: Edinburgh, UK. Molineaux, B. and J. Kopaczyk, with R. Alcorn, W. Maguire, V. Karaiskos and B. Los. 2020. Phonotactics, graphotactics and contrast: The history of Scots dental spellings. English Language and Linguistics. Molineaux, B., W. Maguire, V. Karaiskos, R. Alcorn, J. Kopaczyk, and B. Los. Forthcoming. Visualising pre-standard spelling practice: Understanding the interchange of and in Older Scots. Journal of Data Mining and Digital Humanities. Williamson, K. 1992/93. A Computer-aided Method for Making a Linguistic Atlas of Older Scots. Scottish Language 11-12: 138-173.

Institutional address

Dr Joanna Kopaczyk English Linguistics School of Critical Studies University of Glasgow 12 University Gardens Glasgow G12 8QQ Scotland / UK NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 42 of 61

16

The lexicography of Scots

Maggie Scott University of Salford

Abstract

This chapter surveys and examines the history of dictionaries of Scots from their beginnings to the present day, highlighting key historical and contemporary lexicographers and their contributions to the documentation, preservation of and commentary on the Scots language. Motives for the curation of the Scots language in dictionary form have varied considerably over time and are essential to the understanding and appreciation of their compilers works in context. Thomas Ruddiman’s influential glossary (1710) supported readers navigating Gavin Douglas’ Scots translation of Virgil’s Aeneid, while John Jamieson’s Etymological Dictionary of the Scottish Language (1808-1825), echoed the sentiments of eighteenth-century poets and writers of the Vernacular Revival who sought to preserve and celebrate the language. Twentieth-century practitioners were often mixed in their approaches, working through a period of intense change and challenge for perceptions of the language, complicated by the concepts of ‘good’ and ‘bad’ versions of Scots, the contested status of synthetic, ‘Lallans’ Scots, and the lack of agreement on development or detail for proposed standard models for the language. Present-day practitioners and their objectives have a particular position of importance in relation to the cultural status of Scots post-devolution and against a backdrop of increasing acceptance of Scots across genres and contexts. Scots can now be found in popular children’s books, elements of the media including some radio and (limited) television, and Scots and English are the only two languages that are permitted in the Scottish Parliament without translation. Some recent milestones for Scots lexicography include the development of dictionary applications for mobile phones and tablets by Scottish Language Dictionaries (SLD), and their publication of the long-awaited second edition to the Concise Scots Dictionary (2017). The collective outputs of SLD are well established academic lexicographical resources for the Scots language, building on the legacies of the two major historical dictionaries of Scots: A Dictionary of the Older Scottish Tongue (1931-2002) and The Scottish National Dictionary (1931-1975; 2005). Collaborative ‘dictionary’ resources such as the online Urban Dictionary also contribute a social commentary on Scots, which is also worthy of note given the language’s limited status. In considering the chronology of Scots lexicography, both academic and populist approaches will be discussed, acknowledging the contested nature of the dictionary as linguistic authority.

References

Corbett, John, McClure, J. Derrick and Stuart-Smith, Jane, eds., The Edinburgh Companion to Scots (Edinburgh, Edinburgh University Press, 2003) NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 43 of 61

Craigie, William et al. (eds.), A Dictionary of the Older Scottish Tongue, 12 vols. (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1931-2002) http://www.dsl.ac.uk Grant, William et al. (eds.) The Scottish National Dictionary, 10 vols. (Edinburgh, The Scottish National Dictionary Association, 1931-1976); 2nd Supplement (Edinburgh, Scottish Language Dictionaries, 2005) http://www.dsl.ac.uk Jamieson, J. An Etymological Dictionary of the Scottish Language, 4 vols. (Edinburgh, Edinburgh University Press, 1808-1825) http://www.scotsdictionary.com Kay, Christian J. and Mackay, Margaret A., eds., Perspectives on the Older Scottish Tongue: A Celebration of DOST (Edinburgh, Edinburgh University Press, 2005) Macleod, Iseabail and J. Derrick McClure, eds., Scotland in Definition: A History of Scottish Dictionaries (Edinburgh, John Donald, 2012) Rennie, Susan, Jamieson’s Dictionary of Scots: The Story of the First Historical Dictionary of the Scots Language (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2012) Scottish Language Dictionaries, The Concise Scots Dictionary, 2nd ed. (Edinburgh, Edinburgh University Press, 2017)

Institutional address

Dr. Maggie Scott School of Arts and Media University of Salford Crescent House 206 Salford, M5 4WT, UK NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 44 of 61

17

Taking stock of Scots and Scottish English in the early twenty-first century

Jane Stuart-Smith and Rachel Macdonald UniversIty of Glasgow

Abstract

Our understanding of the linguistic characteristics of varieties of Scottish English in Scotland, ranging from urban and rural vernacular Scots to the educated norms of Scottish Standard English, is based on detailed dialectological studies carried out in the mid 20th century, and then a series of sociolinguistic studies especially from the 1970s onwards (Corbett & Stuart-Smith, 2012; Johnston, 2007; Jones, 1997). The question for us now is: to what extent do these studies, each carried out on a necessarily limited number of speakers, often on one dialect, or small numbers of speakers from several dialects, with different analytical and measurement protocols, enable us to appreciate the actual diversity – or not – of Scottish English, both now and across the 20th century? The aim of this chapter is to focus on two core aspects of Scottish phonology with respect to other varieties of English, the Scottish Vowel Length Rule (e.g. Aitken, 1981; J. M. Scobbie, Hewlett, & Turk., 1999), and Scottish word-final /r/ (e.g. Johnston, 1997; E. Lawson, Scobbie, & Stuart-Smith, 2014), based on large-scale, robust acoustic phonetic analysis, from ~1000 speakers across eleven Scottish English corpora. Together these comprise recordings of both spontaneous and controlled speech, from male and female speakers of different ages, from the late 1940s until the mid-2010s, so an apparent- and real-time span of over 100 years, and covering the main regional, social and ethnic dialects located in Scotland: the Central Belt (Glasgow and Edinburgh), the South/Borders, the North East, and the Highlands and Islands (Alam, 2016; Anderson, Beavan, & Kay, 2007; Coleman, Baghai-Ravary, Pybus, & Grau, 2012; Edinburgh, 2013; Gut, 2020; Leemann, Kolly, & Britain, 2018; Ryan, 2018; J. Scobbie et al., 2013; Smith & Holmes-Elliott, 2017; Solanki, 2016; Stuart-Smith, José, Rathcke, Macdonald, & Lawson, 2017). The evidence for the distribution of both features across this broad remit of Scottish English is considered in the context of key phonetic, prosodic and linguistic factors (speech rate, utterance position, lexical frequency) and sociolinguistic factors of gender, dialect, ethnicity, and decade of birth, using the newly-developed ISCAN software (McAuliffe et al., 2019). SVLR is analysed using log duration, whilst rhotics are analysed using dynamic acoustic analysis (21-point formant tracks, analysed using Discrete Cosine Transformation(Watson & Harrington, 1999)). Preliminary findings from analysing ~100 speakers from the SCOTS corpus, confirm that the SVLR is robust for all dialects for /i u/, with sporadic differences in other dialects, especially the North East, and uncover shifts in the degree and nature of rhotics by dialect over time, in conjunction with stress (e.g. car vs better) and gender. Overall, the chapter will provide NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 45 of 61

the first integrated empirical account of contemporary and recent Scottish .

References

Aitken, A. J. (1981). The Scottish Vowel Length Rule. In M. Benskin & M. L. Samuels (Eds.), So meny People, Longages and Tonges: Philological Essays in Scots and Mediaeval English presented to Angus McIntosh (pp. 131–157). Edinburgh: The Middle English Dialect Project. Alam, F. (2016). “Glaswasian”?: A Sociophonetic Analysis of Glasgow-Asian Accent and Identity. University of Glasgow. Anderson, W., Beavan, D., & Kay, C. (2007). SCOTS: Scottish Corpus of Texts and Speech. In Creating and digitising language corpora (pp. 17–34). Palgrave Macmillan UK. Coleman, J., Baghai-Ravary, L., Pybus, J., & Grau, S. (2012). Audio BNC: The audio edition of the Spoken British National Corpus. Retrieved from http://www.phon.ox.ac.uk/AudioBNC Corbett, J., & Stuart-Smith, J. (2012). Standard English in Scotland. In R. Hickey (Ed.), Standards of English: Codified Standards around the World (pp. 72–95). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Edinburgh, U. of. (2013). Arthur the Rat, 1949-1966. Retrieved from https://datashare.is.ed.ac.uk/handle/10283/392 Gut, U. (2020). ICE-Scotland. Retrieved from https://www.uni-muenster.de/Anglistik/Research/EngLing/research/ice-sco.ht ml Johnston, P. A. (1997). Regional Variation. In C. Jones (Ed.), The Edinburgh history of the Scots language (pp. 433–513). Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Johnston, P. A. (2007). Scottish English and Scots. In D. Britain (Ed.), Language in the British Isles (pp. 105–121). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Jones, C. (Ed.). (1997). The Edinburgh History of the Scots Language. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Lawson, E., Scobbie, J. M., & Stuart-Smith, J. (2014). A socio-articulatory study of Scottish rhoticity. In R. Lawson (Ed.), Sociolinguistics in Scotland (pp. 53–78). Basingstoke: Palgrove Macmillan. Leemann, A., Kolly, M.-J., & Britain, D. (2018). The English Dialects App: The creation of a crowdsourcd dialect corpus. Ampersand, 5, 1–17. McAuliffe, M., Coles, A., Goodale, M., Mihuc, S., Wagner, M., Stuart-Smith, J., & Sonderegger, M. (2019). ISCAN: A system for integrated phonetic analyses across speech corpora. In Proceedings of the 19th Congress of Phonetic Sciences (pp. 1322–1326). Melbourne. Ryan, S. D. (2018). Language, migration and identity at school: A sociolinguistic study with Polish adolescents in Glasgow. University of Glasgow. Scobbie, J. M., Hewlett, N., & Turk., A. E. (1999). Standard English in Edinburgh and Glasgow: the Scottish vowel length rule revealed. In P. Foulkes & G. J. Docherty (Eds.), Urban voices: Accent studies in the British Isles (pp. 230–245). London: Arnold. Scobbie, J., Turk., A. E., Geng, C., King, S., Lickley, R., & Richmond, K. (2013). The Edinburgh Speech Production Facility DoubleTalk Corpus. In 14th Interspeech. NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 46 of 61

Lyon. Smith, J., & Holmes-Elliott, S. (2017). The unstoppable glottal: tracking rapid change in an iconic British variable 1. English Language & Linguistics, 1–33. Solanki, V. (2016). Brains in Dialogue: Investigating accommodation in live conversational speech for both speech and EEG data. University of Glasgow. Stuart-Smith, J., José, B., Rathcke, T., Macdonald, R., & Lawson, E. (2017). Changing sounds in a changing city: An acoustic phonetic investigation of real-time change over a century of Glaswegian. In C. Montgomery & E. Moore (Eds.), Language and a Sense of Place: Studies in Language and Region (pp. 38–65). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Watson, C. I., & Harrington, J. (1999). Acoustic evidence for dynamic formant trajectories in vowels. The Journal of the Acoustical Society of America, 106(1), 458–468.

Institutional addresses

Prof. Jane Stuart-Smith English Language and Linguistics School of Critical Studies University of Glasgow 12 University Gardens Glasgow G12 8QQ Scotland / UK

Dr. Rachel Macdonald English Language and Linguistics School of Critical Studies University of Glasgow 12 University Gardens Glasgow G12 8QQ Scotland / UK NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 47 of 61

18

English in Orkney and Shetland

Peter Sundkvist University of Stockholm

Abstract

This chapter deals with English as spoken in Orkney and Shetland, two of the most distinctive regional varieties in Britain. After the aim and scope of the chapter are stated, the second section provides an account of the history and emergence of modern Orkney and Shetland. While they constitute Scotland’s Northern Isles and their local dialects form the branch of ‘Insular Scots’ (Mather & Speitel 1986, Johnston 1997), Orkney and Shetland are separated not only by their degree of proximity to mainland Britain but also their main industries and sources of income, factors significant for the shaping of these modern societies as well as recent demographic and linguistic change. The third section deals with the local linguistic histories and the fundaments of English in Orkney and Shetland. The Celtic period is discussed, including its potential linguistic traces (e.g. Coates 2007, 2019). The Nordic period, from the establishment of Old Norse to the demise of Norn, is accounted for. The shift to Scots and the formation of the local Scots dialects are discussed, covering recent proposals (Millar 2007, 2008, 2012; Knooihuizen 2009; Ljosland 2012). The impact of other languages is reviewed, including Low German (trough Hanseatic trade), Dutch (fishing colonies), and French (related to the French-Scottish alliance). The fourth section describes the current Orkney and Shetland speech communities. The complexities inherent in accounting for ‘Scottish English’, covering both Scots and Scottish (Standard) English (SSE), are discussed with reference to early frameworks (Aitken 1979, 1984) and subsequent expansions (Stuart-Smith 2003). The fifth section presents the linguistic features of current Orkney and Shetland English. It covers and illustrates distinctive lexical and grammatical features. The phonology subsection presents a model integrating the traditional dialects and more standardized, yet localized usages of English, into a framework similar to Stuart-Smith (2003) and Melchers & Sundkvist (2010), based upon data from the present author’s research on Shetland and other research on Orkney (e.g. Schmitt 2015, Rendall 2013). The text passage The North Wind and the Sun, traditionally used for illustrations of the IPA, is illustrated in both the Shetland dialect and a localized form of SSE, as spoken by a professional academic native to Shetland. While in no way replacing research data, this is intended to provide an accessible, concrete illustration of the endpoints of the local speech range. Research conducted on Shetland field recordings from the 1980s (Sundkvist 2012) and archival recordings from an oral history project in Orkney (Sundkvist & Gao 2015) are utilized to bring further insight into the under-studied usage of pulmonic ingressive speech in the isles. The sixth section tackles the issue of change in Orkney and Shetland English. Recent developments in the speech communities are outlined. Both localities have seen a significant influx of people not only from Scotland but also the rest of Britain. In Orkney it is partly related to its close proximity to and easy access from mainland Britain, while in Shetland it stems NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 48 of 61

primarily from the expansion of the oil industry around 1980. Available evidence of linguistic change is exhaustively and critically examined, in the light of societal changes (e.g. Smith & Durham 2011, 2012; Durham 2014, 2017). The section concludes with a discussion of the future of Orkney and Shetland English in which evidence and arguments for both decline and maintenance are carefully weighed. Predictions of possible outcomes are made, taking the complexities of ‘Scottish English’ into account (Stuart-Smith 2003). The chapter closes with suggestions for further reading, with a focus on areas of particular significance subject to ongoing research.

References

Aitken, A. J. 1979. Scottish speech: A historical view with special reference to the Standard English of Scotland. In A. J. Aitken, T. McArthur & A. McIntosh (eds), Languages of Scotland, 85–118. Edinburgh: Chambers. Aitken, A. J. 1984. Scots and English in Scotland. In P. Trudgill (ed.), Language in the British Isles, 517–532. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Coates, R. 2007. Yell. The Journal of Scottish Name Studies, 1, 1–12. Coates, R. 2019. Fetlar. The Journal of Scottish Name Studies, 13, 37–54. Durham, M. 2014. Thirty years later: Real-time change and stability in attitudes towards the dialect in Shetland. In R. Lawson (ed.), Sociolinguistics in Scotland, 296–318. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Durham, M. 2017. Changing domains of dialect use: A real-time study of Shetland schoolchildren. In S. Hancil & J. C. Beal (eds), Perspectives on Northern Englishes, 245–270. Berlin/Boston: De Gruyter. Johnston, P. A. 1997. Regional variation. In C. Jones (ed.), The Edinburgh History of the Scots Language, 433–513. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Knooihuizen, R. 2009. Shetland Scots as a new dialect: phonetic and phonological considerations. English Language and Linguistics, 13(3), 483–501. Ljosland, R. 2012. The Establishment of the Scots Language in Orkney. New Orkney Antiquarian Journal, 6, 65–80. Mather, J. Y. & Speitel, H. H. (eds). 1986. The Linguistic Atlas of Scotland. Scots section, Volume 3. Phonology. London: Croom Helm. Melchers, G. & Sundkvist, P. 2010. Shetland and Orkney. In D. Schreier, P. Trudgill, E. W. Schneider & J. P. Williams (eds), The Lesser-Known Varieties of English, 17–34. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Millar, R. M. 2007. Northern and Insular Scots. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Millar, R. M. 2008. The origins and development of Shetland dialect in light of dialect contact theories. English World-Wide, 29(3), 237–267. Millar, R. M. 2012. The death of Orkney Norn and the genesis of Orkney Scots. Scottish Language, 29, 16–36. Rendall, T. 2013. Perceptions of the Social and Cultural Factors which have influenced the use of dialect in Orkney. PhD Thesis, The Open University. Schmitt, H. 2015. Orkney English phonology: Observations from interview data. Scottish Language, 34, 58–81. Smith, J. & Durham, M. 2011. A tipping point in dialect obsolescence? Change across the generations in Lerwick, Shetland. Journal of Sociolinguistics, 15(2), 197–225. Smith, J. & Durham, M. 2012. Bidialectalism or dialect death? Explaining generational change in the Shetland Islands, Scotland. American Speech, 87(1), 57–88. NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 49 of 61

Stuart-Smith, J. 2003. The phonology of modern urban Scots. In J. Corbett, J. D. McClure & J. Stuart-Smith (eds), The Edinburgh Companion to Scots, 110–137. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Sundkvist, P. & Gao, M. 2015. Pulmonic ingressive speech in Orkney dialect. Scottish Language, 34, 1–13. Sundkvist, P. 2012. Pulmonic ingressive speech in Shetland English. , 31(4), 434–448.

Institutional address

Prof. Peter Sundkvist Department of English Stockholm University S-106 91 Stockholm Sweden NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 50 of 61

19

English in the south of Ireland

Raymnd Hickey UniversIty of Duisburg and Essen

Abstract

The English language in Ireland can look back on a history going back to the late Middle Ages (Hogan 1927; Lucas 1995). It the course of the following centuries it developed various forms, from urban varieties, especially in Dublin (Hickey 2005), to rural varieties which arose during the language shift from Irish to English, above all in the nineteenth century (Filppula 1999; Hickey 2007). In addition, divergent forms of English arose in the North of Ireland (McCafferty 2007), chiefly as a result of significant immigration from Scotland and the North of England during the seventeenth century. Contemporary English in Ireland evinces a wide range of varieties determined by a number of factors. On the one hand there are strongly localized forms of English, in both urban and rural settings, which are associated with local identities and attitudes. On the other hand there are more supraregional varieties which, while maintaining a distinctly Irish profile, are more closely allied to supranational varieties of English. It is the latter set of varieties which show the greatest degree and rate of change given the sensitivity of their speakers to both developments of English outside Ireland and their reactions to local forms of English in their surroundings. This is most true of the speech of young female urbanites in the capital Dublin whose English has been in a state of flux in the past two to three decades (Hickey 2003). The relationship of language to society in Ireland is multi-facetted and multi-layered. This has been the case in history and is so to this day. The two languages whose relationship dominated the linguistic landscape of Ireland in previous centuries, Irish and English, are both still present. But many more languages have been introduced to the country by immigration in recent years, especially after the accession of several East European countries to the European Union in 2004. This allowed the free movement of citizens of the new member states in the enlarged union, a fact which contributed to the surge of foreign labour into Ireland in the so-called Celtic Tiger years (late 1990s to 2008). The country which contributed most to the swelling population of non Irish-born people in Ireland was Poland. This means that many Poles are still living in the country and a new, Irish-born, Polish-heritage generation (Diskin and Regan 2015) is growing up in Ireland which, if not linguistically, will at least culturally leave their mark on Ireland in the coming years.

Selected references

Barron, Anne and Klaus Schneider (eds) 2005. The Pragmatics of Irish English. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Bliss, Alan J. 1979. Spoken English in Ireland 1600-1740. Twenty-Seven Representative Texts Assembled and Analysed. Dublin: Cadenus Press. NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 51 of 61

Diskin, Chloé and Vera Regan 2015. Migratory experience and second language acquisition among Polish and Chinese migrants in Dublin, Ireland. In Fanny Forsberg Lundell and Inge Bartning (eds) Cultural Migrants and Optimal Language Acquisition. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. Dolan, Terence 2012 [1998]. A Dictionary of Hiberno-English. The Irish Use of English. Third edition. Dublin: Gill and Macmillan. Filppula, Markku 1999. The Grammar of Irish English. Language in Hibernian Style. London: Routledge. Henry, Patrick L. 1957. An Anglo-Irish Dialect of North Roscommon. Zürich: Aschmann and Scheller. Hickey, Raymond 1993. The beginnings of Irish English. Folia Linguistica Historica 14: 213-238. Hickey, Raymond 1995. An assessment of language contact in the development of Irish English. In Jacek Fisiak (ed.). Language Change under Contact Conditions. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, pp. 109-130. Hickey, Raymond 1997. Arguments for creolisation in Irish English. In Raymond Hickey and Stanisław Puppel (eds) Language History and Linguistic Modelling. A Festschrift for Jacek Fisiak on his Sixtieth Birthday. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, pp. 969-1038. Hickey, Raymond 1999. : Current changes and their motivation. In Paul Foulkes and Gerry Docherty (eds) 1999. Urban Voices. London: Edward Arnold, pp. 265-281. Hickey, Raymond 2002. A Source Book for Irish English. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Hickey, Raymond 2003. What’s cool in Irish English? Linguistic change in contemporary Ireland. In Hildegard L. C. Tristram (ed.). Celtic Englishes III. Heidelberg: Winter, pp. 357-373. Hickey, Raymond 2004. A Sound Atlas of Irish English. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Hickey, Raymond 2005. Dublin English. Evolution and Change. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Hickey, Raymond 2007. Irish English. History and Present-day Forms. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Hogan, James Jeremiah 1927. The English Language in Ireland. Dublin: Educational Company of Ireland. Hogan, James Jeremiah 1934. An Outline of English Philology Chiefly for Irish Students. Dublin: Educational Company of Ireland. Joyce, Patrick W. 1910. English as We Speak it in Ireland. London: Longmans, Green and Co. Kallen, Jeffrey L. 2013. Irish English, Vol. 2. The Republic of Ireland. Berlin: de Gruyter Mouton. Lucas, Angela (ed.) 1995. Anglo-Irish Poems of the Middle Ages. Dublin: Columba Press. McCafferty, Kevin 2007. Northern Irish English. In David Britain (ed.). Language in the British Isles. Second edition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 122-134. Moylan, Séamus 1996. The Language of Kilkenny. Dublin: Geography Publications. Ó Muirithe, Diarmaid 1996. Dictionary of Anglo-Irish: Words and Phrases from Irish. Dublin: Four Courts Press. Share, Bernard 2003 [1997]. Slanguage: A Dictionary of Slang and Colloquial English in Ireland. Second edition. Dublin, Gill and Macmillan. NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 52 of 61

Sheridan, Thomas 1781. A Rhetorical Grammar of the English Language Calculated Solely for the Purpose of Teaching Propriety of Pronunciation and Justness of Delivery, in that Tongue. Dublin: Price.

Institutional address

Prof. Raymond Hickey Department of Anglophone Studies University of Duisburg and Essen 45141 Essen Germany NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 53 of 61

20

English in the north of Ireland

Kevin McCafferty UniversIty of Bergen

Abstract

English-speakers arrived in Ulster (as they did in other parts of Ireland) following the twelfth-century Anglo-Norman invasion. While the language declined in medieval Ireland, English-speaking pockets persisted in east Ulster, just as they did further south on the east coast. English began making serious inroads in the province once the English state began to assert effective control over the whole island from the mid-sixteenth century onward and started planting English and later also Scottish settlers in regions that had been most successful in rebelling against English rule; Ulster was one such region. The Plantation of Ulster began in a small way as a private initiative in the late-sixteenth century but soon expanded into a unifying project of the Anglo-Scottish state that was inaugurated when James VI of Scotland also became James I of England (e.g., Robinson 1984; Maxwell 1990; Bardon 2012). This was the most populous British settlement in Ireland and resulted in English taking root as the vernacular in most of Ulster by 1800. The Ulster Plantation was not an entirely unmitigated success, however. The British state’s systematic discrimination against Presbyterians – most British settlers in Ulster were Presbyterian Scots – threatened the settlement, encouraging many to migrate onward to Britain’s North American colonies (MacMaster 2010). These migrants took with them their own distinctive varieties of English and, given the large numbers of Ulster settlers in the thirteen American colonies, they are assumed to have influenced the shape of the new Englishes that emerged as colonists spread west and south (e.g., Wolfram & Schilling 2015). However, it is generally forgotten in accounts of that the Scots-influenced Northern Irish English these migrants took to America was no traditional dialect like that of Kent or Norfolk; Northern Irish English was itself a colonial variety, a koiné that combined features of Scots dialects (largely from the south-west and central regions) with features of English dialects (mainly from the north, north-west Midlands and west) and an admixture of features from the Irish substrate. By the time this first wave of emigration from Ireland crossed the Atlantic in the early decades of the eighteenth century, the history of Northern Irish English could be traced back barely three or four generations; the Ulster contribution to the evolution of new Englishes beyond the oceans was itself an early new English. This chapter examines evidence for lexical, phonological and morphosyntactic features of Northern Irish English, tracing their origins in dialects of English and Scots as well as Irish, and untangling some of the processes that resulted in, e.g., the specifically Northern Irish combination of vowel-length distribution, which combines the Scottish Vowel Length Rule with developments in vowel length more typical of England. It also explores in detail a small number of morphosyntactic features, e.g, the Northern Subject Rule and progressive aspect, that can be followed empirically in data NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 54 of 61 from the north of Ireland and other territories that people from this region helped spread the English language to.

References

Bardon, Jonathan 2012. The Plantation of Ulster. The British Colonisation of the North of Ireland in the 17th Century. Dublin: Gill & Macmillan. MacMaster, Richard K. 2010. Scotch-Irish Merchants in Colonial America. Belfast: Ulster Historical Foundation. Perceval-Maxwell, Michael. 1990. The Scottish Migration to Ulster in the Reign of James I. Second edition. Belfast: Ulster Historical Foundation. Robinson, Philip. 1984. The Plantation of Ulster. British Settlement in an Irish Landscape, 1600 – 1670. Second edition. Belfast. Ulster Historical Foundation. Wolfram, Walt & Natalie Schilling. 2015. American English. Dialects and Variation. Third edition. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell.

Institutional address

Prof. Kevin McCafferty Department of Foreign Languages University of Bergen PO Box 7805 N-5020 Bergen Norway NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 55 of 61

21

English in the Channel Islands

Heinrich Ramisch University of Bamberg

Abstract

The Channel Islands (Jersey, Guernsey, Alderney and Sark) lie off the northwestern coast of France, west of the Cotentin peninsula. A brief look at the map shows that from a geographical point of view, they are much closer to France than to England. As the original language in these islands is a form of Norman French, they have traditionally been regarded in dialectology as a French-speaking area. Yet the exclusive interest of traditional dialectology in Channel Islands French is no adequate reflection of the current linguistic situation. Today, English clearly is the dominant language in the Channel Islands. The number of speakers of Norman French is relatively small and constantly decreasing. Over the last 200 years, English has gained more and more influence and has gradually replaced the local Norman French dialects. Indeed, there are clear indications that they will become extinct within the foreseeable future. From a political point of view, the islands have been connected with England for a long time. Originally, the islands were part of the Duchy of Normandy, but as a result of the Battle of Hastings in 1066, Duke William II of Normandy (William the Conqueror) also became King of England, and the Duchy of Normandy was united with England under one ruler. Thus, 1066 is the date that first associates the Channel Islands with England and the English Crown, and this association has existed ever since. After describing the geographical, historical and political background, the article will first discuss the past and present sociolinguistic situation of the Channel Islands, i.e. the language contact between English and Norman French and the process of anglicization during the 19th and 20th centuries. In the latter part of the article, the main objective will be to examine selected features of Channel Island English and to discuss the problems involved in an analysis of linguistic variation in communities of language contact. Channel Island English is a variety that is characterized by a unique blend of features originating from different sources. One encounters nonstandard features of British English that have arrived in the Channel Islands as a result of the close connections with Britain and because of the many British immigrants. This influence has existed for a long time and continues to be effective today. But Channel Island English also comprises features that have their origin in Channel Island French. With other features, the analysis is rather more complex because both a Norman French influence and an influence from other varieties of English seem plausible. If there is more than one explanation for a particular feature, then they should not necessarily be regarded as mutually exclusive; rather, it is reasonable to assume that there is a convergence of different sources of influence, reinforcing and complementing each other. NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 56 of 61

References

Jones, Mari. 2015. Variation and Change in Mainland and Insular Norman. A Study of Superstrate Influence. Leiden: Brill, 16-33, 179-193. Ramisch, Heinrich. 1989. The Variation of English in Guernsey/Channel Islands. Frankfurt/Main: Peter Lang. Ramisch, Heinrich. 2004. "Channel Island English: phonology", in Bernd Kortmann et al. (eds.), A Handbook of Varieties of English. Volume 1: Phonology. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 204-216. Ramisch, Heinrich. 2013. "English in the Channel Islands", in: Tometro Hopkins and John McKenny (eds.), World Englishes. Volume 1: The British Isles. London: Bloomsbury, 317-329. Rosen, Anna. 2014. Grammatical Variation and Change in Jersey English. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

Institutional address

Dr. Heinrich Ramisch Department of English University of Bamberg An der Universitaet 9 96045 Bamberg Germany NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 57 of 61

22

English in Gibraltar

Cristina Suárez-Gómez Elena Seoane University of the Balearic Islands University of Vigo

Abstract

The chapter begins with an overview of the history of English in Gibraltar and the development and current status of Gibraltar English. English has been spoken in the British Overseas Territory of Gibraltar since the beginning of the eighteenth century, and shares with other varieties of English the fact that the territory in which it is spoken was colonized. Unlike these other regions and countries, however, Gibraltar is still British. Gibraltar English emerged from a process of language contact, mainly with Spanish and Yanito, a code-switching variety developed in the nineteenth century. Historically, the linguistic situation of Gibraltar has been diglossic, English being the High (H) variety and Spanish, the Low (L) variety. However, in recent years, English has become age-graded and is now clearly dominant among younger generations of speakers (Levey 2008; Seoane 2016), indicating a steady shift in Gibraltar towards monolingualism (Seoane 2017). Previous attempts to classify Gibraltar English have described it as a ‘New English’ (Kellerman 2001) and placed it tentatively in the ‘Endonormative Stabilization’ phase of Schneider’s (2007) Dynamic Model (Weston 2011). We question this classification owing to the non-postcolonial status of the territory, and argue that the current situation of Gibraltar English is better captured by the integrative model of Extra- and Intra-territorial Forces developed by Buschfeld and Kautzsch (2017), which takes into account the demographic, historical and sociocultural factors operating in this variety (Suárez-Gómez 2020). The second part of the chapter describes the attitudes of the population towards English and the linguistic features that make Gibraltar English a nativized variety. A pilot study on attitudes to Gibraltar English sheds light on the complex and even hybrid identitarian features that characterize a population torn between Gibraltarian, British and British Gibraltarian sentiment (Seoane 2016). Particular attention is paid to the potential linguistic consequences of recent, dramatic shifts in the sociolinguistic ecology of Gibraltar, where Brexit is seen as a threat to Gibraltarians’ sense of Britishness (Canessa 2017). Finally, the chapter offers data-driven analyses of several morphosyntactic features using material from ICE-GBR, the Gibraltar component of the International Corpus of English, following the line started by Loureiro-Porto & Suárez-Gómez (2017). The focus here on morphosyntax complements previous studies on the lexis (Krug et al. 2019) and phonetics (Kellerman 2001; Levey 2008, 2015) of Gibraltar English.

References

Buschfeld, Sarah and Alexander Kautzsch. 2017. Towards an integrated approach to postcolonial and non-postcolonial Englishes. World Englishes 36.1: 104–126. NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 58 of 61

Canessa, Andrew. 2017. How the people of Gibraltar came to feel British. The Conversation, 4 April 2017. . Kellerman, Anja. 2001. A New New English. Language, Politics and Identity in Gibraltar. Heidelberg: Heidelberg Schriften zur Sprache und Kultur.Krug et al. 2019 Krug, Manfred, Ole Schutzler and Valentin Werner. 2019. How British is Gibraltar English? In Paloma Núñez-Pertejo, María José López-Couso, Belen Méndez-Naya and Javier Pérez-Guerra, eds. Crossing Linguistic Boundaries: Systemic, Synchronic and Diachronic Variation in English. London: Bloomsbury, 153-183. Levey, David. 2008. Language Change and Variation in Gibraltar. Amsterdam and Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Levey, David. 2015. Gibraltar English. In Daniel Schreier, Peter Trudgill, Edgar W. Schneider and Jeffrey P. Williams, eds. The Lesser-Known Varieties of English. Vol 2. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 51–69. Loureiro-Porto, Lucia and Cristina Suárez-Gómez. 2017. Language contact in Gibraltar English: A pilot study with ICE-GBR. In José Antonio Sánchez-Fajardo and Ignacio Palacios-Martínez, eds. English as a Contact Language: Variation and Diffusion, ed. by J.A Sánchez-Fajardo and I. Palacios-Martínez. Special Issue of Alicante Journal of English Studies 30: 93-119. Schneider, Edgar W. 2007. Postcolonial English. Varieties Around the World. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Seoane, Elena. 2016. Telling the true Gibraltarian Story: An Interview with Gibraltarian writer M.G. Sanchez. Alicante Journal of English Studies 29: 251-258. Seoane, Elena. 2017. A Gibraltar in the making: Interview with Dr Jennifer Ballantine Perera. Canary Journal of English Studies 75: 217-225. Suárez-Gómez, Cristina. 2020. English in Gibraltar: Applying the EIF Model to English in Non-Postcolonial Overseas Territories. In Sarah Buschfeld and Alexander Kautzsch, eds. Modelling World Englishes. A Joint Approach to Postcolonial and Non-Postocolonial Englishes. Edinburg: Edinburgh Univesity Press, 347-370. Weston, Daniel. 2011. Gibraltar’s position in the Dynamic Model of postcolonial Englishes. English World-Wide 32.3: 338–367.

Institutional address (of lead author)

Dr. Cristina Suárez-Gómez University of the Balearic Islands Ramon Llull Building Ctra. de Valldemossa, km 7.5 07122 Palma (Balearic Islands) NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 59 of 61

23

English in Malta

Alexandra Vella and Sarah Grech UniversIty of Malta

Abstract

Much has been written about Maltese and its transformation into a language in its own right, whether as a result of external contact with other languages, or due to internal factors (Brincat, 2011). Less has been said about the English of Malta which has started to be regarded as a variety (Vella, 2012; Grech, 2015), distinct from others, in spite of the fact that such a view continues to be regularly besieged by criticism from ever-present purists. This chapter will start by examining the historical context within which the Maltese English variety, MaltE, has emerged, and dare we say, continues to flourish. Looking back at a linguistic reality which, quite likely, has always involved some sort of plurilingualism, will serve to provide a better appreciation of how the socio-political context provided perfect conditions for the establishment of English as a second language in the country (Hull, 1993). We will show how extensive use of English in the educational context (Camilleri, 1995), as well as in everyday life (Ellul, 1978), contributed to shaping the local variety in distinct ways to reflect the needs of the community (or subsets thereof) it serves (Bonnici, 2010; Grech, 2015). The account of the historical events which have shaped the emergence of MaltE will be followed by a discussion of the limitations of the Kachruvian (e.g. 1990) “three circles of English” model in accounting for the status of this emerging variety, better captured in fact, through Schneider’s (e.g. 2003, 2007) Dynamic Model, but best framed in the much broader context of discussions on World Englishes (Kachru, 1986). One aspect of this variety which lends itself to close examination, is the high degree of variability in the use of the languages in the repertoire of Maltese speakers. This happens especially at the level of pronunciation, even in the English of those whose written variety is on a par with that of users of other varieties of English. Vella (2012), following Borg (1986), talks about the notion of a continuum of use which speakers navigate on a regular basis. Interestingly, however, irrespective of where, along this continuum, a speaker is located, it seems possible to use the notion of “feature pools” (Grech & Vella, forthcoming), to better understand how such feature pools cue a listener to identifying a speaker as Maltese, irrespective of where the speaker places along the continuum of use. Given the prominent role in identification of this variety at the spoken level, throughout the exposition of the variety, data from daily broadcasts on an online platform will be used to illustrate the variability in the variety of MaltE on the one hand, and the ways in which the notion of “feature pools” can be used as a means to understand what it is exactly that renders this variety “distinct”, in spite of the variability.

Select references NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 60 of 61

Bonnici, L. (2010). Variation in Maltese English: The interplay of the local and the global in an emerging postcolonial variety. Davis, CA: University of California thesis. Borg, A. (1988). The maintence of Maltese as a language: What chances? In Council of Europe 1988, pp. 89-106. Brincat, J. (2011). Maltese and other languages. A linguistic history of Malta. Malta: Midsea Books. Ellul, S. (1978). A case study in bilingualism: Code-switching between parents and their pre-school children in Malta. Cambridge: Huntingdon Publishers. Grech, S. (2015). Variation in English: Perception and patterns in the identification of Maltese English. Ph.D. thesis, University of Malta. Hull, G. (1993). The Maltese language question: A case study in cultural imperialism. Malta: Said International. Kachru, B. B. (1990). The alchemy of English: The spread, functions and models of non-native Englishes. London: Pergamon. Schneider, E. W. (2003). The dynamics of new Englishes: From identity construction to dialect birth. Language, 79(2), 233-281 Schneider, E. W. (2007). Postcolonial English: Varieties around the world. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Vella, A. (2012). Languages and language varieties in Malta. International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism 16: 532-552. DOI: 0.1080/13670050.2012.716812

Institutional address

Prof. Alexandra Vella Institute of Linguistics University of Malta Msida MSD 2080 Malta

Dr. Sarah Grech Institute of Linguistics University of Malta Msida MSD 2080 Malta NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 61 of 61

24

English in Cyprus

Sarah Buschfeld and Manuela Vida-Mannl TU Dortmund University

Abstract

The island of Cyprus in the south-eastern Mediterranean, divided into a Greek-speaking part in the south and a Turkish-speaking part in the north, is one of the less-studied contexts within the World Englishes paradigm. Still, English in Cyprus is a rightful member of it, since English was introduced to the island during its time of British rule (1878-1960). However, unlike in many other former British colonies, English has never developed fully-fledged and nativized variety status. It has regressed to a foreign language in both parts of the island, yet at different rates (Buschfeld 2013 on the Greek-speaking part; Vida-Mannl 2019 on the Turkish-speaking part). The chapter at hand is the first-ever approach providing a joint coverage of the development and status of English in both parts of the island. Cyprus finds itself in a complex socio-political and linguistic situation: it has traditionally been home to two majority groups of Cypriots – the Greek Cypriots and the Turkish Cypriots – that used to jointly inhabit the island prior to the Turkish invasion in 1974. This invasion was caused by civil commotions after Cyprus’ independence and led to the current separation of the island into the Greek-speaking Republic of Cyprus and the self-declared Turkish-speaking Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. English does not have official status but is still used on a daily basis in both parts, although to different extents, for different purposes, and with different contact-induced linguistic manifestations. Drawing on two extensive studies, we will first illustrate the current differences in the attitudes toward English as well as the use and status of the language in both parts of Cyprus. Results show that attitudes are primarily positive in the Republic of Cyprus, with English being perceived, e.g., as “social/economic/cultural and symbolic capital” (McEntee-Atalianis & Pouloukas 2001: 33). In the so-called Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, however, attitudes toward English are mixed, since the massive immigration of Turks caused a stronger affinity for Turkey and the Turkish language (Vida-Mannl 2019). Furthermore, we will present a discrepancy in the linguistic manifestation of English between the two parts: Buschfeld (2013) found that, in the Republic of Cyprus, English was developing toward nativized second language variety status in earlier days of language contact and is currently developing back toward a foreign language. We will show that this does not apply to the use of English in the Turkish-speaking Northern part of the island in which English has always had foreign language status. In both parts, English is nowadays used by a young generation of speakers for both inter- and intranational purposes. They mostly orient themselves toward external norms, i.e. British and American English but still show transfer-induced characteristics in their linguistic productions. In a second step, we will unveil the underlying dynamics for the divergent and complex socio-historical development of English in Cyprus. We briefly outline the NewCHEL Vol. 4: Varieties of English in Britain, Ireland and Europe Page 62 of 61

common history of British rule and subsequently focus on the relevant individual socio-political and demographic factors that have influenced each part after the island’s separation (cf. Hadjioannou et al. 2011; Tsiplakou 2009). We will end this chapter with a discussion of the potential future development of English in Cyprus, also taking into consideration a possible reunification of the island, which would boost the function of English as intra-national means of communication.

References

Buschfeld, Sarah. 2013. English in Cyprus or Cyprus English: an empirical Investigation of Variety Status. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Hadjioannou, Xenia, Tsiplakou, Stavroula & Kappler, Matthias. 2011. Language policy and language planning in Cyprus. Current Issues in Language Planning 12(4): 503-569. McEntee-Atalianis, Lisa J. & Pouloukas, Stavros. 2001. Issues of Identity and Power in a Greek-Cypriot community. Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 22: 19-38. Tsiplakou, Stavroula. 2009. English in Cyprus: Outer or Expanding Circle? Anglistik 20(2): 75-87. Vida-Mannl, Manuela. 2019. The value of English in Cyprus’ higher education. PhD dissertation, University of Cologne.

Institutional address

Prof. Sarah Buschfeld Faculty of Cultural Studies TU Dortmund University Emil-Figge-Str. 50 44227 Dortmund Germany

Dr. Manuela Vida-Mannl Faculty of Cultural Studies TU Dortmund University Emil-Figge-Str. 50 44227 Dortmund Germany