On Strategy and Strategic Planning: Repairing America's Strategic “Black Hole”

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

On Strategy and Strategic Planning: Repairing America's Strategic “Black Hole” On Strategy and Strategic Planning: Repairing America’s Strategic “Black Hole” Mackubin Thomas Owens trategy has long been the subject of schol- • Ends (the goals or objectives that the stra- Sarly study and policy analysis. Historians tegic actor seeks to achieve); and social scientists alike have written widely about strategic thought, process, and practice. • Means (the resources available to the Scholars continue to dissect the meaning of strategic actor); and strategy.1 War colleges teach courses on the subject, as do civilian colleges. Yale Universi- • Ways (the strategic actor’s plan of action ty, for instance, has a well-regarded program for utilizing the means available). on grand strategy, and other universities have followed suit. In essence, any strategy worth the name Strategy and strategy-making are complex should articulate a clear set of achievable phenomena, not reducible to a simplistic me- goals; identify concrete threats to those goals; chanical process, and the making of strategy and then, given available resources, recom- deserves more study than it often receives. mend the employment of specific instru- In many respects, U.S. strategic planning has ments to meet and overcome those threats. been rendered nearly useless because the pro- A good strategy also seeks to minimize risk cesses have become routinized and thereby by, to the extent possible, avoiding mismatch- trivialized. Legislatively required documents es between strategy and related factors. For such as the National Security Strategy and the instance, strategy must be appropriate to the Quadrennial Defense Review (QDR) initially ends as established by policy. Strategy also re- may have been useful but now are merely pe- quires the appropriate tactical instrument to riodic bureaucratic exercises. implement it. Finally, the forces required to The result is what Colin Gray calls “a black implement a strategy must be funded, or else hole where American strategy ought to re- it must be revised. If the risk generated by such side.”2 What the United States needs is a re- policy/strategy, strategy/force, and force/bud- turn to the long-range strategic planning pro- get mismatches cannot be managed, the vari- cess that it implemented during the Cold War. ables must be brought into better alignment. History clearly teaches that the develop- On Strategy and Policy ment of a coherent strategy is absolutely es- When all is said and done, strategy is ul- sential to national security in times of both timately best understood as the interac- war and peace. In the absence of a coherent tion of three things, all within the context of strategy, non-strategic factors such as bureau- risk assessment: cratic and organizational imperatives and the The Heritage Foundation | heritage.org 51 vicissitudes of domestic politics will fill the physical security of their lives, property, and void to the detriment of national security. way of life from external military attack and Modern strategic studies can be said to domestic insurrection.”7 For our purposes, begin with the division of the art of war into “policy” refers primarily to such broad national the theory of “the use of engagements for the goals as interests and objectives, and “strategy” object of the war” (strategy) and “the use of to the alternative courses of actions designed armed forces in the engagement” (tactics) by to achieve those goals, within the constraints the great interpreters of Napoleonic warfare, set by material factors and geography. Baron Antoine Henri de Jomini and Carl von In general, strategy provides a concep- Clausewitz.3 As the latter wrote: tual link between national ends and scarce resources, both the transformation of those Strategy is the use of the engagement for the resources into means during peacetime and purpose of the war. The strategist must there- the application of those means during war. As fore define an aim for the entire operational such, it serves three purposes.8 side of the war that will be in accordance with its purpose. In other words, he will draft the plan of the war, and the aim will determine the • Strategy relates ends or the goals of policy series of actions intended to achieve it: in fact, (interests and objectives) to the limited shape the individual campaign and, within means available to achieve them. Both these, decide on the individual engagements.4 strategy and economics are concerned with the application of scarce means to These 19th century writers originated the achieve certain goals, but strategy implies modern conception of strategy as the art of an adversary who actively opposes the assembling and employing military forces in achievement of the ends. time and space to achieve the goals of a war.5 While such writers normally limited their • Strategy contributes to clarification of use of “strategy” to mean the application of the ends of policy by helping to estab- military forces to fulfill the ends of policy, it lish priorities in the light of constrained is increasingly the practice today to employ resources. In the absence of established the term more broadly so that one can speak priorities among competing ends, all in- of levels of strategy during both peace and terests and all threats will appear equal. In war.6 Accordingly, more often than not, strat- the absence of strategy, planners will find egy now refers not only to the direct applica- themselves in the situation described by tion of military force in wartime, but also to Frederick the Great: “He who attempts to the use of all aspects of national power during defend too much defends nothing.” peacetime to deter war and, if deterrence fails, win the resulting conflict. • Strategy conceptualizes resources as a This more expansive usage of strategy in- means in support of policy. Resources are evitably overlaps with the common meaning of not means until strategy provides some “policy,” which is defined as the general overall understanding of how they will be orga- goals and acceptable procedures that a nation nized and employed. Defense budgets and might follow and the course of action selected manpower are resources. Strategy orga- from among alternatives in light of given con- nizes these resources into divisions, wings, ditions. In their military history of the United and fleets and then employs them to deter States, Allan Millett and Peter Maslowski de- war or to prevail should deterrence fail. fine defense policy as “the sum of the assump- tions, plans, programs, and actions taken by The first two functions make it clear that the citizens of the United States, principally a broad national strategy must shape strat- through governmental action, to ensure the egies for various regions and theaters by 52 2017 Index of U.S. Military Strength prioritizing them. In terms of warfighting, major role in the development and implemen- the national strategy establishes the desired tation of each geographic command’s Theater goals in a theater, linking operational consid- Security Co-operation Plan. erations to the requirements established by The final function of strategy is to serve as national authorities. Based on guidance from a guide to force planning. In theory, the strate- higher authorities, the theater commander gy–force planning process is logical. The plan- determines the desired outcome within his ner first identifies national interests and the area of responsibility. The staf then devel- objectives required to achieve those interests. ops war plans based on an array of plausible The planner then conducts a net assessment scenarios. Using various force planning mod- in order to determine the ability of adversar- els and war games to determine force size ies to threaten those interests or to interfere and mix, the theater commander’s staf then with the achievement of national objectives. derives the force necessary at the outset of a These represent the “operational challenges” campaign to achieve the desired outcome. that U.S. forces must surmount in order to im- In addition to determining the required plement the strategy. Next, the planner forges force, stafs at all levels also determine the a strategy to overcome operational challenges schedule for deploying forces from out of the- and a budget to fund the capabilities and op- ater. Part of this determination is establish- erational concepts that are needed to imple- ment of the Time-Phased Force Deployment ment the strategy. Line, designating in a detailed manner the The execution of any chosen strategy re- timeline for forces to be deployed to the the- quires the fulfillment of certain strategic re- ater. The higher-level strategies also establish quirements. These requirements determine priorities among the various theaters, indi- the necessary military capabilities and op- cating which will be the site of the main efort erational concepts, which in turn drive the and which might be designated “economy of acquisition of forces and equipment. Thus, if force” in the event that crises occur in more there is a strategic requirement for a particu- than one theater simultaneously. lar capability, the forces or equipment needed National strategy thus guides “force ap- to provide that capability presumably should portionment,” the distribution of existing be obtained. To overcome these operational forces among the various theaters. During challenges and confront plausible future ar- World War II, national strategy dictated a pol- eas of military competition, the United States icy of “Europe first.” During the Cold War, U.S. must develop new operational concepts.9 strategy dictated a focus on Europe followed Although strategy can be described as the by the Asia–Pacific and finally by the Greater conceptual link between ends and means, it Middle East. cannot be reduced to a mere mechanical ex- Of course, warfighting and war planning ercise. Instead, it is “a process, a constant are only part of the theater commander’s job.
Recommended publications
  • How Should the United States Confront Soviet Communist Expansionism? DWIGHT D
    Advise the President: DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER How Should the United States Confront Soviet Communist Expansionism? DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER Advise the President: DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER Place: The Oval Office, the White House Time: May 1953 The President is in the early months of his first term and he recognizes Soviet military aggression and the How Should the subsequent spread of Communism as the greatest threat to the security of the nation. However, the current costs United States of fighting Communism are skyrocketing, presenting a Confront Soviet significant threat to the nation’s economic well-being. President Eisenhower is concerned that the costs are not Communist sustainable over the long term but he believes that the spread of Communism must be stopped. Expansionism? On May 8, 1953, President Dwight D. Eisenhower has called a meeting in the Solarium of the White House with Secretary of State John Foster Dulles and Treasury Secretary George M. Humphrey. The President believes that the best way to craft a national policy in a democracy is to bring people together to assess the options. In this meeting the President makes a proposal based on his personal decision-making process—one that is grounded in exhaustive fact gathering, an open airing of the full range of viewpoints, and his faith in the clarifying qualities of energetic debate. Why not, he suggests, bring together teams of “bright young fellows,” charged with the mission to fully vet all viable policy alternatives? He envisions a culminating presentation in which each team will vigorously advocate for a particular option before the National Security Council.
    [Show full text]
  • Eisenhower, Dulles, and the Failed Rhetoric of Liberation
    Tu“Reenactdda ing the Story of Tantalus” “Reenacting the Story of Tantalus” Eisenhower, Dulles, and the Failed Rhetoric of Liberation ✣ Chris Tudda This article explores the relationship between public rhetoric and conªdential foreign policy decision-making during the Eisenhower adminis- tration. President Dwight D. Eisenhower and his Secretary of State, John Fos- ter Dulles, pursued two contradictory diplomatic strategies. On the one hand, they wanted to establish a globalist foreign policy.1 A key component of this strategy was “liberation policy”; that is, freeing the peoples of Eastern Europe from Soviet control. They believed they could best preserve globalism by “ed- ucating” the U.S. public and North American Treaty Organization (NATO) allies about the danger posed by the Soviet Union and the need for liberation. Eisenhower and Dulles consciously chose to use what I have called rhetorical diplomacy in order to achieve this goal.2 Rhetorical diplomacy involved the use of belligerent rhetoric in private meetings with allied and Soviet ofªcials and in public speeches, addresses, and press conferences. Publicly, the Eisen- hower administration embraced liberation policy while appealing to an audi- 1. I have used John Fousek’s deªnition of “American nationalist globalism,” or the belief that the United States, by virtue of its “national greatness,” possessed a unique responsibility “to check Com- munist expansion around the world.” See John Fousek, To Lead the Free World: American Nationalism and the Cultural Roots of the Cold War (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2000), pp. 2, 7–8. Conversely, like Michael W. Miles and David W. Reinhard, I have described as “unilateralists” (rather than “isolationists”) those who wanted to stay out of world affairs and to avoid forming alli- ances.
    [Show full text]
  • Intelligence Analysis and Decision-Making Behind the Overthrow of Guatemalan Democracy
    Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports 2017 In Darker Shadows: Intelligence Analysis and Decision-Making behind the Overthrow of Guatemalan Democracy William R. Weber Follow this and additional works at: https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd Recommended Citation Weber, William R., "In Darker Shadows: Intelligence Analysis and Decision-Making behind the Overthrow of Guatemalan Democracy" (2017). Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports. 6928. https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd/6928 This Thesis is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by the The Research Repository @ WVU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Thesis in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you must obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Thesis has been accepted for inclusion in WVU Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports collection by an authorized administrator of The Research Repository @ WVU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. In Darker Shadows: Intelligence Analysis and Decision-making Behind the Overthrow of Guatemalan Democracy William R. Weber Thesis submitted to the Eberly College of Arts and Sciences at West Virginia University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in History James F. Siekmeier, Ph.D., Chair Michelle M. Stephens, Ph.D. David M. Hauser, Ph.D. Department of History Morgantown, West Virginia 2017 Keywords: CIA; Guatemala; Analyst; Intelligence Community; Cold War; Eisenhower; Árbenz; Covert Action, Decision-making Copyright 2017 William R.
    [Show full text]
  • STRIKING FIRST – Preemptive and Preventive Attack in U.S. National
    THE ARTS This PDF document was made available CHILD POLICY from www.rand.org as a public service of CIVIL JUSTICE the RAND Corporation. EDUCATION ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT Jump down to document6 HEALTH AND HEALTH CARE INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit NATIONAL SECURITY research organization providing POPULATION AND AGING PUBLIC SAFETY objective analysis and effective SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY solutions that address the challenges SUBSTANCE ABUSE facing the public and private sectors TERRORISM AND HOMELAND SECURITY around the world. TRANSPORTATION AND INFRASTRUCTURE WORKFORCE AND WORKPLACE Support RAND Purchase this document Browse Books & Publications Make a charitable contribution For More Information Visit RAND at www.rand.org Explore RAND Project AIR FORCE View document details Limited Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law as indicated in a notice appearing later in this work. This electronic representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for non- commercial use only. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents. This product is part of the RAND Corporation monograph series. RAND monographs present major research findings that address the challenges facing the public and private sectors. All RAND mono- graphs undergo rigorous peer review to ensure high standards for research quality and objectivity. STRIKINGFIRST Preemptive and Preventive Attack in U.S. National Security Policy KARL P. MUELLER JASEN J. CASTILLO FORREST E. MORGAN NEGEEN PEGAHI BRIAN ROSEN Prepared for the United States Air Force Approved for public release; distribution unlimited The research described in this report was sponsored by the United States Air Force under Contract F49642-01-C-0003.
    [Show full text]
  • Eisenhower and the Gaither Report: the Influence of a Committee of Experts on National Security Policy in the Late 19501
    Eisenhower and the Gaither Report: The Influence of a Committee of Experts on National Security Policy in the Late 19501 David Lindsey Snead Richmond, Virginia B.A., Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State Univenity, 1990 M.A., Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State Uuivenity, 1991 A Dissertation presented to the Graduate Faculty of the Univenity of Virginia in Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of History Univenity of Virginia January 1997 ii (c) Copyright by David Lindsey Snead All Rights Reserved January 1997 iii Eisenhower and the Gaither Report: The Influence of a Committee of Experts on National Security Policy in the Late 19505 by David Lindsey Snead Melvyn P. Leffler, Chairman (ABSTRACT) As the United States reeled from the Soviet Union's launch of Sputnik in late 1957, President Dwight D. Eisenhower received a top secret report prepared by a committee of leading scientific, business, and military experts. The panel, called the Gaither committee in recognition of its first chairman, H. Rowan Gaither, Jr., emphasized both the inadequacy of U.S. defense measures designed to protect the civil population and the vulnerability of the country's strategic nuclear forces in the event of a Soviet attack. The Gaither committee viewed these defense measures--ranging from a missile system to defend the continental United States to the construction of shelters to protect the population from radioactive fallout-and the maintenance of sufficient strategic forces to launch military strikes against Soviet targets as essential for the preservation of U.S. security. It concluded that in the case of a surprise Soviet nuclear attack the United States would be unable to defend itselfwith any degree of success.
    [Show full text]
  • Between Heroes and Guardians: General Lyman L. Lemnitzer and General Charles H. Bonesteel III
    Between Heroes and Guardians: General Lyman L. Lemnitzer and General Charles H. Bonesteel III A Monograph By MAJ Justin Nelson United States Army School of Advanced Military Studies United States Army Command and General Staff College Fort Leavenworth, Kansas 2015-01 Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE Form Approved OMB No. 0704-0188 Public reporting burden for this collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instructions, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing this collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden to Department of Defense, Washington Headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports (0704-0188), 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington, VA 22202-4302. Respondents should be aware that notwithstanding any other provision of law, no person shall be subject to any penalty for failing to comply with a collection of information if it does not display a currently valid OMB control number. PLEASE DO NOT RETURN YOUR FORM TO THE ABOVE ADDRESS. 1. REPORT DATE (DD-MM-YYYY) 2. REPORT TYPE 3. DATES COVERED (From - To) 21 MAY 2015 Master’s Thesis June 2014 – May 2015 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE 5a. CONTRACT NUMBER Between Heroes and Guardians: General Lyman L. Lemnitzer and General Charles H. Bonesteel III 5b. GRANT NUMBER 5c. PROGRAM ELEMENT NUMBER 6. AUTHOR(S) 5d. PROJECT NUMBER Major Justin Nelson, US Army 5e. TASK NUMBER 5f. WORK UNIT NUMBER 7.
    [Show full text]
  • Copyright by Stephen Bailey Leland 2017
    Copyright by Stephen Bailey Leland 2017 The Report Committee for Stephen Bailey Leland Certifies that this is the approved version of the following report: Decision Making in the Grey Zone: Lessons from Truman, Eisenhower, and the Development of Nuclear Strategy APPROVED BY SUPERVISING COMMITTEE: Supervisor: Jeremi Suri James Paul Pope Decision Making in the Grey Zone: Lessons from Truman, Eisenhower, and the Development of Nuclear Strategy by Stephen Bailey Leland, B.A. Report Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Global Policy Studies The University of Texas at Austin May 2017 Dedication Dedicated to my loving, caring, and ever patient wife, Morgen. Abstract Decision Making in the Grey Zone: Lessons from Truman, Eisenhower, and the Development of Nuclear Strategy Stephen Bailey Leland, M.G.P.S. The University of Texas at Austin, 2017 Supervisor: Jeremi Suri The character of modern conflict is changing. The foundations of the international system are shifting as near peer adversaries, regionally destabilizing revisionists, and global networks of terror and crime mix in an environment awash in new technology. Unfortunately, the strategic paradigms that have defined U.S. policy since 1945 are inadequate in the face of this new reality. The focus of this study is not the creation of a new paradigm; instead, it seeks to define the contours of strategic decision-making that best serve the modern moment. Seeking such a model, I analyze the assumptions and processes at play in the creation of nuclear strategy during the Truman and Eisenhower administrations.
    [Show full text]
  • Design and Emergence in the Making of American Grand Strategy By
    Design and Emergence in the Making of American Grand Strategy by Ionut C. Popescu Department of Political Science Duke University Date:_______________________ Approved: ___________________________ Peter Feaver, Supervisor ___________________________ Bruce Jentleson ___________________________ David Rohde ___________________________ Alex Roland Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Political Science in the Graduate School of Duke University 2013 ABSTRACT Design and Emergence in the Making of American Grand Strategy by Ionut C. Popescu Department of Political Science Duke University Date:_______________________ Approved: ___________________________ Peter Feaver, Supervisor ___________________________ Bruce Jentleson ___________________________ David Rohde ___________________________ Alex Roland An abstract of a dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Political Science in the Graduate School of Duke University 2013 Copyright by Ionut C. Popescu 2013 Abstract The main research question of this thesis is how do grand strategies form. Grand strategy is defined as a state’s coherent and consistent pattern of behavior over a long period of time in search of an overarching goal. The political science literature usually explains the formation of grand strategies by using a planning (or design) model. In this dissertation, I use primary sources, interviews with former government officials, and historical scholarship to show that the formation of grand strategy is better understood using a model of emergent learning imported from the business world. My two case studies examine the formation of American grand strategy during the Cold War and the post-Cold War eras. The dissertation concludes that in both these strategic eras the dominating grand strategies were formed primarily by emergent learning rather than flowing from advanced designs.
    [Show full text]
  • Berlin and the Cold War
    BERLIN AND THE COLD WAR BEACH, EDWARD L. AND EVAN P. AURAND: Records, 1953-61 Series I: Presidential Trips Box 2 President Eisenhower’s Trip to United Kingdom, Aug 27-Sept 7, 1959 [Topics of discussion between Eisenhower and DeGaulle; meeting between President Eisenhower and Chancellor Adenauer] BENEDICT, STEPHEN: Papers, 1952-1960 Box 2 9-22-52 Evansville, Indiana [Berlin airlift] Box 10 Teletype Messages, September-October 1952 [Germany and Berlin] BULL, HAROLD R.: Papers, 1943-68 Box 2 Correspondence (1) (2) [John Toland re The Last 100 Days] BURNS, ARTHUR F. Papers, 1928-1969 Box 90 Germany, 1965--(State Department Correspondence) COMBINED CHIEFS OF STAFF: Conference Proceedings, 1941-1945 Box 3 Argonaut Conference, January-February 1945, Papers and Minutes of meetings Box 3 Terminal Conference, July 1945: Papers and Minutes of Meetings DULLES, ELEANOR L.: Papers, 1880-1984 Box 12 Germany and Berlin, 1950-53 Box 12 Germany and Berlin, 1954-56 Box 13 Germany and Berlin, 1957-59 Box 13 Briefing Book on Germany (1)–(4) – 1946-57 Box 13 Congress Hall, Berlin, 1957 (1) (2) Box 13 Congress Hall Scrapbook, Sept. 1957 (1) (2) Box 13 Congress Hall Booklets, 1957-58 Box 13 Congress Hall Clippings, 1955-58 Box 13 Berlin Medical Teaching Center, 1959 Box 14 Berlin Medical Center Dedication, 1968 Box 14 Reports on Berlin, 1970-73 Box 14 Notes re Berlin, 1972 Box 19 ELD Correspondence, 1971 (1) (2) Berlin Box 19 ELD Correspondence, 1972 (1) (2) Berlin Box 20 ELD Correspondence, 1973 (1) (2) –Berlin Box 20 ELD Correspondence, 1974 (1) (2) – Willy
    [Show full text]
  • Ike's Last War: Making War Safe for Society
    Chapman University Chapman University Digital Commons War and Society (MA) Theses Dissertations and Theses Spring 5-16-2019 Ike's Last War: Making War Safe for Society Jesse A. Faugstad Chapman University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.chapman.edu/war_and_society_theses Part of the Diplomatic History Commons, Military History Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Faugstad, Jesse A. Ike's Last War: Making War Safe for Society. 2019. Chapman University, MA Thesis. Chapman University Digital Commons, https://doi.org/10.36837/chapman.000063 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Dissertations and Theses at Chapman University Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in War and Society (MA) Theses by an authorized administrator of Chapman University Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Ike’s Last War: Making War Safe for Society A Thesis by Jesse A. Faugstad Chapman University Orange, CA Wilkinson College of Arts, Humanities, and Social Sciences Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in War and Society May 2019 Committee in charge: Gregory A. Daddis, Ph.D., Chair Lori Cox Han, Ph.D. Robert Slayton, Ph.D. May 2019 Ike’s Last War: Making War Safe for Society Copyright © 2019 by Jesse A. Faugstad iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS To my wife, Andrea, thank you for forcing me to put down the books and have fun. Here’s to our future sailing adventures. Many thanks to my sons, Anders and Karsten, for their patience while waiting for me to get back from the library.
    [Show full text]
  • Under Eisenhower, Strategic Airpower Became the Centerpiece of US Military Strategy. the “New Look”
    Under Eisenhower, strategic airpower became the centerpiece of US military strategy. The “New Look” URING the early 1950s, the DEisenhower Administration ushered in what came to be called the “New Look” in US strategic affairs. It was a major transition, one that pushed strategic airpower—and thus the United States Air Force—to the fore- front of the nation’s Cold War de- fense policies. Gen. Dwight D. Eisenhower, World War II’s Supreme Commander, Al- lied Expeditionary Force, had won the 1952 Presidential election and took office in early 1953, just as the trauma of the Korean War was headed toward an armistice. The hard-fought Early in his presidency, Dwight Eisenhower speaks with Boeing officials and war marked a major turning point in members of his Cabinet after inspecting the YB-52 prototype of the B-52 bomber. US security affairs. Its aftermath To his left are George Humphrey, secretary of the treasury, and Harold Talbott, would see a rise in the importance of Secretary of the Air Force. Eisenhower’s “New Look” defense policy bolstered a large nuclear deterrent force. the airpower cause and placed more emphasis on Strategic Air Command. The Korean War had sparked a huge US buildup, and there would the parts, balance, and composition By Herman S. Wolk be no going back to the status quo of this force. The emphasis would be ante. Unlike in other postwar peri- on countering Soviet power and gen- ods, the US did not dismantle its eral war. Korea had generated a military strength. strong distaste for regional conflict.
    [Show full text]
  • Perceptions of Mutual Vulnerability Between Nuclear Rivals
    HOPE SPRINGS ETERNAL: PERCEPTIONS OF MUTUAL VULNERABILITY BETWEEN NUCLEAR RIVALS Caroline R. Milne A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE FACULTY OF PRINCETON UNIVERSITY IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY RECOMMENDED FOR ACCEPTANCE BY THE WOODROW WILSON SCHOOL Adviser: Christopher F. Chyba November 2017 ProQuest Number:10637413 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. ProQuest 10637413 Published by ProQuest LLC ( 2017). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, MI 48106 - 1346 © Copyright by Caroline Reilly Milne, 2017. All rights reserved. Abstract Do nuclear-armed rivals perceive a condition of “mutual vulnerability” to be inescapable? Such states generally have two long-term options when it comes to dealing with such a situation. On the one hand, they can accept that such a balance would likely endure, and seek only to maintain secure second-strike capabilities. On the other hand, they can reject the strategic circumstances as potentially robust, and pursue capabilities that promise to make nuclear war more tolerable. This dissertation examines two cases of nuclear rivalries in order to understand which position or approach tends to be adopted, and why.
    [Show full text]