Vernacular Religion in Diaspora: a Case Study of the Macedono-Bulgarian Group in Toronto

Vernacular Religion in Diaspora: a Case Study of the Macedono-Bulgarian Group in Toronto By Mariana Dobreva-Mastagar A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Trinity College and the Theological Department of the Toronto School of Theology In partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Theology awarded by the University of St. Michael's College © Copyright by Mariana Dobreva-Mastagar 2016 Vernacular Religion in Diaspora: a case Study of the Macedono-Bulgarian group in Toronto PhD 2016 Mariana Dobreva-Mastagar University of St.Michael’s College Abstract This study explores how the Macedono-Bulgarian and Bulgarian Eastern Orthodox churches in Toronto have attuned themselves to the immigrant community—specifically to post-1990 immigrants who, while unchurched and predominantly secular, have revived diaspora churches. This paradox raises questions about the ways that religious institutions operate in diaspora, distinct from their operations in the country of origin. This study proposes and develops the concept “institutional vernacularization” as an analytical category that facilitates assessment of how a religious institution relates to communal factors. I propose this as an alternative to secularization, which inadequately captures the diaspora dynamics. While continuing to adhere to their creeds and confessional symbols, diaspora churches shifted focus to communal agency and produced new collective and “popular” values. The community is not only a passive recipient of the spiritual gifts but is also a partner, who suggests new forms of interaction. In this sense, the diaspora church is engaged in vernacular discourse. The notion of institutional vernacularization is tested against the empirical results of field work in four Greater Toronto Area churches. It shows three kinds of changes: the governance of the church is altered; physical space is transformed with architectural and decorative innovations; and space-utilization is changed. While the churches claim to maintain the canons, their practices are at variance with those of the homeland. ii First, church governance in diaspora has radically transformed conceptions of property, leadership, and membership, which became dominated by the community. Second, architecture and decoration reflect significant changes. Traditionally a church building is an imaginary that delivers the faithful to the divine threshold. In diaspora it recreates a metaphoric home which delivers attendees to the homeland’s history, culture, and identity. Third, the data on events demonstrate significant changes in the function of space, which comprises a new social realm that promotes identity and plays a diaspora-structuring role. For post-1990 immigrants, who lacked meaningful contact with the traditions and religion of the homeland, the church provides a context for the ‘invention’ or ‘customization’ of these traditions within the landscape of multicultural Toronto. This is ‘vernacularization’—the attunement of church practices to diasporic realities. iii Acknowledgements One of the pleasures of completing a dissertation is the chance to thank some of the people who helped the research in its various stages. Several people have contributed with many acts of generosity, suggestions, and inspiring criticism. Foremost, the deepest gratitude is for Professor Donald Wiebe, Trinity College, my far- sighted and open-minded thesis supervisor. His continuing support of my research since its earliest stage was of crucial importance. Writing an academic work is a lonely road, but it was enlivened by conversations with him which sharpened my thinking and refined my ideas. Dr. Wiebe’s disciplinary guidance and passion for the scientific study of religious thinking and behaviour urged me towards a critical and analytical interpretation of the field data. His generosity of spirit, relentless fairness, and integrity taught me invaluable lessons. I had the privilege to talk to many members of the Macedono-Bulgarian diaspora group and I am extremely grateful to the interviewees for their time. Without their willingness to share thoughts and personal stories I would not have been able to write this thesis. Their insider perception of the community dynamics and diaspora church led me to the idea of the vernacularization of the religious institution. Whilst the names in the body of the thesis are coded to abide by confidentiality requirements, I would like to acknowledge some of the clergy and laity here: Nick Stefanov, Krustan Vukashinov, Valeri Choumarov, Boris Drangov, Blagoi Chiflianov, Georgi Despodov, Rumen Kirinkov, and several informants who wished to remain anonymous. The late Prof. Chelva Kanaganayakam, English Department, was a co-supervisor of the thesis whose suggestions on diaspora and religious space were important for the development of the thesis in terms of the literature and dealing with a small, understudied group. His sudden death robbed him of the opportunity to see the completed thesis and robbed me of the opportunity for his helpful counsel. I would like to believe that he would be satisfied. I am indebted to Professor Joshua Barker, Department of Anthropology. Sharing his time, experience, and clarifying matters concerning anthropological fieldwork were keys for advancing my own fieldwork and data management. To Professor Abrahim Khan, Trinity College, I owe an enormous debt as a scholar and an AD Director. Writing an interdisciplinary dissertation was a challenging task not only for me but for him; he engaged himself in searching for and introducing committee members which proved to be vital. He graciously read parts of the dissertation and offered numerous corrections and comments. Dr. Khan’s invaluable guidance through courses, discussions, and interdisciplinary interests taught me that a theoretical framework is the Alfa of scholarly work. Though this was the leitmotiv of all our conversations, it took me a while to put it in an action. I wish also to express my thankfulness to Dean David Neelands who graciously supported my study at Trinity College from day one. In fact, Trinity College has not only been a iv stimulating place of academic growth but as well it became in a sense an adoptive home for me. Without the financial support of the college I would not have been able to continue working. I am also thankful to the administrative staff, many of whom have always been there to offer a word or deed of help: Rachel Richards, Bruce Ferguson, and the Bursar’s office. Many thanks also to those in different departments who facilitated the research, and particularly to Perry Hall from Robarts library. I own special thanks to Professor Jerri Skira, Toronto School of Theology, my first graduate supervisor, whose thoughtful guidance from the beginning of the PhD program (a period that might be overwhelming) made the next steps possible. I cannot omit the kindness of Professor John Kloppenborg, Department for the Study of Religion, whose suggestions, encouragement, willingness to read portions of the dissertation, and helpful criticism proved to be beneficial for this academic journey. Thankfulness goes to my colleagues Barbara Craig and Timothy Addis for their friendship. Especially to Tim for his fine editing, who read the entire thesis and spared me from some stylistic infelicities. Part of the thesis journey is my now teenage son Yoan, who helped me to prepare the maps and images for the dissertation. He endured with a good sense of humour (and electronic devices) his mother’s devotion to this research. I hope we will catch up on the missed chances to bike together and travel. Finally I am thankful that I did not give up. The research coincided with the most unfavourable circumstances for writing a dissertation: raising a young child, long-term care for a terminally ill husband and the ensuing bereavement, all while being solely responsible for day-to-day household transactions. What kept me going was the support of the above people whom I did not wish to disappoint. As well it was my fascination with the research and belief in its academic merit. Some of the data from chapter 3 were published as “Icons and immigrant context,” Fieldwork of Religion, 2007 (2). Portions of chapters 3 and 4 are significant revisions of a chapter, “The Narration of Space: Diaspora Church as a Comfort Zone in the Resettlement Process for Post-Communist Bulgarians in Toronto,” in The Changing World Religion Map (2015). Data from my research have been regularly presented through the years at learned societies. v Table of Contents List of Tables ......................................................................................................................... vii List of Maps .......................................................................................................................... viii List of Figures .......................................................................................................................... ix List of Appendices .................................................................................................................... x Introduction .............................................................................................................................. 1 Institutional Vernacularization: on the verge of secularization ................................................ 5 The diaspora group: waves of immigrants and their characteristics ....................................... 14 Diaspora literature ..................................................................................................................

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