VMUN 2018
Council of People’s Commissars, 1917
CRISIS BACKGROUND GUIDE
Vancouver Model United Nations The 17th Annual Session | January 19 - 21, 2018
To my esteemed commissars, commanders, and comrades, Ken Hong Secretary-General For over six centuries, the Russian people have existed in a constant state of oppression with the bourgeoisie refusing to provide the common worker and peasant sufficient resources even the most frugal means of existence. That is, until now. Comrades, just yesterday, our forces captured the Winter Palace from the ineffective and corrupt Provisional Government, and with Callum Shepard it the power to lead our nation into a brighter future. A future in which the means of production Chief of Staff are publicly owned, ushering in a new age of prosperity and splendor. Despite this momentous victory, we cannot rest. Our enemies, the Whites, symbols of the old imperialist regime, are Jerry Jiao plotting, determined to disrupt the smooth transition of Russia’s leadership to her rightful heir: Director-General the worker.
Andrew Wei Comrades and commissars, we must conduct ourselves in the fashion which delivered us our Director of Logistics victory yesterday: with careful deliberation and coordinated movements. Have no fear, comrades. We have always stood bravely in the face of adversity; I am confident that this committee has the energy to electrify the nation and shoulder every burden, every disadvantage. As long as we stay steadfast and true on the path of justice, that which gives a voice to the Jadine Ngan oppressed, that which serves the will and necessities of Russia and her great people, we shall USG General Assemblies emerge victorious.
Eric Zhang Всего́ хоро́шего, and may the workers of the world unite. USG Specialized Agencies Vladimir Lenin, Dillon Ramlochun USG Conference Chairman of the Council of People’s Commissars of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic Angelina Zhang USG Delegate Affairs
Jerry Xu USG Delegate Affairs
Alan Chen USG Finance
Meghna Lohia USG IT Position Paper Policy
What is a Position Paper? A position paper is a brief overview of a country’s stance on the topics being discussed by a particular committee. Though there is no specific format the position paper must follow, it should include a description of your positions your country holds on the issues on the agenda, relevant actions that your country has taken, and potential solutions that your country would support.
At Vancouver Model United Nations, delegates should write a position paper for each of the committee’s topics. Each position paper should not exceed one page, and should all be combined into a single document per delegate.
Formatting Position papers should: — Include the name of the delegate, his/her country, and the committee — Be in a standard font (e.g. Times New Roman) with a 12-point font size and 1-inch document margins — Not include illustrations, diagrams, decorations, national symbols, watermarks, or page borders — Include citations and a bibliography, in any format, giving due credit to the sources used in research (not included in the 1-page limit)
Due Dates and Submission Procedure
Position papers for this committee are mandatory. The submission deadline is January 7th, 2018.
Once your position paper is complete, please save the file as your last name, your first name and send it as an attachment in an email, to your committee’s email address, with the subject heading as your last name, your first name — Position Paper. Please do not add any other attachments to the email or write anything else in the body.
Both your position papers should be combined into a single PDF or Word document file; position papers submitted in another format will not be accepted.
The email address for this committee is [email protected].
Council of People’s Commissars: Russian Civil War ...... 6 Overview ...... 6 Timeline ...... 7 Historical Background ...... 8 Initiating Crisis/Possible Solutions ...... 9 Portfolio Overviews...... 10
Secretary: Nikolai Gorbunov ...... 10
Commissar for Agriculture: Vladimir Milyutin ...... 10 Commissar of War Affairs: Nikolai Krylenko ...... 11 Commissar of Naval Affairs: Pavel Dybenko ...... 11 Commissar for Trade and Industry: Viktor Nogin ...... 11 Commissar for Education: Anatoly Lunacharsky...... 11 Commissar for Food: Ivan Teodorovich...... 11 Commissar for Foreign Affairs: Leon Trotsky ...... 11 Commissar for Interior Affairs: Alexei Rykov ...... 11 Commissar for Justice: Georgy Oppokov ...... 11 Commissar for Labour: Alexander Shlyapnikov...... 11 Commissar of Nationalities: Joseph Stalin ...... 12 Commissar for Posts and Telegraphs: Nikolai Glebov-Avilov ...... 12 Commissar for Finance: Ivan Skvortsov-Stepanov ...... 12 Commissar for Social Welfare: Alexandra Kollontai ...... 12 Director of the Cheka: Felix Dzerzhinsky ...... 12 Commander of the 5th Army: Mikhail Nikolayevich Tukhachevsky ...... 12 Commander of the Red Latvian Riflemen: Jukums Vacietis ...... 12 Commander of the Eastern Front: Sergey Sergeyevich Kamenev ...... 12
Commander of the Dungan Cavalry Regiment: Magaza Masanchi ...... 13 Representative of the Communist International ...... 13 Representative of the Politburo ...... 13 Chairperson of the Executive Committee of Moscow ...... 13
Vancouver Model United Nations 2018 4 Chairperson of the Executive Committee of Petrograd ...... 13 Discussion Questions ...... 13 Bibliography ...... 14
Vancouver Model United Nations 2018 5 Council of People’s Commissars: Russian Civil War
Overview
Comrades, welcome to the new Russia. As the advisors, consultants, and ministers of the Chairman who brought about unprecedented revolutionary changes to one of the most powerful nation-states in the world, it will be your responsibility to reforge and rekindle the fires of the once glorious Russian Empire. Under this rapidly changing political landscape, new socio-economic and domestic policies rise, and you must carefully act and defend our interests to ensure the prosperity the newest communist state.
Our simulation begins on November 8, 1917, a day after the Great October Socialist Revolution. It is on this same date that our council was formed and the first legitimate power holding institution established since the abdication and assassination of Tsar Nicholas II. We have no official end date—meaning that our pacing will be contingent on the actions of the committee. Should you remain vigilant and productive, it is expected that the end date will be around June of 1923. For the purposes of consistency and clarity, we will be using New Style dates under the Gregorian Calendar. Comrades, bear in mind that the white movement will do everything in their power to ensure our downfall. In the media, and on the battlefield, trust nothing they say as they plan attacks, manipulate public support, and even turn you against one another.
The nature of our crisis committee is not only unique from traditional Model UN committees, but the Council of People’s Commissars operates under a unique Rules of Procedure that is the first of its kind at VMUN. As expected, we will run a perpetual moderated caucus with frequent interjections for delegates to make points and propose motions. During this time, delegates are encouraged to utilise all forms of directives at their disposal. With private and public directives, press releases, decrees, resolutions, interactive maps, dynamic powerpoint presentations, and portfolio actions, VMUN provides a hands-on, interactive experience found nowhere else.
Right away, the Council encounters two pressing issues: The Russian Civil War, and the domestic reformation of the state. The Russian Civil War will require the Bolsheviks to carefully track their resources in the fight to consolidate their power; numerous feasible, cunning, and advanced military strategies are expected to be employed in the fight against capitalism and its propagators. Throughout the conference, delegates will also tackle domestic issues of reforming and building the nation whilst simultaneously combating the White forces in the war. The involvement of foreign states in the Russian Civil War will also challenge the Bolshevik leadership. Much of this involvement can be understood by recognizing the greater geopolitical issues at play.
As you research the actors and political environment of the early 20th century, try to focus more on the causes, and methods that led to the conditions of socialist Russia in 1917. Although this is a historical advanced crisis committee, it is highly unlikely that we follow the same course of events; in fact, it is advised that you do not, in an effort to carve your own path in this bloody era of Russia. It is imperative that delegates come prepared with an abundance of knowledge of all facets of this topic.
Vancouver Model United Nations 2018 6 Timeline
1892-1903 — Witte in office as finance minister. During his term, he made revolutionary reforms to the railroad system of Russia.1
November 1, 1894 — Accession of Nicholas II.
1897 — Russian currency placed upon gold standard.2
January, 1902 — Formation of Socialist Revolutionary Party.3
July-August, 1903 — Russian Social Democratic (communist) Party splits into Bolshevik and Menshevik factions at its second congress.4
1904-1905 — Russo-Japanese War.
January 22, 1905 — Bloody Sunday massacre.
May, 1905 — Formation of first Soviet (in this context, Soviet refers to a worker’s council. For general purposes it refers to anything having to do with the yet-to-be-formed Soviet Union.)
October, 1905 — Major strikes in St Petersburg, Issue of October Manifesto.
1906-1911 — Stolypin in office as Prime Minister.
April- July, 1906 — First Duma (semi-constitutional assembly in Russia between 1906 and 1917) called.
November, 1906 — Stolypin’s agrarian reforms.
February-June, 1907 — Second Duma is called.
1907-1912 — Third Duma is called.
September 18, 1911 — Stolypin is assassinated.
1912-1917 — Fourth Duma is called.
July, 1914 — Outbreak of First World War. Germany and Austria-Hungary declare war on Russia.
August, 1914 — Russian advance halted in East Prussia.
1915 — German advance into Poland and the Baltic provinces. Nicholas II assumes direct command of Russian forces.5
1916 — Brusilov Offensive makes gains against Austro-Hungarian forces.6
1 Morris, T. & Murphy, D. (2000). Europe 1870-1991. London: HarperCollinsPublishers Ltd. 40-70, 122-149, 186-217. 2 Lynch, M. (2008). Access to History: Russia 1894-1941. London: Hodder Education. 3 Hildermeier, M. (2000). The Russian Socialist Revolutionary Party Before the First World War. New York: St. Martin’s Press, Inc. 4 Ibid. 5 Morris, T. & Murphy, D. (2000). Europe 1870-1991. London: HarperCollinsPublishers Ltd. 40-70, 122-149, 186-217. 6 Ibid.
Vancouver Model United Nations 2018 7 February-March, 1917 — Strikes and army mutinies lead to the abdication of Tsar Nicholas II. The Provisional Government is formed.
April, 1917 — Lenin arrives in Petrograd.
August, 1917 — General Kornilov leads an unsuccessful coup attempt.
November 7, 1917 — The Bolsheviks seize power.
November 8, 1917 — Formation of the Council of People's Commissars.
Historical Background
To understand the political, social, and economic atmosphere and mood of the newly emerging socialist Russia, it is important to contextualise the setting through analysis of policies enacted by the Tsars, namely Tsar Nicholas II. It is ultimately his policy prescriptions and ideologies that led to the conditions for the Russian Revolutions and naturally the Russian Civil War. This section of the backgrounder serves to provide context by detailing the history of the late 19th century and early 20th century Imperial Russia.
In 1894, a new Tsar came to the Russian throne in the face of the sudden death of his father. Like his immediate predecessors, Nicholas II had to decide upon the balance that his government would strike between the traditional autocratic political structure of Tsarist Russia and the massive socio-economic forces that were brewing within the Russian Empire. Nicholas was opposed to the Westernization of Russia and appointed Plehve to the position of directing Imperial Russia’s police, whose attempts at suppressing demands for reform were entirely unsuccessful. He is widely criticised for the many poor decisions that led to his defeat in the Russo- Japanese War, which was seen as a global humiliation. Never has a superpower like Russia ever been ousted by a relatively unknown upstart like Imperial Japan. This coupled with a skyrocketing inflation in Russia led to the 1905 Bloody Sunday Revolt. Led by Father Gabon, the march of over 100,000 peaceful protesters was easily suppressed by the military who had fired into the protesters, killing an estimated 1,000. Recognizing this, Sergei Witte, a revolutionary former finance minister, convinced Nicholas to publish the October Manifesto, which granted freedom of speech, meeting, conscience, and association. However, these changes were fallacious; the Duma possessed no real power as the Tsar still retained control. Prime Minister Stolypin was successful in making numerous reforms which on the one hand gave the peasants more land, but on the other hand made it easier for the arrest of revolutionaries, before his untimely assassination at the hands of a leftist revolutionary. Industrial unrest continued and many other factors including but not limited to Russia’s involvement in the First World War with Nicholas’ failures of leadership, the role of Rasputin, and military defeats eventually led to his abdication in 1917.
Russia embarked upon the war against Germany and Austria-Hungary in 1914 at a critical point in its history. To a greater extent than any of the other major combatants, Russia had faced daunting domestic problems over the past decade. Poor implementation of Alexander II’s Emancipation Act of 1861 coupled with industrialisation had given rise to urban poverty and unrest, and it remained unclear whether the reforms of Prime Minister Pyotr Stolypin had effectively stabilised the Russian peasantry and broadened the basis of moderate conservative support for the Tsar’s government. What is certain, however, is that Russia was ill-equipped to sustain a war of attrition against an industrial giant like Germany.
The First World War had incredibly detrimental social and economic impacts on Russia and the Tsarist regime. Despite the initial popularity of the war, the duration of the War took everyone by surprise; consequently, public
Vancouver Model United Nations 2018 8 support for it dropped dramatically after two years. Heavy casualties and soaring food prices reopened wounds of the Russo-Japanese War, and this anger was ultimately directed at the Tsar, who had taken command of the army in 1917 and had, therefore become directly responsible. Fuel shortages were consistent issues after the early loss of Polish coalfields. Food prices also rose dramatically—the price of flour rose by 99% between 1913 and 1916, meat by 232%, butter by 124%, and salt by 483%.7 Even if the First World War does not fully explain the collapse of the Tsarist regime, it proves to be a catalyst and accelerator of its demise.
By this point, we have an indecisive and weak Tsar who is unwilling to abandon autocracy. Not prepared to make concessions to the representative government of the Duma, the urban workers feel alienated and disaffected, leading to numerous strikes. Peasants remain poor, and a class of hostile landless labourers develop. Eventually, by the end of 1916, support for the Tsar completely erodes and he is forced to abdicate power to the incoming dual powers. This February Revolution ends the more than three century long Romanov Dynasty.
In March 1917, the new provisional government and Petrograd Soviet formed a dual power that controls the new state. There are five key issues that they encounter: war, land, national minorities, the economy, and social reform. With the war, should Russia seek a defensive strategy or should we retreat and pull out to minimise losses and save the national dignity and avoid humiliation? Land was also an issue, as now the new government had to decide how to redistribute the land in an organized, controlled, and efficient way. National minorities in Eastern Europe were also seeking independence now that the tsardom had collapsed. Lastly, social and economic reforms needed to be decided to put workers in actions and improve the supply and prices of fuel and food.
However, the provisional government had inherent flaws that tipped the power scales in favour of the Petrograd Soviet, eventually leading to the Bolshevik seizure of power in the October Revolution. Firstly, the provisional government was not elected by the people. It viewed itself as a temporary body that was not responsible for making long-lasting, and influential decisions for Russia. The representation of numerous contradictory views also made it internally weak. In general, it was a weak government body that could not control things like industry, which stayed in the hands of the Soviet, the worker’s union. Over the summer, further blunders like the June offensive, the July days, and the Kornilov affair undermined the power of the provisional government. All of this laid down the perfect framework for the October Revolution under the charismatic leadership of Lenin and Trotsky, and to our committee.
Initiating Crisis/Possible Solutions
By the formation of the Council of People’s Commissars, World War I had reached its climax and established itself as the largest, most costly and deadly war of all time. Russia is still active in the conflict; it is up to the committee to decide how to proceed. By 1917, the Russian Army’s officer corps was increasingly demoralized by the poor progress of the fighting. Though grossly outnumbered, the Germans had proven to be dangerous and cunning opponents, and the Russian royal family’s unfortunate intervention in affairs did not improve anything. The repeated catastrophes suffered by Russian field armies squelched what patriotism had existed three years earlier, slowly allowing the entire governing system to fall apart. By March of that year, some Army units had begun ignoring their orders, a situation made worse by Communist activity within the nation. Despite General Brusilov’s best efforts in an offensive against the German Southern Army in Galicia, his 1917 offensive only cleared a few mutinous Austrian formations before running into German generals Hoffman and Hutier, who
7 Morris, T. & Murphy, D. (2000). Europe 1870-1991. London: HarperCollinsPublishers Ltd. 40-70, 122-149, 186-217.
Vancouver Model United Nations 2018 9 not only held the Russian troops off but launched a successful counterattack. This was the last straw for the Imperial Russian Army, which virtually disintegrated as open civil war swept like a wave across Russia.
Despite what seems like an apparent failure, numerous options are still available. Should the council employ adequate strategies, it may be possible to continue the war and continue the fight on the Eastern front. An early withdrawal is also possible, as it may prove to be beneficial to focus on one war at a time; however, this would require us to relinquish power in parts of Eastern Europe. With Russia weakened with internal disputes, it is very likely that large and resource-rich territories like Poland, Finland, and the Baltic states need to be relinquished in order to maintain a ceasefire. In any case, the risks and rewards associated with any action need to be weighed beforehand and delegates are strongly encouraged to research historical treaties from the Paris Peace Conference for deeper understanding.
The Russian Civil War is the other crisis, with enemies on the east, west, and south, commissars must act wisely to regain the support of the public and appease those that have strayed from the path of righteousness. A strategy against foreign intervention in Russian affairs must be developed, and even in the face of potential victory, we must be mindful of the future and the possibility of future rebellions and uprisings. Forced conscription may be necessary to maintain a powerful military, and the creation of a Bolshevik army may be favourable in the face of a dissolved imperial army. Because the Bolshevik control is mainly concentrated in the industrial cities and states of Western Russia, landowners, republicans, conservatives, middle-class citizens, reactionaries, pro-monarchists, liberals, army generals, and non-Bolshevik socialists who still had grievances and democratic reformists voluntarily united in much of Eastern Russia, Southern Russia, and other states that are vying for independence.
With these military campaigns also come a need to govern the home front. Harsh economic and social policies like War Communism and Prodrazvyorstka, the social/economic policy of grain collectivisation, may be necessary to fight against the White movement, but there is an extent to which this will displease farmers and the remainder of the lower working class. Massive centralization and nationalisation of industry and agriculture could lead to many difficulties, especially on an already burdened state. How best can we ensure and balance stability and security, and prevent the possibility of future insurrections? The exact measures the council will take has yet to be discussed and debated.
Portfolio Overviews
The committee roster consists of the original Commissars of the Council in 1917, as well as important members of the military. The Director assumes the role of the Chairman, Vladimir Lenin. Each delegate has unique roles to fill; below is a short summary of the authorities and their respective powers in the council. At the beginning of every committee session (except the first), delegates will be able to run for positions if they so choose. All appointments are subject to the Director’s final say, and election votes come from delegates of the committee.
Secretary: Nikolai Gorbunov Description: The second-highest authority in the council, personal secretary and advisor to Vladimir Lenin.
Portfolio Powers: Can direct commissars to take portfolio-specific actions.
Commissar for Agriculture: Vladimir Milyutin Description: Oversees land collectivization and redistribution, and agricultural production.
Portfolio Powers: None.
Vancouver Model United Nations 2018 10 Commissar of War Affairs: Nikolai Krylenko Description: Oversees troops on the foreign front. Supreme Commander of the Soviet ground forces, charged with the defence of the land from external threats.
Portfolio Powers: Can exercise military authority and control the Russian Ground forces without approval from the commissars. Can direct Commanders to take portfolio-specific actions.
Commissar of Naval Affairs: Pavel Dybenko Description: Oversees the naval fleet of Russia.
Portfolio Powers: Can exercise military authority and control the Russian naval forces without approval from the commissars.
Commissar for Trade and Industry: Viktor Nogin Description: Oversees Russian industrialisation and the means of production.
Portfolio Powers: None.
Commissar for Education: Anatoly Lunacharsky Description: Oversees the reform of the education system and the culture within Russia.
Portfolio Powers: None.
Commissar for Food: Ivan Teodorovich Description: Oversees the allocation of food supplies and industrial goods.
Portfolio Powers: None.
Commissar for Foreign Affairs: Leon Trotsky Description: Responsible for advising the Chairman on foreign policy matters and the participating in high-level negotiations with other countries.
Portfolio Powers: Can arrange and attend diplomatic meetings with the Chairman’s approval.
Commissar for Interior Affairs: Alexei Rykov Description: Oversees the internal security and infrastructure of Russia.
Portfolio Powers: None.
Commissar for Justice: Georgy Oppokov Description: Oversees the justice and legal system of Russia. Responsible for the implementation of socialist law.
Portfolio Powers: Can call for investigation and prosecution of committee members.
Commissar for Labour: Alexander Shlyapnikov Description: Oversees labour unions and the rights and interests of workers. Assists in the nationalisation of Russian industry.
Vancouver Model United Nations 2018 11 Portfolio Powers: None.
Commissar of Nationalities: Joseph Stalin Description: Oversees non-Russian nationalities.
Portfolio Powers: None.
Commissar for Posts and Telegraphs: Nikolai Glebov-Avilov Description: Oversees Russian postal and telegraph systems.
Portfolio Powers: None.
Commissar for Finance: Ivan Skvortsov-Stepanov Description: Oversees the finances and tax collection of Russia. Responsible for the tax committee budget system and allocation of department funding as well as advising the Chairman on economic matters.
Portfolio Powers: Can control the funding and expenditures of committee actions.
Commissar for Social Welfare: Alexandra Kollontai Description: Oversees the policy of women and children in Russia.
Portfolio Powers: None.
Director of the Cheka: Felix Dzerzhinsky Description: Oversees and controls the Cheka. Responsible for rooting out enemies of the proletariat and the state through authoritarian force. Serves as the Russian secret police.
Portfolio Powers: Can carry out foreign and domestic intelligence and surveillance operations without committee approval. Controls the amount of security surrounding each committee member.
Commander of the 5th Army: Mikhail Nikolayevich Tukhachevsky Description: Oversees the 5th Army in the defence of Moscow.
Portfolio Powers: Can exercise military authority and control the 5th Army without approval from the commissars.
Commander of the Red Latvian Riflemen: Jukums Vacietis Description: Oversees the Red Latvian Riflemen. Responsible for the suppression of Polish troops in Belarus.
Portfolio Powers: Can exercise military authority and control the Red Latvian Riflemen without approval from the commissars.
Commander of the Eastern Front: Sergey Sergeyevich Kamenev Description: Oversees the Soviet troops of the Eastern Front and defends the state against enemies in the east.
Portfolio Powers: Can exercise military authority and control the troops of the Eastern Front without approval from the commissars.
Vancouver Model United Nations 2018 12 Commander of the Dungan Cavalry Regiment: Magaza Masanchi Description: Oversees the Dungan Cavalry Regiment. Responsible for the suppression of counter revolutionary forces in Kazakhstan.
Portfolio Powers: Can exercise military authority and control the Dungan Cavalry Regiment without approval from the commissars.
Representative of the Communist International Description: Represents the Communist International. Responsible for the spread of communism worldwide and to advocate its virtues.
Portfolio Powers: Can recommend the Communist International to take specific actions through directives and resolutions.
Representative of the Politburo Description: Represents the Politburo of the Communist Party, the highest-level policy making government authority.
Portfolio Powers: Can recommend the Politburo to take specific actions through directives and resolutions.
Chairperson of the Executive Committee of Moscow Description: Head of the executive branch of the political system in Moscow.
Portfolio Powers: Can recommend the municipal government to take specific actions through directives and resolutions.
Chairperson of the Executive Committee of Petrograd Description: Head of the executive branch of the political system in Petrograd.
Portfolio Powers: Can recommend the municipal government to take specific actions through directives and resolutions.
All committee members are able to draft and introduce legislation that is outside their department and exercise all forms of directives.
Discussion Questions
1. What impact did the First World War have upon Russian politics and society?
2. How should the Bolsheviks deal with the incoming economic and political problems?
3. What methods must be employed against opponents to consolidate power? Persuasion and coercion? Use of force? Propaganda?
4. In what ways can we mitigate the hardships of the Russian people?
5. What actions led to the collapse of the provisional government, and how can we learn from the past?
6. On what issues did Bolsheviks and Mensheviks agree?
Vancouver Model United Nations 2018 13 7. What historical advancements in military technology can we take advantage of? Technological improvements?
Bibliography
Axlebank, H. (Producer and Director). (6 March 1937) Tsar to Lenin [Motion Picture]. United States: Lenauer International Films.
Haimson, L. (1964). The Problem of Social Stability in Urban Russia, 1905-1917 (Part One). Slavic Review, Vol. 23, No. 4, pp. 619-642
Hildermeier, M. (2000). The Russian Socialist Revolutionary Party Before the First World War. New York: St. Martin’s Press, Inc.
Lynch, M. (2008). Access to History: Russia 1894-1941. London: Hodder Education.
Morris, T. & Murphy, D. (2000). Europe 1870-1991. London: HarperCollinsPublishers Ltd. 40-70, 122-149, 186- 217.
Rabinowitch, A. (2007). The Bolsheviks in Power: The First Year of Soviet Rule in Petrograd. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
Waller, S. (2012). History for the IB Diploma: Imperial Russia, Revolutions and the Emergence of the Soviet State 1853-1924. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Waller, S. (2016). History for the IB Diploma: Imperial Russia, Revolution and the Establishment of the Soviet Union (1855–1924) (2nd Edition). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Warth, R. D. (1997). Nicholas II: The Life and Reign of Russia's Last Monarch. Westport: Praeger Publishers.
Williamson, D. G. (2009). War and Peace: International Relations 1878-1941 (3rd ed.). London: Hodder Education.
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