Introduction

Notes

Introduction

1 He Bang’e, Yetan suilu, 87. See also Yetan suilu, http://ctext.org/wiki.pl?if=gb&chap ter=353567&remap=gb. Accessed 7/1/2016. 2 The Qing government issued frequent prohibitions of “dirty writing” and fiction (yinci xiaoshuo 淫詞小說), although such prohibitions had little real effect. A well-known memorial by Ding Richang 丁日昌 in 1868 regarding prohibited fiction also mentions songbooks. See Shi Changyu, “Qingdai xiaoshuo jinhui shu lüe,” 65–75. Many precious scrolls (baojuan 寶卷) contain injunctions not to read, buy, or sell songbooks, and to burn them when you find them. They often group songbooks together with fictionxiaoshuo ( ) or “dirty books” (yinshu 淫書). 3 Idema, Chinese Vernacular Fiction; Hegel, Reading Illustrated Fiction; Brokaw, Com merce in Culture; and Shang Wei, “The Literati Era and Its Demise,” 266–70. 4 David Johnson, “Communication, Class, and Consciousness,” 65. 5 Zheng Zhenduo, Zhongguo suwenxue shi, 1:9–10. 6 Wilt Idema notes that most histories of Chinese literature in China and the West omit prosimetric and ballad literature or only mention it in passing. Idema, “A Brief Survey.” Notable exceptions include several essays in The Columbia His tory of Chinese Literature, ed. Mair; and Idema’s chapters on “Dunhuang Nar- ratives” and “Prosimetric and Verse Narrative” in The Cambridge History of Chinese Literature. Specialized studies of popular performance genres include Bender, Plum and Bamboo; Børdahl, The Oral Tradition of Yangzhou Storytell ing, and Børdahl, Wu Song Fights the Tiger; McLaren, Chinese Popular Culture and Ming Chantefables; and Wan, “TheChantefable and the Novel.” As Idema has noted, recent Western studies of prosimetric and ballad literature (shuo chang wenxue 說唱文學) tend to favor certain genres, especially baojuan (precious scrolls), tanci 彈詞 (lute ballads), and zidishu 子弟書 (bannermen tales). For English-language scholarship on baojuan up to 2012, see Idema, “En- glish-Language Studies of Precious Scrolls.” Baojuan studies is a growing field, and many publications have appeared since 2012, including those by Idema and Berezkin. Studies of tanci, with a few exceptions such as Bender’s work, focus largely on the more literary, female-authored tanci rather than texts related to

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performance. On zidishu, see Chiu, Bannermen Tales; and Cui Yunhua, Shuzhai yu shufang zhijian. 7 From Liu Gong an, manuscript drum ballad, in Capital Library. Reprinted in QMCWF, vol. 13, “Duchayuan” 都察院, 1.18a–21a. Cf. LGA, 361–63. 8 See McLaren, Chinese Popular Culture and Ming Chantefables, 38; and Bäuml, “Medieval Texts,” 41–43. 9 The drum ballad’s tendency toward “showing” contrasts with the novel’s tendency toward “telling.” To use Linda Hutcheon’s way of putting it, “to tell a story, as in novels, short stories, and even historical accounts, is to describe, explain, summarize, expand; the narrator has a point of view and great power to leap through time and space and sometimes to venture inside the minds of characters. To show a story, as in movies, ballets, radio and stage plays, musicals and operas, involves a direct aural and usually visual performance experienced in real time.” Linda Hutcheon, A Theory of Adaptation, 12–13. While our concern here is with drum ballad texts, the contrast between the two modes of “telling” and “showing” is quite apparent when one compares the drum ballads on the Judge Shi legend with the bare-bones plot related in the novel. 10 Cf. the idea of character-space in Alex Woloch, The One vs. the Many. While the drum ballads frequently use epithets that label and “contain” characters as particular types (such as “upright official” or “lascivious nun”), some tension re- mains between these labels and the verse passages that present the characters’ own point of view. 11 Chartier, Forms and Meanings, 92, 94. 12 St Clair, The Reading Nation, 77. 13 St Clair, The Reading Nation, 79. 14 For the concept of “horizon of expectations,” see Jauss and Benzinger, “Literary History as a Challenge to Literary Theory.” Its relevance to the Chinese drum ballads will be discussed in chapter 2. 15 Rawski, “Economic and Social Foundations.” 16 Rawski, “Problems and Prospects,” 400, 403. 17 Brokaw, “Reading the Best-Sellers,” 219. 18 Rawski, “Economic and Social Foundations,” 32. 19 Rawski, “Economic and Social Foundations,” 33. 20 David Johnson, Spectacle and Sacrifice. 21 See Idema, Meng Jiangnü; Filial Piety and Its Divine Rewards; White Snake and Her Son; Butterfly Lovers; Kwa and Idema, Mulan; and Resurrected Skeleton. Idema has also written several books focusing on particular types of regional performance literature, including Heroines of Jiangyong; Passion, Poverty, and Travel; and Immortal Maiden Equal to Heaven. 22 Boris Riftin discusses the overlap between popular prints and storytelling in “Chinese Performing Arts and Popular Prints.” It is worth noting that drama, storytelling, and popular prints also featured stories found only in a particular location. My findings for the legend of Judge Liu discussed in chapter 5 demonstrate this, as does David Johnson’s analysis of popular prints in “Opera Imag- ery in the Village.” The question of “local” stories and in what ways they relate

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to a place is discussed throughout the volume edited by Altenburger, Wan, and Børdahl, Yangzhou—A Place in Literature. 23 Ebrey, Confucianism and Family Ritual. 24 Brokaw, Commerce in Culture, 8–19. 25 Moretti, Atlas of the European Novel, 143–97. 26 Moretti, Atlas of the European Novel, 186. 27 Moretti, Atlas of the European Novel, 187. 28 Brokaw, Commerce in Culture, 532–33. 29 Brokaw, Commerce in Culture, 557–59. She notes that the flexibility of association in Chinese book culture has parallels in the ritual system, which allowed par- ticipants to have their cake and eat it too, both participating in a unified centrally organized culture and celebrating their local or regional differences. See Watson, “Structure of Chinese Funerary Rites.” 30 Lucille Chia’s book Printing for Profit is an impressive study of regional publishers. Although it roots the industry in the northern Fujian region in social, intellec- tual, and economic terms, it focuses on a publishing center that sold its imprints throughout China, with an audience beyond the region. My focus on drum ballads puts the emphasis instead on works that I will demonstrate were both produced and consumed within the region of North China (until the rise of lithographic printing). This appeal to a “geographically limited” audience gives us a different perspective. 31 Earlier ballads like the Ming Chenghua chantefables might be seen as a snap shot of a genre at one particular time. On the sixteen chantefables found in a grave, see McLaren, Chinese Popular Culture and Ming Chantefables; and Idema, Judge Bao and the Rule of Law. 32 Li Yu et al., Zhongguo guci zongmu. 33 The late Qing and Republican period witnessed an explosion in the publication of novels. From 1912–20, novels published as books (dan xing ben 單行本) numbered 2364. See Liu Yongwen, Minguo xiaoshuo mulu. While there were also thousands of novels published in newspapers and periodicals at this time, as far as book culture is concerned, comparison shows that drum ballads were being published on a significant scale. 34 Notable exceptions include Idema, “Popular Literature: Part II: Prosimetric Liter- ature,” in The Indiana Companion to Traditional Chinese Literature; Idema and Haft, A Guide to Chinese Literature, 234; Idema, “Prosimetric and Verse Nar rative,” 367–70; and Shang Wei, “The Literati Era and Its Demise,” 327–28. 35 Zhao Jingshen, Guci xuan; Ōtsuka Hidetaka, “Chū’ō kenkyūin rekishi gogen kenkyūsho: sekiin koshi fudaki (sono ichi)”; Ōtsuka Hidetaka, “Sekiin koshi ken kyu (sono ni)”; Hu Hung-po, “Qingmo Minchu xiuxiang guci kanben sanshier zhong xulu”; Hu Hung-po, “Qingmo Minchu xiuxiang guci bai sanshi zhong zonglun”; Li Yu et al., Zhongguo guci zongmu; and Li Yu et al., Qingdai muke guci. The works of Ōtsuka, Hu Hung-po, and Li Yu largely complement each other; Li Yu catalogs drum ballads in twenty-one collections in China, while Ōtsuka and Hu Hong-po catalog drum ballads in Taiwan. When used together in conjunction with the general catalog of the Academia Sinica collection, they

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give a good overview of drum ballad texts. The only literary history to date to focus on drum ballads is Li Xuemei et al., Zhongguo guci wenxue fazhan shi. It traces drum singing, very broadly defined, from the pre-Qin era through present-day lists of intangible heritage. This approach, which emphasizes con- tinuity and ancient roots, is consonant with many histories of Chinese popular literature. Li Xuemei’s book goes into a wealth of detail on selected topics regarding drum ballads, including attention to physical format in the Qing and to performance contexts in the Republic. 36 Brokaw, Commerce in Culture; Cui Yunhua, Xiaoshi de minyao; Des Forges, Mediascape Shanghai; Goldman, “The Nun Who Wouldn’t Be”; Hanan, Illu“ sion of Romance”; Olivová and Børdahl, eds., Lifestyle and Entertainment in Yangzhou; Reed, Gutenberg in Shanghai; Altenburger, Wan, and Børdahl, eds., Yangzhou—A Place in Literature. Early on, Hanan noted the importance of “Hangzhou realism” to the vernacular short story of the middle period; see Patrick Hanan, The Chinese Vernacular Story, 60–61. 37 Meyer-Fong, “Printed World.” Studies of publishing in North China to date have focused on Beijing, including Widmer, “Honglou Meng Ying and Its Pub- lisher”; Cui Yunhua, Shuzhai yu shufang zhijian; Keulemans, Sound Rising from the Paper; and Reed, “Dukes and Nobles Above.” 38 Finnane, Speaking of Yangzhou, 292. 39 Skinner, “Structure of Chinese History,” especially 275, 279 fig. 1, and 281; and Skinner, ed., The City in Late Imperial China. 40 Susan Naquin, Peking: Temples and City Life; Linda Cooke Johnson, Shanghai: From Market Town to Treaty Port; Finnane, Speaking of Yangzhou. An article by Lucille Chia notes that northern Fujian (Minbei 閩北) does not really fit into Skinner’s regional analysis, and Cynthia Brokaw makes a similar point about western Fujian. See Chia, “Debatable Land,” 1–2 and 24–27; and Brokaw, Commerce in Culture, 38–39, especially 39 n 12. 41 See the dialect map of the area around Beijing from the front matter of Iguchi Junko, Zhongguo beifang nongcun de kouchuan wenhua. 42 Several volumes of Zhongguo quyi zhi include maps of the distribution of per formance traditions in their front matter, for example Zhongguo quyizhi quan guo bianji weiyuanhui, ed., Zhongguo quyi zhi: Hebei juan; and Zhongguo quyizhi quanguo bianji weiyuanhui, Zhongguo quyi zhi: Shandong juan. 43 This organizational framework is apparent in the two massive series Zhongguo quyi zhi and Zhongguo xiqu zhi. 44 Shang Wei, “Writing and Speech,” 282. 45 Kenneth Pomeranz’s study of an area of North China from 1850 to 1937 demonstrates how fundamentally changes in technology, politics, and social organi- zation could affect the relationship between places. Pomeranz,The Making of a Hinterland. 46 This idea appears in an editorial review by Ajantha Subramanian of Tagliacozzo, Siu, and Perdue, eds., Asia Inside Out. A similar idea appears in Meyer-Fong, “Conference Report.”

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47 Thus each chapter may present a different answer to what constituted a “region” or what North China meant in this period. 48 The legends of Liu Yong frequently refer to him as “Liu Gong” (劉公), and the legends on Shi Shilun often refer to him as “Shi Gong” (施公). I am translating the informal title “Gong” as Judge because it evokes a longstanding tradition of “wise judge” stories, among which the legend of Judge Bao (Bao Gong 包公) is the most famous. Historically, the men these legends were based on were not “judges” but held more general administrative positions, such as prefect or magistrate. Still, the court-case tradition of fiction and drama (gongan 公案) emphasizes their role as judge. 49 Examples include Liu Gong an, Shi Gong an, and the legend that developed into Sanxia wuyi. The other prominent thematic genres in the traditional drum ballad corpus are historical fiction and the military romance, but most of those are well-established stories that developed in drama and the novel before they were adapted to drum ballads. Chou Jiang, “Chewangfu quben chaoben guci.” 50 Chartier, Cultural Uses of Print. 51 Moretti, Atlas of the European Novel. 52 Ting Zhang demonstrates that the law was more accessible than previously thought, due to a series of popular legal publications. See Ting Zhang, “Market- ing Legal Information.” Jonathan Ocko discusses the different ways in which particular communities would have access to the law in his chapter “Interpre- tive Communities.” For the influence of fiction on popular understandings of the law, see the essays by St. André, Youd, and Carlitz in Hegel and Carlitz, ed., Writing and Law in Late Imperial China, 189–257.

Chapter 1

1 Brokaw, Commerce in Culture, 8, 557–58. 2 Publishers in rural Sibao, Fujian sold the novel Lü mudan quan zhuan, although no editions survive. Brokaw, Commerce in Culture, 494 and Appendix G, page 20. 3 Ōtsuka Hidetaka, Zōho Chūgoku tsūzoku shōsetsu shomoku, 169–71. On the dating of the earliest edition of the novel Shi Gong an, see Han Cao, “Shi Gong an de kanxing niandai.” 4 “The strangest thing was, this old guy actually had a desk and on it were several sets of books. The old man looked at them: there were Sanguo yanyi, Shuihu zhuan, Lü mudan, and the new Shi Gong an and Yu Gong an.” 最奇不過的是這老頭兒家裡竟會有書案頭還給擺了幾套書老爺看了看卻是一部三國演義一部水滸傳一部綠牡丹還有新出的施公案合于公案. Wen Kang, Ernü yingxiong zhuan, 4:1981. 5 Aisin Gioro Yigeng, also known as He Lü 鶴侣, was the twelfth son of Prince Zhuang and attained a first-rank title through his father’s hereditary privilege, but this title was revoked when his father was stripped of office. As an adult, Yigeng served as a third-rank imperial bodyguard from 1831 to 1836, but then

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left office. The date of the prefaceLü to mudan quan zhuan corresponds to Yigeng’s first year in office, so at the time he would unquestionably be counted among the legally privileged educated elite. Since it seems he had not yet begun writing chantefables, however, he probably would not be famous enough to warrant forging his name on the preface. See Kang Baocheng, “Zidishu zuozhe ‘He Lü Shi’”; and Chiu, Bannermen Tales, 57. 6 Studies explicitly considering “regional” literature are rare in the West. Chinese scholars have done some exploratory work in that regard, producing histories of literature of traditional cultural regions or provinces, but many of these re- peat existing understandings of works they discuss. An interesting exception is Cui Yunhua, Xiaoshi de minyao. 7 Wan, Altenburger, and Børdahl, “Introduction.” 8 For example, studies of Shanghai literature include Leo Ou-fan Lee, Shanghai Modern; and Des Forges, Mediasphere Shanghai. On Beijing literature, see Keulemans, Sound Rising from the Paper; and Chen Pingyuan and Wang Dewei, eds., Beijing. For Yangzhou literature, see Olivová and Børdahl, eds., Lifestyle and Entertainment in Yangzhou; and Hanan, “Illusion of Romance.” For Hang- zhou literature, see Liping Wang, “Paradise for Sale”; Hanan, The Chinese Short Story, 148–51; and Liu Yongqiang, “West Lake Fiction of the Late Ming.” 9 Des Forges, Mediasphere Shanghai; Hanan, “Illusion of Romance.” See also Hanan, Courtesans and Opium; and Hanan, Mirage. 10 Cynthia Brokaw discusses the songbooks produced at Sibao and the potential for local stories in them to strengthen “separate regional and/or ethnic consciousness” in Commerce in Culture, 499–506. Several of these ballad stories are discussed and translated in Idema, Passion, Poverty, and Travel. Many of the other studies of songbooks or ballads in Qing China focus on those that circulated in manuscript. The manuscripts in women’s script nüshu( 女書) from the area of Jiangyong, Henan, provide another body of material through which to examine local culture. See McLaren, “Women’s Voices and Textuality”; and Idema, Her oines of Jiangyong. Precious scrolls (baojuan) that circulated locally, primarily in manuscript, provide a window into life in Western Gansu; see the introduction and translations in Idema, The Immortal Maiden Equal to Heaven, and the Chinese collections he references. Drum ballad manuscripts from the Chewangfu and Academia Sinica collections serve as source material in Meir Shahar, Crazy Ji, who sees in them evidence of “growth of indigenous Jigong lore in Beijing” (p. 232). Paize Keulemans compares commercially produced “storyteller libretti” manuscripts with printed texts to explore how nineteenth- century publishers traded on “storyteller liveliness” in martial arts novels; see his Sound Rising from the Paper. For the material aspects of zidishu, see Cui Yunhua, Shuzhai yu shufang zhijian; and Chiu, Bannermen Tales. Zhenzhen Lu discusses manuscript ballads from Pu Songling’s hometown in Shandong in her Ph.D. dissertation, “The Vernacular World of Pu Songling”; she is currently delving into manuscript production of zidishu in Beijing. 11 McLaren, “Folk Epics from the Lower Yangzi Delta Region.” 12 Zheng Zhenduo, Zhongguo suwenxue shi, 11.

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13 Li Jiarui 李家瑞, Beiping suqu lüe 北平俗曲略, quoted in Wang Wenbao, Zhongguo suwenxue fazhan shi, 225–26. 14 Da Lin, “Heluo dagu chuantong dashu xuan,” 134. 15 The Academia Sinica collection is also available on microfilm; the index is Zhong yang Yanjiuyuan Lishi Yuyan Yanjiusuo suocang suqu zongmu mulu. Much of the collection is reprinted in Suwenxue congkan. The Chewangfu collection is reprinted in Qing Menggu Chewangfu cang quben. 16 For simplicity’s sake, this count is based on titles, not editions. 17 See the discussion of Baiben Zhang and other manuscript vendors and rental stands later in this chapter. 18 Li Yu et al., Qingdai muke guci xiaoshuo kaolüe. 19 The places from which 142 woodblock ballads were collected are listed in Table 6-6 in Li Xuemei et al., Zhongguo guci wenxue fazhan shi, 270–74. More than two-thirds of these ballad texts were collected from Shandong, while another one-fifth were collected from Beijing. This seems to suggest the importance of Beijing and Shandong in the circulation of drum ballads, but also raises the possibility of collection bias. 20 Li Xuemei et al., Zhongguo guci wenxue fazhan shi, 173, 187, 202, and 232. This work also includes tables with edition information for 24 extant editions of drum ballads printed in Kuanchengzi; see ibid., 191–201. Li Xuemei notes that Kuanchengzi is present-day Changchun, Jilin, based on an entry in Zhongguo jin gu diming da cidian, 1931. Cited in Li Xuemei et al., Zhongguo guci wenxue fazhan shi, 189. 21 Børdahl, “Popular Literature in the Fu Ssu-nien Library,” 232. 22 As Børdahl notes, “The definition and delimitation of the various genres of Chi- nese oral literature and performance texts is a precarious undertaking. The historical and synchronic lines of relationship between various groups of texts are extremely complicated. Entering this field one soon discovers that the genre definitions vary with every work of research. The categories of the popular literature collection at Fu Ssu-nien Library are not to be taken as anything but suggestive.” Børdahl, “Popular Literature in the Fu Ssu-nien Library,” 232. 23 Map 1.1 includes all known places drum ballad texts were printed between 1800 and 1937, based on the three sources in table 1.1, and supplemented with any other editions listed in the tables in chap. 6 of Li Xuemei et al., Zhongguo guci wenxue fazhan shi. 24 See appendixes A and B. Since drum ballads were entertainment literature, they were only sporadically collected by libraries. Thus even with ballads produced as recently as the late Qing and Republican era, what we know of them relies heavily on the accidents of survival. The difference between the numbers of “known editions” and extant editions in table 1.2 is sobering: to the best of my knowledge, less than half of the known Shanghai editions of the ballads on Judge Liu and Judge Shi survive. 25 This map assumes that both of the Chewangfu manuscripts considered, Liu Gong an and Shi Gong an, were produced in Beijing. Justification for this assump- tion will be given later in this chapter. It also counts the presence of the story

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“Luomahu” within the Chewangfu Shi Gong an, which is why (8) is in paren- thesis. “Shared” stories in editions for which the place could not be ascertained are not mapped. 26 The implications of this story and the differences between the manuscript and woodblock version will be analyzed in chapter 3. 27 Luomahu (Shenyang), 1.11a–b. For a more detailed analysis of the relationship between the two versions, see “Ties to Empire versus Region” in chapter 3. 28 The only possible evidence of contact between the two versions of Luoma Lake is that at least one break between sections falls in the same place (at the end of volume 2 of Luomahu). The two manuscript versions of Green Peony in Beijing also share a story but not text. 29 Guan Dedong noted that many of the texts in the Chewangfu collection were rare and did not circulate by rental. He compared the titles in the Chewangfu collections with the catalogs of seven Beijing manuscript rental shops and found that only five titles matched. The reference toShi Gong an as a text sold at temple fairs in a zidishu by He Lü suggests some performance text of Shi Gong an was available in manuscript stalls in Beijing. See Guan Dedong, “Shi- yin Qing Menggu Chewangfu quben xu.” The Fu Ssu-nien collection of the Academia Sinica also holds a manuscript on the Judge Shi story, Yanzhou Fu 兖 ‌州 ‌府 , by the Beijing rental shop Xinglongzhai. 30 This may be a relatively late woodblock drum ballad. In a passage (duan) that opens one volume of Hongqigou, it says that the story is about the Qing and that nowadays girls are cheeky and answer the matchmaker themselves. Hongqigou (Kuanchengzi), 5.1.2a. 31 The classic work on the characteristics of oral ballads, including formulaic com position, is Albert B. Lord, The Singer of Tales, originally published in 1960; 2nd ed. 2001. The oral-formulaic theory of epic composition formulated by Lord and his mentor Milman Parry has inspired research in many traditions, including Chinese literature and folklore. For example, a study of Wu-dialect mountain songs based on fieldwork in Southern Jiangsu finds them to be formulaic; while the length of the line may vary, comparison of many performances finds that “in most cases, the replacements are metrical: a group of two or four syllables is replaced by a group of similar length, in a basic framework of four-line stanzas with 7 syllables per line.” See Schimmelpenninck and Kouwenhoven, “Unfin- ished Symphonies.” In her doctoral thesis, Susan Blader demonstrates the highly formulaic language of the manuscript Longtu gongan. She cautions against interpreting this as oral composition, although elsewhere in her dissertation she interprets the frequent orthographic errors and homophonic substitution present in the manuscript as evidence of oral transcription. Blader, “A Critical Study of San -Hsia Wu-Yi,” 108–18. 32 Iguchi Junko, Zhongguo beifang nongcun de kouchuan wenhua, 182–86. 33 O’Brien O’Keefe, Visible Song, 40–41, 67, 76. 34 Xuanfeng an (Tianjin), 1.1b. The Wannan text has a similar passage, except the last two lines are absent and some of the performance terminology is different. Xuanfeng an (Wannan), 1.1a. These eight lines, or some portion or variation of

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them, seem to be well known among storytellers in North China; they appear in the section on storyteller’s sayings (yanyu koujue 諺語口訣) in four different regional volumes of the Zhongguo quyi zhi: Jilin juan, 487; Heilongjiang juan, 617; Tianjin juan, where the first four lines and last four lines are listed separately, 837, 843; and Hebei juan, which lists a variation on the first four lines, 498. The phrase “slow and quick pauses and transitions” chiji( duncuo 遲急頓銼) appears under performance techniques in Zhongguo quyi zhi: Tian jin juan, 638. Drum ballad performers refer to their own activity as “storytelling” (shuoshu 說書). See Iguchi, Zhongguo beifang nongcun de kouchuan wenhua, 38. 35 For “slow rhythms” (manban), see Iguchi Junko, Zhongguo beifang nongcun de kouchuan wenhua, 121. For “fish drums” (yugu), see Zhongguo quyi zhi: Henan juan, 87–89, 390; for “simple clappers” ( jianban) see ibid., 390. 36 Zhongguo quyi zhi: Henan juan, 90. 37 CWFSGA “Lianhuayuan” 蓮花院, vol. 1 (photo reprint vol. 103); Shi an qi wen (Beijing), 1.1.2b–1.3.7b. 38 This may well be a late Qing copy of a lithographic edition, as will be discussed in chapter 2. 39 Brokaw, Commerce in Culture, 556–59. On the different ways a text might be read, see Brokaw, “Reading the Best-Sellers.” 40 In one of his zidishu, quoted below, Aisin Gioro Yigeng mentions ordering copies of Lü mudan and Shi Gong an from Baiben Zhang so as to surpass the storyteller Shi Yukun. Since Baiben Zhang was primarily a purveyor of drama and chantefable manuscripts, this probably refers to the drum ballad versions of Green Peony and Cases of Judge Shi. 41 Shulaibao 數來寶 is a northern form of oral performance that originated in beggars’ chants. It has a very flexible line length and can change rhyme schemes at will. It developed into another form of storytelling. Wang Wenbao, Zhongguo suwenxue fazhan shi, 237. 42 “Guang Huguo si,” photo reprinted in Suwenxue congkan, 398:613–38; the quoted passages are from 620–21, 630, and 632. Guan Dedong dates this text to the Dao guang or Xianfeng period (1821–61). See Guan Dedong, “Shiyin Qing Menggu Chewangfu quben xu,” 483. 43 On Baiben Zhang, see Zhenzhen Lu, “Baiben Zhang”; Cui Yunhua, Shuzhai yu shufang zhi jian, 149–52, and Fu Xihua, “Baiben Zhang xiqu shuji kaolüe,” 317–31. 44 The one surviving volume, entitled Lü mudan wushiyi, held in the rare book room of the Beijing Normal University Library, is an example of late Qing drum ballad treatments of this story. Stamps on the cover identify it as having been rented by Xinglongzhai; writing in a different hand dates it to the Guangxu reign period. This is quite plausible; Fu Xihua dates the activities of the Xing longzhai rental shop to the Tongzhi-Guangxu reign periods (1862–1908). The Xinglongzhai shop was located outside Zhengyang Gate in Beijing. See Fu Xihua, “Baiben Zhang xiqu shuji kaolüe,” 330. For more on such rental shops, see Li Jiarui, “Qingdai Beijing mantou pu zulin changben de gaikuang,” 134–38.

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45 For women’s literacy, see QMCWF “Jiangning fu” 江宁府, 2.3b, 2.7a. Regarding recognizing characters, see QMCWF “Jurong xian” 句容县, 2.14b. 46 In 1925 a Liulichang bookseller, Liu Shengyu, bought over 1400 titles in manuscript cheaply from a little drum song stall in Xixiaoshi. These were then bought by Ma Yuqing and Shen Yinmo of Peking University and stored at Kongde Acad- emy. They were determined to be manuscripts from the Beijing Menggu Che- wangfu 北京蒙古車王府 of the Qing dynasty. Later, Kongde Academy bought another set of manuscripts, on similar paper and in a similar format to the first, so they are also considered part of the Chewangfu corpus; there were 230 titles, in over 2300 volumes, and most were long drum ballads (guci). In 1954 these were stored in Beijing’s Capital Library. Liu Liemao, Chewangfu quben, 1–2. 47 Yan Qi, “Introduction,” 1; Cui Yunhua, “Cong shuochang dao xiaoshuo,” 44–45. A reference to the retired emperor (taishang huang) suggests an early Jiaqing date, after 1796.QMCWF vol. 1, “Jiangning fu,” 2.9a. A reference in the same episode to Judge Liu being alive suggests a date before Liu Yong’s death in 1804. Ibid., “Jiangning fu,” 1.10a. 48 CWFSGA “Duozi seng” 垛子僧, 2.5a, and “Xing ci” 行刺, 2.12a, respectively. “Xing ci” states, “Now Provincial Military Commander Sun Siliao 孫四料 is setting up battle formations and drilling troops, the foreigners are startled.” This could refer to Sun Kaihua 孫開華, who was Provincial Military Commander in Tai- wan and repulsed the French in 1884. 49 Zhenzhen Lu has noted that the handwriting sometimes changes four times in one manuscript volume. See her article, “Between Performance and Print.” 50 QMCWF “Jiangning fu,” 1.6b. 51 “Judge Liu’s big sedan left the city / It went south along the roads / It passed by wells big and small / to Lugou Xiaoyue City 芦溝膮[晓]月城. / They stayed the night at Changxin dian 常新店 / and the next day started out early. / They rested and ate at Liangxiang xian 良鄉縣.” The rest of the trip is passed over in gener- alities, except that the officials in Baoding come out to the river to the north of the city to welcome Judge Liu. QMCWF vol. 14, “Duchayuan,” 2.5a–b. Some of the wording is remarkably similar to that describing his journey in the woodblock ballad Xuanfeng an, quoted and discussed later in this chapter. 52 Narrator aside: “In the South, both men and women ride sedans when they go out, just like in our city of Beijing.” QMCWF vol. 11, “Shahe yi” 沙河驛, 3.19a. 53 It also speaks familiarly of Beijing, the capital: “Reader, if you go to other places, little counties and villages are different from this capital (cidi jingdu 此 ‌地京 ‌都 ).” QMCWF vol. 8, “Jurong xian,” 1.4a; italics mine. Throughout the ballad, the narrator frequently uses Beijing as the norm to explain differences in ad- ministration in Jiangnan, where much of the tale is set. 54 QMCWF vol. 13, “Duchayuan,” 1.18a–21a. There seems to be a scribal error here. “They went along the imperial wall and still went north. They turned east at the corner of the imperial wall” is repeated twice in a row in exactly the same words. 55 “Gentlemen, have you ever seen the Lama exorcism (dagui 打鬼) at the Sizhu si 私 ‌竹 ‌寺 , Yonghegong 雍和宫, or Zhantan si 占坦寺 inside the city or the Hei si 黑寺 or Huang si 黄寺 outside the city?” CWFSGA “Yutan” 雨壇, 3.1a. These are

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Lama temples, and the episode involves a water demon taking human form as a Lama monk to try to trick the emperor by praying for rain. It is reminiscent of an episode in Xiyou ji 西遊記. The descriptions of the ceremony as a spectacle are rather humorous. Naquin notes Tibetan Buddhism was of interest to the imperial household and banner elite and not others, except as spectacle; Peking: Temples and City Life, 405, 443. 56 CWFSGA “Yutan,” 1.4a, bolding mine. Here, Perfected Person (zhenren) is a slightly more humble term for Heavenly Teacher (tianshi). 57 CWFSGA “Lianhuantao” 连环套, 2.14a–b, bolding mine. 58 CWFSGA “Tongzhou” 通州, 1.8a–9b. 59 Six books published by Hongwen’ge are extant in libraries in China, four of which are bilingual Manchu-Chinese primers and glossaries with dates ranging from 1730 to 1861. See Li Xuemei et al., Zhongguo guci wenxue fazhanshi, 185. 60 To be clear, the “very few” refers to imperial bodyguards who can both read drum ballads and recite Manchu announcements fluently. Aisin Gioro Yigeng, Jiameng xuan congzhu, 67. See the discussion of this in Chiu, Bannermen Tales, 250. 61 Idema, Two Centuries of Manchu Women Poets, 109. 62 Although we do not have external evidence about where the Chewangfu Shi Gong an was produced, it also makes frequent reference to Manchus and bannermen. 63 Hongqigou (Kuanchengzi), 1.2.4b; Jiangdu xian (Shengjing), 1.2.4b. 64 Xuanfeng an (Wannan), 1.2a–b. When we compare the Tianjin and Wannan texts of Xuanfeng an, this passage conveys largely the same information, but the text differs in each edition. Some lines are verbatim, some vary in length, some lines appear in one version but not the other, and a few convey the same information in different words. Cf.Xuanfeng an (Tianjin), 1.5b. 65 Xinke Jinan fu (Huangyi), 3.15b. Cf. Xia Jinan fu (Beijing), 9.1b; and Hongqigou (Kuanchengzi), 5.1.2a-b. 66 Xinke Liu Gong an quanzhuan Bailingji (Huangyi), 4.1b; bolding mine. 67 Bailing ji in Liu Gong an sanzhong (Bozhen), 10.2b; Shuangbiao ji, Qing Dongben 東奔 woodblock edition described in Li Yu et al., Qingdai muke guci, 1173–82. 68 For a sense of Beijing identity conveyed in Qing martial arts novels, see Paize Keulemans, Sound Rising from the Paper, 68–81. 69 Zhongguo quyi zhi: Beijing juan, 28.0

Chapter Two

1 Wilt Idema defines chapbook fiction as written in stereotyped language, where the interest in the fiction is not from the language but from the action. In that he includes Sanxia wuyi 三俠五義 (Three Heroes and Five Gallants) and Shuo Tang 說‌唐 (Tale of the Tang). He defines literary novels as those in which vernac ular is used inventively, interspersed with impeccable classical Chinese; where puns and parodies require extensive knowledge of the whole of Chinese literature; and those novels that often have an original plot. He also acknowledges

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that some novels were “read by all segments of the literate public, viz. the San- kuo chih yen-i, the Shui -hu chuan and later possibly Hung -lou meng, though one wonders whether the public may not often have been limited to the fully literate group.” Idema, Chinese Vernacular Fiction, xi, liv–lv. C. T. Hsia disagreed with this kind of division into “literary” or “chapbook” on the basis of language, genre, or author; see his chapter “The Scholar-Novelist and Chinese Culture.” Andrew Plaks labels the scholar beauty romances (caizi jiaren 才子佳人) as “chapbooks” (defined as “cheap small editions”) and notes they are “more often written in a stilted classical style than in the literary colloquial developed by the great novels.” Plaks, “Full-Length Hsiao-Shuo and the Western Novel,” 167 n 7. 2 Cavallo and Chartier, eds., History of Reading in the West, 279, bolding mine. 3 Court-case literature has a long history in China, and stories of Judge Bao flour- ished in a number of genres including chantefables and drama. In the Ming dynasty, other court-case narratives tend to appear in collections of individual tales or vernacular short stories. See Y. W. Ma, “Kung-an Fiction”; and Liangyan Ge, “In Search of a ‘Common Storehouse of Convention.’” It is around the turn of the nineteenth century that long court-case novels took shape in China. Many of these incorporated martial heroes as the judge’s helpers, forming court-case adventure novels that beg the question of their relationship to martial-arts novels. See Wan, “Green Peony” and the Rise of the Chinese Martial Arts Novel. The novel Lü mudan was adapted from a drum ballad; see Wan, “The Chante fable and the Novel.” That seems to be the case with the novelShi Gong an as well. 4 Jauss and Benzinger, “Literary History as a Challenge to Literary Theory”; and O’Brien O’Keefe, Visible Song. The special relevance of work on medieval Euro- pean literature may be because those texts, like the drum ballads, constantly pose the question of their relationship to the oral. 5 The format of these section titles in drum ballads bears some resemblance to earlier printed chantefables, such as the Ming Chenghua cihua on Judge Bao. The format is also distinctive from that of other Qing performance in print such as tanci (lute ballads) and muyushu (wooden fish books). Muyushu have some indication of circulation in parts, but the terms are different—individual sections are labeled ji 集 rather than bu. Thetanci I have read have no indication of circulation in parts. For example, the title page of the Qianlong-era tanci Tianbao tu 天豹圖 resembles that of a novel, except that the brief “preface” is printed right there. Xinke zhenben tanci changkou Tianbao tu quan zhuan. 6 A notable exception is “literary lute ballads,” wenci 文詞, also known as “female lute ballads,” nü tanci 女彈詞, which tend to be extremely long and often circulated privately in manuscript. See Mark Bender, “Tan-ci, Wen-ci, Chang-ci”; Hu Siao-chen, Wan Qing qianqi nüxing tanci xiaoshuo shi tan; and Hu Siao-chen, Cainü cheye weimian. 7 In England, booksellers developed several methods to sell some books very cheaply. Long books could be sold in “parts” or “numbers.” Selling in numbers was a kind of serialization that essentially served as consumer credit. For works like Robinson Crusoe, Tom Jones, or the Bible, the low installment cost (often

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sixpence) made them more accessible to many, although the total cost of the book actually was higher than buying it outright. St Clair, The Reading Nation, 33, 39, 205, 508, 530, 535. 8 Zheng Zhenduo notes briefly that the long drum ballad text Zhongyi Shuihu zhuan, which ran more than fifty volumes, carried individual titles on each volume or for a number of volumes, and suggests this made it easier for the volumes to circulate independently. He uses the terms ce, bu, and juan 卷 inter- changeably to refer to this ballad. Zheng Zhenduo, Zhongguo suwenxue shi, 2:392. 9 Hongqigou (Kuanchengzi), 2.12.12b. Smaller font indicates words that were printed doubled up in smaller font in the original. 10 The “storyteller’s manner” is a distinctive feature of traditional Chinese vernacular fiction. Its connection to actual storytelling has been hotly debated. See, for example, early watershed studies including Hanan, The Chinese Short Story; and Idema, Chinese Vernacular Fiction. For an extensive analysis of the “manner” and its relationship to storytelling and performance-related texts, see Børdahl, Wu Song Fights the Tiger. 11 Hongqigou (Kuanchengzi), 5.12.10b. If Shuangbiao Huai’an cheng is the same as Shuangbiao ji, there were apparently at least ten editions. See Li Yu et al., Zhong guo guci zongmu, 356–57. A similar “advertisement” of the next volume occurs once in the Chewangfu manuscript Shi Gong an drum ballad. It refers to the book by the “section” (bu) and tells which one comes next: “The next section is Feihuyu (Flying tiger ravine), where Judge Shi personally invites Shi Zhong (Huang Tianba).” 下部接着飞虎峪施公親自請施忠. CWFSGA “Sanyimiao” 三義廟, 4.20a. Another appears in Xuanfeng an (Wannan), 9.4b: “If you gentlemen want to keep reading/watching, I’ll perform Guojiu bai zhen (the Imperial Uncle’s battle formation) until it’s clear. Xuanfeng an is over at the ninth volume (juan) . . . it is followed by Imperial Uncle’s Battle Formation” 明公要是往下看國舅擺陣表个清旋風案至卷九終 . . . 下接國舅擺陣. 12 See the manuscript vendor catalogs reprinted in Huang Shizhong, Li Fang, and Guan Jinhua, eds., Zidishu quan ji, 10:4358–402. 13 Hu Hung-po notes that the structure of the lithographically printed Liu Gong an drum ballad is quite loose and suggests that it may have been pieced together from other drum ballads that circulated independently. Hu Hung-po, “Qingmo Minchu xiuxiang guci bai sanshi zhong zonglun,” 225. One study of court-case novels analyzes long-term versus short-term suspense as a function of the context or demands of storytelling. See Miao Huaiming, Zhongguo gudai gongan xiaoshuo shi lun, 101–2. I would suggest that at least in the case of the drum ballad texts it could just as well be a function of the manner of circulation of the written text. Still, the idea of the daily installment posed by the rental texts, which are supposed to be read at a rate of one booklet per day, does parallel in intriguing ways the traditional practices of storytelling, where the audience is supposed to go to the storyteller’s house once every day. See Børdahl and Ross, Chinese Storytellers. 14 For example, only one section title appears in Xuanfeng an (Wannan), at the very beginning of the book. At the beginning of most juan it says Xinke Xuanfeng an

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juan # (新刻)旋風案卷#. The secondjuan has no title. Each juan is ten double pages, and it just cuts off with whatever fits, even in the middle of a sentence. 15 Examples of volume titles in Xuanfeng an (Huangyi) include “Newly carved Judge Liu leaves the capital and goes to Shandong to investigate treason, volume one” 新刻劉大人山[出]京下山東查叛卷之一部 or “Newly carved The Case of the Whirlwind section two volume five” 新刻旋風案第二部第五卷. This edition appears to be copied from an earlier text. Juan divisions printed inside the text do not correspond to new juan/pagination (see 1.8a, 1.14b); these often refer to sections (bu 部), but the text is not really organized in sections. 16 The edition of Xuanfeng an printed in Huangyi, Shandong, is dated 1894. Chaoben Lü mudan is probably copied from a lithographic edition; although it claims to be illustrated, it is not, and the format is consistent with lithographic drum ballads. The earliest known lithographic drum ballad is from 1882, but drum ballads were not printed lithographically in quantity until after 1905. See Li Yu et al., Zhongguo guci zongmu, 18–28. Since Chaoben Lü mudan is in the collection of the office of entertainment for the Qing palace, the Shengpingshu, it must have been copied before 1911. 17 Li Xuemei et al., Zhongguo guci wenxue fazhan shi, 162–233. 18 Li Xuemei’s discussion of the Chewangfu manuscripts revolves around the issue of their dating. She uses phrases referring to the Qianlong emperor within the texts to suggest that they were created in that era and transcribed or copied later. See Zhongguo guci wenxue fazhan shi, 221–22. She largely tries to subsume the features of the Chewangfu manuscripts under those she had described for the “drum ballads in sections” (butou guci). 19 When the drum ballads were printed in Shanghai, this changed. For example, the lithographic edition of Huitu Lü mudan guci quanzhuan carries the same preface as the novel. 20 For zidishu, see Chiu, Bannermen Tales. For Shipai shu, see Blader, “A Critical Study of San-Hsia Wu-Yi,” 99. 21 See the manuscript vendor catalogs reprinted in Huang Shizhong, Li Fang, and Guan Qinghua, eds., Zidishu quan ji, 10:4358–4402. The listings for Qingshi shan in the catalogs of Baiben Zhang, Bieyetang, and Leshantang appear on pp. 4377, 4389, and 4401, respectively. The notice of discounts appears at the end of one of the extant copies of the Baiben Zhang catalog, p. 4378; the note about a separate catalog for Longtu gongan is at the end of the Leshantang catalog, p. 4401. A string of cash was equivalent to one hundred cash (wen 文). In this case, Longtu gongan is the title of an antecedent of the novel Three Heroes and Five Gallants (Sanxia wuyi). For a discussion of the relationship between the Shipai shu manuscripts and the novel, see Blader, “A Critical Study of San -Hsia Wu-Yi,” 119–60. 22 See Li Jiarui, “Qingdai Beijing mantou pu zulin changben de gaikuang,” 135. 23 See Paul Vierthaler, “Analyzing Printing Trends,” especially the analysis of book size, 109–12. Vierthaler notes that the mean size of texts is 273 square centimeters; those under 221 square centimeters can be considered small-format texts. He defines “very small format” as 180 square centimeters or smaller.

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24 Vierthaler’s analysis of “information density” makes for an interesting comparison. He finds that larger texts do not have higher information density; therefore large-format texts can essentially be seen as large-print luxury editions. Vier- thaler, 112–16. 25 I am grateful to Robert Hegel for pointing out the evidence of the illiterate block cutter on March 16, 2012. 26 One volume is only four pages long. 27 Influential works on the nature of oral traditions include Lord,The Singer of Tales; Walter J. Ong, Orality and Literacy; Goody, The Interface between the Written and the Oral; Bauman, Story, Performance, and Event; Foley, The Singer of Tales in Performance. For a discussion of the applicability of such theories to the Chinese case, see Børdahl and Wan, “Introduction.” 28 Børdahl, Wu Song Fights the Tiger, 233–54. 29 Finnegan, Literacy and Orality, 178. 30 Jauss and Benzinger, “Literary History as a Challenge to Literary Theory,” 12–13. 31 Dubrow, Genre; Linda Hutcheon, Narcissistic Narrative. 32 Foley, How to Read an Oral Poem, especially 39. Foley discusses four general categories he considers oral poetry: oral performance, voiced texts, voices from the past, and written oral poems. “Voices from the past” includes texts like the Illiad and the Odyssey that were composed according to the rules of oral poetry and “bear a telltale compositional stamp,” but for which the performance context cannot be directly observed. Foley, 45–47. “Written oral poems” is a category for works that were written for readers but use the conventions of familiar performance traditions as their channel of communication—either by authors who “‘sang’ on the page” or by those who harnessed “the cultural and political mo- mentum of an oral tradition to speak through [their] own textual voice[s] . . . translating between media.” See Foley, 50–53. 33 On oral contexts for written texts, see McLaren, Chinese Popular Culture and Ming Chantefables, 38; and Bäuml, “Medieval Texts,” 41–43. 34 Iguchi Junko, Zhongguo beifang nongcun de kouchan wenhua, 42–45. Judge Liu in the storytelling repertoire will be discussed in chapter 5. 35 A poem by Lu You 陸游 (1125–1210) mentions “Setting sun, old willows at Zhao Family Village / A blind old man with a drum is performing. / After you die, who cares about the rights and wrongs? / The whole village is listening to him tell of Cai Zhonglang.” 斜陽古柳趙家莊, 負鼓盲翁正作場. 身後是非誰管得! 滿村聽說蔡中郎. Zheng Zhenduo, Zhongguo suwenxue shi, 2:384. 36 Li Jiarui notes that Shi Yukun was a very famous storyteller in the Xianfeng period. Li Jiarui, “Cong Shi Yukun de Longtu gongan shuo dao Sanxia wuyi.” 37 For a pioneering study of the music of drum songs, see Catherine Stevens, “ Peking Drumsinging.” For drum song practices in the 1980s and 1990s, see Lawson, Narrative Arts of Tianjin. Both of these analyze drum songs in urban contexts. Ma Chunlian and Lin Da transcribe musical excerpts of five long drum songs in Heluo dagu chuantong dashu xuan, 160–217, 326–39, 436–55, 607–21, 780–90; while Iguchi Junko analyzes and transcribes the music in rural contexts in Zhongguo beifang nongcun de kouchan wenhua, 113–39, 209–23.

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38 Idema, “Prosimetric and Verse Narrative,” 361. Few sources are available for performance aspects before 1950. For drum ballads, see the report on Tianjin performers, “Tianjin shi quyi diaocha baogao” 天津市曲藝調查報告 (1954), cited by Li Xuemei et al., Zhongguo guci wenxue fazhan shi, 246–48; and the section on famous storytellers and their lineages in Iguchi Junko, Zhongguo beifang nongcun de kouchan wenhua, 41–47. 39 Mupi guci 木皮鼓詞 by Jia Fuxi 賈凫西 (1590–1674), the earliest work to use the term “drum ballad” in its title, is often cited as an early example of the drum ballad form, though some scholars consider it a “literati imitation” of a popular form. Ni Zhongzhi, Zhongguo quyi shi, 307–8; Hu Shiying, Huaben xiaoshuo gailun, 2:373; Zhao Jingshen, Guci xuan, 3. For an interpretation of Mupi guci, see Yingzhi Zhao, “Literati Use of Oral or Oral-Related Genres,” 89–106. Zheng Zhenduo argues for the short dagu texts as excerpts of guci, while Zhao Jing- shen says they are structurally distinct. See Zheng Zhenduo, Zhongguo suwen xue shi, 401; and Zhao Jingshen, Guci xuan, 17. 40 Iguchi Junko, Zhongguo beifang nongcun de kouchuan wenhua, 95. 41 Biographies of performers in Tianjin, Laoting, and Shandong show that they would sometimes switch genres—from opera to drum songs to prose storytelling (pingci 平詞)—and clearly stories travelled across these closely related genres within a region as well. For example, in Shandong during the late Qing and early Republic, stories about Judge Liu were performed in Shandong dagu 山東大鼓, Donglu dagu 東路大鼓, Xihe dagu 西河大鼓, Shandong yugu 山東‌ 漁‌鼓, Shandong pingci 山東平詞, xiangsheng 相聲, and Shandong qinshu 山東‌ 琴書‌ . See Iguchi, Zhongguo beifang nongcun de kouchuan wenhua, 41–45; Zhongguo quyi zhi: Shandong juan, 645–72; and the 1954 report on Tianjin per formers cited by Li Xuemei et al., Zhongguo guci wenxue fazhan shi, 246–48. Besides dagu, Shandong qinshu would also be considered a form of “drum tune” (guqu 鼓曲) by Wang Jingshou. For a broad overview of this wide category, see Wang Jingshou, Zhongguo quyi yishu lun, 273–79. 42 Zheng Zhenduo, Zhongguo suwenxue shi, 2:401. 43 “Guci” in Zhongguo dabaike quanshu: Xiqu, quyi, 93. Cf. “Quyi quzhong” 曲藝‌ 曲種‌ in ibid., 306. Iguchi Junko quotes Zhang Hongyi, Muban dagu (1986) on forerunners of modern drum songs in the Kangxi-Qianlong era. Iguchi Junko, Zhongguo beifang nongcun de kouchuan wenhua, 52. A memorial on folk opera dated Qianlong 45 (1780) notes that a lot of the material for plays came from novels or drum ballads, which suggests that drum ballads were fairly well- known by that time. Zhu Jiapu and Ding Ruqin, eds., Qingdai neiting yanju shimo kao, 58. 44 Iguchi Junko quotes Zhongguo xiqu quyi cidian saying Laoting dagu was popular in east Hebei and Dongbei. Iguchi Junko, Zhongguo beifang nongcun de kou chuan wenhua, 31. For the performers’ ties, see Iguchi Junko, 22, 26, 40, 42, 46. 45 See Iguchi Junko, Zhongguo beifang nongcun de kouchuan wenhua, 40. Iguchi cites Shuoshuo Laoting dagu saying that an early performer in the Laoting area, Liu Jingting, was from Shanhaiguan. Another Laoting dagu performer, Yang Jiu chang (1852–1932), studied pingshu 評書 storytelling in Dongbei; he became

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famous for performing Laoting dagu in the area around Shenyang. Iguchi Junko, Zhongguo beifang nongcun de kouchuan wenhua, 33, 42. Peng Zhenyong (1886–1975) performed Laoting dagu in Hebei and Dongbei. There were strong ties of commerce between Laoting, Hebei, and the “area outside the pass” (guan wai 關外) including Shenyang, so there were close ties between performers in Laoting and Dongbei (especially Fushun 撫順 and Shenyang). Iguchi Junko, 46. Laoting was also the site of an imperial estate (huangzhuang 皇庄) and developed ties with Beijing that way. Iguchi Junko, 36, 47 n 8. 46 “Iron Clapper” (tieban) refers to an important instrument in some styles of drum song performance, including Laoting dagu. 47 Zhu Jiapu and Ding Ruqin, eds., Qingdai neiting yanju shimo kao, 306. 48 Zhou Yibai, Zhongguo xijushi changbian, 530. 49 Zhu Jiapu and Ding Ruqin, eds., Qingdai neiting yanju shimo kao, 371. 50 Zhu Jiapu and Ding Ruqin, eds., Qingdai neiting yanju shimo kao, 306. 51 The Shengpingshu archives contain an amazing wealth of detail on what was performed where, by whom, when, and how much they were paid. Many of the files have been reprinted. For the edict, see Zhiyi dang 旨意當 (Edict files), 8th day of the 12th month of Guangxu 29 (1903), in Zhongguo guojia tushuguan cang Qing gong Shengpingshu dang’an jicheng 46:24367–68; for payments to drum song artists recorded in 1897, 1903, and 1904, see ibid., 39:20842, 46:24380, 46:24386, 46:24668, 46:24674, 46:24770, and 46:24780. Both long and short performances of drum songs appear in the palace records, ranging from a four- hour performance of drum songs and shibuxian 什不閑 (ten non-stop, a northern performance form) in 1893 to fifteen-minute performances of drum songs in 1903. See ibid., 38:20406, 39:20627, 39:20695, 46:24446, and 46:24459. 52 Ma Chunlian and Lin Da, Heluo dagu chuantong dashu xuan. 53 Iguchi Junko, Zhongguo beifang nongcun de kouchuan wenhua, 84–86. 54 Interview with Zhao Enchao 趙恩潮 in November 1993, remembering how his teacher Li Enke 李恩科 taught him. From Iguchi Junko, Zhongguo beifang nongcun de kouchuan wenhua, 95–96. 55 Speech by Laoting dagu performer Zhang Xuepu 張學圃 in August 1990, from Iguchi Junko, Zhongguo beifang nongcun de kouchuan wenhua, 96. 56 Iguchi Junko, Zhongguo beifang nongcun de kouchuan wenhua, 94–96. 57 Iguchi Junko, Zhongguo beifang nongcun de kouchuan wenhua, 97. 58 For more on this issue, see the discussion of “living” versus “dead” words in Lin Da, “Heluo dagu chuantong dashu xuan”; and Ma Chunlian and Lin Da, Heluo dagu chuantong dashu xuan, 19–29. 59 See, for instance, Xiuxiang Bailing ji (Yixingtang), 1.11a; and Xinke Jinan fu (Huangyi), 4.1a. 60 Børdahl, Wu Song Fights the Tiger, 33. 61 Luomahu (Shenyang), 7.13b. 62 Li Xuemei et al., Zhongguo guci wenxue fazhan shi, 212. Several of the stories included in Heluo dagu chuantong dashu xuan end with a reference to the story with the phrase, “Thisben is [title] . . .” 這本是. . . . See Ma Chunlian and Lin Da, eds., Heluo dagu chuantong dashu xuan, 159, 325, and 425.

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63 Li Xuemei et al., Zhongguo guci wenxue fazhan shi, 212–14. 64 See, for example, the reference to “half a fascicle of leftover story” 残书半卷 in the woodblock ballad Xinke Na Guotai, 8.1a. This would seem to substitute a “textual” unit (juan) for the “performance” unit feng 封 that usually appears in this set phrase. 65 As we have seen above, in the Chewangfu manuscript drum ballads these short sections are only rarely labeled hui. They are usually about 2000 characters long. This is similar to the length ofdagu or danxian segments, which would take around thirty minutes to perform. See Børdahl, Wu Song Fights the Tiger, 172. The first “section”bu ( ) of the woodblock drum ballad Hongqigou is 3190 characters long. This falls within the range of sessions of longdagu storytelling performed in the last few decades. The excerpt from a 1993 Laoting dagu performance Iguchi transcribes in her appendix is 2424 characters long; it was around twenty minutes long in performance. See Iguchi Junko, Zhongguo beifang nong cun de kouchuan wenhua, 169–208 and 129. “Chapter” 1 of Shuangsuo gui is 4781 characters long in the transcription in Ma and Lin, Heluo dagu chuantong dashu xuan, 223–35. They do not specify how long the story took to perform. 66 The concept of oral “formulae” became very influential after Lord’s studyThe Singer of Tales posited them as an integral part of composition in performance. Since then, there have been many studies of “formulae” in oral performance; the significance of their presence in texts has been hotly debated as to whether they are a sure sign of oral derivation or a mark of pseudo-oral imitation. In genres related to drum ballads, Susan Blader has explored the presence of formulae in the Shipai shu in the Chewangfu collection, while Vibeke Børdahl examined “stock phrases” that could be of either written or oral origin in several texts of drum songs (dagu) and related forms. See Blader, “A Critical Study of San-Hsia Wu-Yi,” 108–18; and Børdahl, Wu Song Fights the Tiger, 168–203. For the prose genres formulae are less useful. Liangyan Ge demonstrates an alter- nate way of examining shared material through narrative structure in chapter 3 of Out of the Margins, 64–100. 67 Bauman, Verbal Art as Performance. 68 Foley, How to Read an Oral Poem, 91. 69 The saying “draw a snake and add legs” (huashe tianzu 畫蛇添足) means to ruin the effect by overdoing it. 70 I take pian shu 偏书 to be homophonic or orthographic substitution for bian shu 编书‌ . Bian shu is ambiguous—it can mean “weaving a story” in oral telling or “compiling a book” in written form. 71 CWFSGA “Gucheng xian” 故城縣, 3.1a–b. 72 QMCWF “Jurong xian” 1.11b–12b; Cf. LGA, 215–16. 73 Hanan, The Chinese Short Story, 197. 74 See chap. 3, “The Narrative Pattern,” in Liangyan Ge,Out of the Margins, 64–100; and Liangyan Ge, “In Search of a ‘Common Storehouse of Convention.’” 75 “Old tales” (guci 古詞) is probably a homophonic variant for “drum ballad” (guci). 76 See QMCWF “Jiangning fu” 4.29a–b; Cf. LGA, 67–68. 77 Chou Jiang, “Chewangfu quben chaoben guci,” 58.

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78 Hongqigou (Kuanchengzi), 4.12.6b. 79 While Liu Gong an avoids such description, other court-case ballads incorporate more martial elements. For instance, Hongqigou focuses more on Judge Shi’s martial helpers than on the judge himself. Yet this does not mean it revels in descriptions of the martial arts. Hongqigou spends a good part of the drum ballad establishing a spectacularly constructed, unassailable bandit’s lair, and the reader might expect an impressive battle as the climax of the tale. Instead, as in Liu Gong an, the focus is on relationships and problem solving. In the end, the heroes in Hongqigou do not fight their way through the defenses of the bandit lair; instead, they turn the bandit leader to their side. See chapter 3 for analysis of this story. 80 Verses on battle include descriptions of “the eighteen styles of martial arts,” “two-person battle,” “three-person battle,” “army and horses entering the battle field,” and “two generals comparing their skills.” Iguchi Junko,Zhongguo bei fang nongcun de kouchuan wenhua, 99. 81 Many forms of Chinese traditional drama were organized by role types including the lead male (sheng 生), lead female (dan 旦), painted face (jing 淨), and clown (chou 丑) roles. 82 CWFSGA “Zhuo xuanfeng” 捉旋风, 1.9a. 83 The relationship of the court-case ballads to each other and to other court-case fiction will be addressed in chapter 4. 84 CWFSGA “Gucheng xian,” 3.17b. 85 QMCWF “Jiangning fu,” 1.9b; cf. LGA, 6. 86 In many performance traditions and performance-related texts, asserting a basis in truth is another way to appeal to tradition. See Foley’s discussion of the guslar’s prologue in How to Read an Oral Poem, 91. 87 This has some similarities to the “segments” that make up “sequences” in Liangyan Ge’s analysis of the narrative structure of Shuihu zhuan. See Ge, Out of the Margins, 68–81. 88 Hongqigou (Kuanchengzi), 1.1.1b. 89 Hongqigou (Kuanchengzi), 4.7.1b. 90 Ma Chunlian and Lin Da, eds., Heluo dagu chuantong dashu xuan. Similar phrases appear in the stories transcribed from recordings, including the huokou 活口 (improvised) story Shuangsuo gui recorded from Wang Zhoudao’s performance in 2005. See ibid., 252 as well as 53, 86, 93, and 119. 91 Of course, one cannot rule out the possibility that the recent performances were influenced by texts. 92 Bailing ji (Nanyang), 1.5a. 93 Hongqigou (Kuanchengzi), 1.1.7a. 94 Hongqigou (Kuanchengzi), 4.6.9a. 95 Børdahl, Wu Song Fights the Tiger, 221–26, 316–17. 96 Børdahl, Wu Song Fights the Tiger, 333–37. 97 Børdahl, Wu Song Fights the Tiger, 336. 98 I suspect that the gu 古 (“ancient”) in guduan may be a homophonic substitution for gu 鼓 (“drum”).

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99 One exception is at the beginning of the CWFSGA “Huangxingzhuang” 黃興莊, 1.1a. Another appears in the QMCWF “Daming fu” 大明府, 1.1a. 100 A mu was one-sixth of an acre. 101 Xinke Liu Gong an quanzhuan Bailing ji, in Xiuxiang Liu Gong an (Huangyi), 4.1a–b. 102 In the English translation, words are doubled up to reflect the original positions of this special orthography in the line of verse, since strictly maintaining the Chinese word order in the translation is impossible. With the exception of this single example, this book will not attempt to reproduce the “doubled up” orthography in quoted passages. Instead such characters will appear as smaller characters in the quoted texts. 103 Cf. Liu Gong an sanzhong: Bailing ji, 10.2b; and the passage from Shuangbiao ji 雙‌鏢‌記 quoted in Li Yu et al., Qingdai muke guci xiaoshuo kaolüe, 2:1177–78. 104 Iguchi Junko, Zhongguo beifang nongcun de kouchuan wenhua, 94–96. In contemporary performance, xiaoduan is a term used by drum song (dagu) storytellers for relatively fixed verse passages. Ibid. Iguchi Junko compares a traditional zidishu text with a dagu performance from 1988 and notes the astonish- ing e xtent to which the text is remembered exactly in the oral tradition. Ibid., 71. About one-fifth of the words vary. 105 Xuanfeng an (Tianjin), 4.1.1a. 106 Cui Yunhua notes similarities between muyushu, tanci, and zidishu in their opening poems on the creation of the work. She interprets this commonality as one kind of evidence of the interaction of the cultures of the three regions producing these traditions: Guangdong, Jiangnan, and the North, respectively. Cui Yunhua, Xiaoshi de minyao, 48–49. From her examples, I would note that many of the opening poems display a self-conscious “author,” and some, such as the muyushu, also refer to the textual unit (volume or juan). 107 Würzbach, Rise of the English Street Ballad, especially 40, and 46–47. 108 A rare mention of writing the story occurs in CWFSGA “Huangxingzhuang,” 1.21b. “We’ll say no more of that. A single pen can’t write of two places” 这个‌ 话占‌ [暫]且不表正是一直[枝]笔难写两处事. 109 It is possible that these “concise” editions exclude guduan passages simply to cut costs. The Wannan edition of Xuanfeng an covers in ten double pages what the Tianjin edition takes thirty-two double pages to tell—so it is only about one- third the length. 110 The short drum songs are strongly associated with female drumsingers. Zhong guo quyi zhi: Hebei juan suggests that in the late Qing long drum ballads evolved from medium-length ones to meet the demands of fixed storytelling venues in cities. Both trends seem to have occurred at the same time; memoirs collected from storytellers in the 1950s show some storysingers opted to tell longer stories if they felt their singing of short drum songs was not competi- tive. For example, in the Tianjin survey, one male performer said Lihua dagu had previously specialized in short segments, but when it was performed in fixed teahouses in the 1920s, the performers switched to long stories to keep the audience coming back. Interviews of Tianjin artist Zhang Taixiang by

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Central Academy of Music in 1952–53, quoted in Li Xuemei et al., Zhongguo guci wenxue fazhan shi, 247–48. 111 See Iguchi Junko, Zhongguo beifang nongcun de kouchuan wenhua, 86. 112 Often performers specialize in one or the other, but in training they learnxiao duan before dashu. Iguchi Junko, Zhongguo beifang nongcun de kouchuan wen hua, 94. 113 See the CWFSGA “Huangxingzhuang,” 7.1a. 114 The analogy of dialogue markers to punctuation I make here is inspired by a study of the reading contexts of Old English verse. Early practice did not need punctuation because of its close relationship to performance—“the early pau- city of pointing speaks to a tacit understanding that a reader of verse brought the necessary interpretive information to the text, aided by memory and by a deep familiarity with the formulaic conventions of Old English verse. Increas- ingly consistent pointing in the manuscripts of Old English verse indexes the growing textuality of the verse and the distance of the reader from vital oral tradition.” O’Brien O’Keefe, Visible Song, 153–54. 115 Vibeke Børdahl’s work on actual storytellers’ scripts of Yangzhou storytelling supports this point of view. In the two true aides-memoire she studies, dialogue markers are absent in one. In the other they take the classical form yue 曰. In performance, tags marking dialogue are absent. Børdahl, “Storytellers’ Scripts in the Yangzhou Pinghua Tradition,” 249, 255, 265, 269. For a reprint and more discussion of a storyteller’s script, see Børdahl and Ge, eds., Western Han. The use of such dialogue markers may be genre-specific. See the discussion of dialogue markers in a drum tale, dagu 大鼓, text in Børdahl, “A Drum Tale on ‘Wu Song Fights the Tiger,’” 80–82. 116 CWFSGA “Gucheng xian,” 2.6a. 117 Xinke Bailing ji (Huangyi), 2.30a; Bailing ji (Nanyang), 7.5a. 118 Only less than a third of the chapters in Liu Gong an end with any kind of suspense, and those concentrate heavily on two particular cases. 119 McLaren, Chinese Popular Culture and Ming Chantefables, 112–13. 120 QMCWF “Jiangning fu,” 4.35a; Cf. LGA, 70. There is another instance, “Come tomorrow and I’ll tell it” 明日前来讲分明, at the end of a chapter in QMCWF “Jurong xian,” 1.21b; Cf. LGA, 221. 121 Lü mudan wushiyi, 26. 122 It is interesting that quite a number of the end-of-chapter stock phrases can refer both to the situation of reading and to that of observing a performance. 123 Transcription of a 2005 recording of Wang Zhoudao’s performance of Shuangsuo gui, in Ma Chunlian and Lin Da, Heluo dagu chuantong dashu xuan, 278. Similar references to continuing the story tomorrow or in the “afternoon” appear on 319 and 235, respectively. The presence of these stock phrases in an improvised long story suggests they may have been part of performance traditions; however, once again, influence from written or printed drum ballads cannot be ruled out. 124 See Børdahl, “Storytelling, Stock Phrases and Genre Conventions.” 125 E.g. in the first section bu( ) there are five breaks, of which three have end-of- chapter stock phrases (1.3a, 1.5b, 1.11b), while the other two breaks with none

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(1.4b, 1.8b) leave blank space and the story starts up again on the next page. Sections 12–16 have sixteen segments, of which ten are missing end-of-chapter stock phrases. So based on sections 1, and 12–16, there are twenty sections and eight stock phrases. 126 Additional end-of-chapter stock phrases in Chaoben Lü mudan (n.p.) come in the “middle” of numbered chapters, e.g. pp. 177, 205, 299, 324. 127 End-of-chapter stock phrases are absent in Chaoben Lü mudan (n.p.) on pp. 197, 230, 248, 254, 284, 338, 355. End-of-chapter stock phrases appear in the middle of numbered chapters on pp. 177, 205, 299, 324. 128 See fig. 2.4 for padding words at the end of lines of verse. 129 Børdahl and Ge, Western Han. 130 Zhu Jiapu and Ding Ruqin, Qingdai neiting yanju shimo kao, 155. 131 Zhu Jiapu and Ding Ruqin, Qingdai neiting yanju shimo kao, 325. 132 Brokaw, Commerce in Culture, 504. 133 CWFSGA “Huangxingzhuang,” 1.1b, 1.3a. 134 McLaren, Chinese Popular Culture and Ming Chantefables, 52. 135 Fan Pen Li Chen, Chinese Shadow Theatre, 200. See also her appendix on “Suzi: Non-Standard Orthography,” 199–206. 136 Brokaw, Commerce in Culture, 504. 137 McLaren, Chinese Popular Culture and Ming Chantefables, 52. 813 McLaren, Chinese Popular Culture and Ming Chantefables, 52. 139 McLaren, Chinese Popular Culture and Ming Chantefables, 42. 140 Research has shown that bannermen tales, zidishu, appeal to an elite, well- educated audience. For the audience and aesthetic of zidishu, see Goldman, “The Nun Who Wouldn’t Be”; and Chiu, Bannermen Tales. 141 Berezkin, “Printing and Circulating ‘Precious Scrolls,’” especially 161–67.

Chapter Three

1 Moretti, Atlas of the European Novel, 3. 2 Moretti’s analysis of the use of space in Jane Austen’s novels provides a stimulat- ing jumping-off point. The map he constructs, with different spacesr epresenting different forces (such as rural elites versus new money and social mobility), reveals the central issues in the novels, which Moretti reads as also being issues of the nation in the author’s day. Moretti, Atlas of the European Novel, 18–20. Leaving aside the issue of whether the traditional Chinese novel represents the nation, this chapter extrapolates on Moretti’s idea. How do drum ballads, as a form of regional literature, imagine their region? 3 Even “national” stories adapted into local forms can provide an interesting window on conceptions of the local and its relationship to other identities. See Børdahl’s analysis of the “local” in Yangzhou pinghua in “Layers of the Local.” 4 See Wan, “Local Fiction of the Yangzhou Region”; McLaren, “Folk Epics from the Lower Yangtze Delta Region”; and Iguchi Junko, Zhongguo beifang nongcun de kouchuan wenhua, 53.

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5 For Liu Yong, see Hummel, Eminent Chinese of the Ch’ing Period, 536–37; for Shi Shilun, Hummel, 653–54. See also Liu Xiangyu, Liu Yong nianpu. 6 QMCWF vol. 16, “Cangzhou” 蒼州, 3.15a. 7 South Zhili was a province under the Ming; in 1645 it was renamed Jiangnan, and in 1667, Jiangnan was divided into the provinces of Jiangsu and Anhui. Finnane, Speaking of Yangzhou, 29. 8 QMCWF “Lianhua an” 蓮花庵, 2.11b; LGA, 123. There is a similar but more elaborate description of the shops in six lines of verse in Jiangdu xian, 5.9a. 9 QMCWF vol. 12, “Shengshui miao” 圣水庙, 1.13a; LGA, 327. 10 QMCWF “Lianhua an,” 2.12a–b; LGA, 123–24. 11 On fire brigades in Beijing, see Naquin,Peking: Temples and City Life, 655. 12 QMCWF vol. 12, “Shengshui miao,” 1.8b; LGA, 325. 13 QMCWF vol. 15, “Cangzhou,” 1.2b. 14 QMCWF vol. 1, “Jiangning fu,” 2.7a–b; LGA, 24. 15 QMCWF vol. 1, “Jiangning fu,” 2.9a; LGA, 24–25. 16 QMCWF vol. 1, “Jiangning fu,” 2.9a; LGA, 25. A very similar reference occurs in another episode: “You sitting here, have you ever been to Jinling? If you have, you know this story is true. Nowadays, née Jiao’s shrine is there, and Lu Jian- ming still burns incense to her.” QMCWF vol. 11, “Shahe yi,” 3.29a–b; LGA, 319. 17 In one episode set in the area around Nanjing, Judge Liu goes undercover as a bun seller. The innkeeper makes a crude joke about how that northern snack (ying mian bobo 硬面饽饽) would never go over in the South. QMCWF vol. 5, “Cui hua an” 翠花庵, 1.18a. In “Yuanyang an” 鸳鸯案 the narrator refers twice to Judge Liu’s home in Shandong, and once to Judge Liu as “that man from Zhucheng County, Shandong” 山东朱[諸?]城县的人. QMCWF vol. 3, “Yuan yang an,” 2.18a. The episode “Shengshui miao” refers at one point to Judge Liu speaking Shandong dialect when he is frightened. QMCWF vol. 12, “Shengshui miao,” 2.15a. 18 CWFSGA “Huai’an fu” 淮安府, 1.7a. 19 Judge Shi is explicitly identified as a bannerman in the episodes “Taohuasi” 桃花寺, “Sanyi miao,” “Zhuo xuanfeng,” and “Xing ci.” 20 CWFSGA vol. 15, “Sanyi miao,” 1.11a. The last sentence must be meant as a joke, since the nickname Buquan refers to Judge Shi’s deformities. 21 Ge is a term for “money” in Shandong dialect, attested in a ballad written by Pu Songling. See Dong Zunzhang, Yuan Ming Qing baihua, 159. The orthography is different; Pu Songling wrotege 蛤 while Liu Gong an uses ge 个, but since these are homophones and the meaning is the same it must be the same usage. 22 CWFSGA vol. 48, “Zhuo xuanfeng,” 3.10b. In keeping with the reference to his southern accent, the official uses the first-person pronoun wu 吾 fairly consistently. 23 CWFSGA vol. 48, “Zhuo xuanfeng,” 1.17a and 1.18b, respectively. Elsewhere, Judge Shi’s ability to speak or write Manchu is mentioned, and this ability sometimes takes on strategic importance for maintaining the secrecy of his plans. For more on the use of regional language in the drum ballads, see Margaret Wan, “Drum Ballads and Northern Vernacular in the Qing.”

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24 CWFSGA vols. 10–11. 25 The Manchu official decides to pay Judge Shi off rather than risk accusations of lèse-majesté. At that point, Judge Shi has to find a way to keep the money to pay for the barges without any of the other officials present reporting it, which would ruin his reputation. He arranges a banquet, ostensibly to thank everyone. Since the emperor has declared a period of abstinence from meat in order to pray for rain, Judge Shi has vegetarian noodles served. Unbeknownst to his guests, he has medicine put in the noodles that will make the guests throw up. When they do, he collects basins of fish and meat, proving that every one of the other officials present had violated the proscription on meat. With that incident to hold over them, Judge Shi’s secret method of funding the grain barges is safe from exposure. 26 Idema, Judge Bao and the Rule of Law, xxxiv. 27 Idema, Judge Bao and the Rule of Law, xxvi. 28 See QMCWF “Duchayuan,” 2.21b–22a. Similarly, in the episode immediately following “Duchayuan” in the Chewangfu manuscript, the focus of the story is on a corrupt county official, Qian Bixi錢碧喜 (puns on “money must make happy”), who is in cahoots with bandits. The people call him “money string” (qian chuanzi 錢串子) because he’s always looking for bribes. QMCWF, “Cang- zhou,” 1.1b. 29 Idema, Judge Bao and the Rule of Law, xxvi. Yang Jialuo, ed., Ming Chenghua shuo chang cihua congkan, 317–54. 30 Idema, Judge Bao and the Rule of Law, xxvi. 31 QMCWF “Cuihua an,” 2.3b–4b. This case is discussed in chapter 4. 32 QMCWF “Yuanyang an,” 1.7b. 33 Y. W. Ma, “Themes and Characterization,” 195–97. 34 Despite the fact that the historical Liu Yong was from Shandong, that province rarely figures in the settings of the Chewangfu manuscript Liu Gong an. 35 In the ballad, the boy’s father was a local elite, the richest man in Shandong and a provincial graduate (juren 举人). However, wealth plays no role in the boy’s quest, and he does not draw upon any particular networks of influence. Instead he goes alone to Beijing to have his case heard. Thus he seems to represent the ordinary man, and is even more vulnerable by virtue of being a child. While Nancy Park mentions that commoners could and did bring cases against officials, in the Qianlong era only three commoners brought charges against a governor or governor-general. Although two of those cases resulted in punishment of the official, in all three cases the commoner was punished. Nancy Park, “Corruption and Its Recompense,” 188–93. Capital appeals were frequent, but in reality a youth was not permitted to present a capital appeal. See Ocko, “I’ll Take It All the Way to Beijing.” In the ballad Judge Liu brings the situation to the emperor’s attention. 36 Bailing ji (Nanyang), 1.3b. 37 Bailing ji (Nanyang), 8.1a. 38 Bailing ji (Nanyang), 10.4a. 39 Bailing ji (Nanyang), 12.4a.

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40 On “native-place” identity and the organizations that fostered it in the late Qing and Republic, see Bryna Goodman, Native Place, City, and Nation. 41 Bailing ji (Nanyang), 7.4a. 42 Bailing ji (Nanyang), 8.3a–4a. 43 The first Lama priest to whom the boy tells his case decides to kill the boy to protect his patron, Guotai. Luckily, a second Lama discovers the boy before he is killed and protects him. 44 Bailing ji (Nanyang), 4.1b. 45 Xia Jinan fu (Beijing), 1.7b. 46 Xia Jinan fu (Beijing), 3.3b–4a. 47 “Minister of Personnel” seems to be an informal reference to the president of the Board of Civil Offices, a post the historical Liu Yong held beginning in 1783. Hummel, Eminent Chinese, 536; Liu Xiangyu, Liu Yong nianpu, 42. 48 Bailing ji (Nanyang), 2.2b. 49 Bailing ji (Nanyang), 2.5a. Such abuses did occasionally occur. In 1808–9 a power- ful local official actually did execute jinshia who was going to expose his corruption. See Waley-Cohen, “Politics and the Supernatural.” 50 Bailing ji (Nanyang), 3.4a. 51 One example is the villain Tong Lin 同林 at the end of Xuanfeng an (Huangyi), 3.21a–22a. Tong Lin takes advantage of high-interest loans to force people off their land, a practice that was attested in nineteenth- and twentieth-century Shandong. 52 Xuanfeng an (Tianjin), 2.1.3b, bolding mine. 53 Shi Gong an (can ben) and Hou Shi Gong an are in the Academia Sinica Fu S su-nien collection, available through the electronic database at the H arvard-Yenching Library. Both of these ballads were printed by Yonghetang 永和‌ 堂‌ , which may be the same Shenyang publisher that printed Luomahu. The emphasis on the “unfamiliarity” of Shenyang seems odd in a text printed in Shenyang unless it originated elsewhere. These are the only drum ballad editions of these stories that I am aware of. However, the Shenyang printers of “bannermen tales” (zidi shu) often reprinted or adapted material first published in Beijing. See Chiu, Bannermen Tales, 285–97. 54 Shi Gong an can ben, 2.3.3a. 55 Shi Gong an can ben, 2.3.8a. 56 The ratios for the Chewangfu Liu Gong an are similar. Six episode titles (55 percent) use “real” place names; four (36 percent) use evocative place names; and one (9 percent) does not use place names. 57 Taking the plays various scholars have listed as part of the series “Ba da na” (Eight great captures) as a cumulative list and categorizing it by place names, out of a total of sixteen play titles, six are named after “real” geographical places: “Huai’an fu” 淮安府, “Dongchang fu” 东昌府, “Yinjiabao” 殷家堡, “Renqiu xian” 任丘县, “Hejian fu” 河间府, and “Luomahu” 骆马湖. Ten are evocative place names: “Bawangzhuang” 霸王庄, “Zhengzhou Miao” 鄭州廟, “Balamiao” 蚆蠟廟, “Lian huantao” 连环套, “Duhuying” 独虎营, “Lihai wu” 里海坞, “Lianhuayuan” 蓮花院, “Guozhou miao” 郭州廟, “Xuejiawo” 薛家窝, and “Ehu cun” 恶虎村.

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The eleven titles in bold print are also titles of episodes in the ChewangfuShi Gong an drum ballad. 58 The category of no place name includes very general place names like an unspec ified “county” or “tiger’s lair.” Half the title page for volume 2 is missing, so it cannot be analyzed. 59 This will be discussed in chapter 5. 60 A seemingly endless cycle of revenge provides the impetus for many episodes of the manuscript Shi Gong an. Judge Shi’s actions bringing bandits to justice in previous episodes sets up danger in the next episode, when their friends learn Judge Shi’s whereabouts. Other versions of the theme either focus on revenge for/by the martial artists, or Huang Tianba convincing the “better” ones to serve Judge Shi. 61 CWFSGA “Luomahu” 落馬湖, 3.18a. 62 Luomahu (Shenyang), 4.3a–4a. 63 CWFSGA “Luomahu,” 6.13a. Yuanxun 院巡, here translated as “His Honor,” is probably a variant for xunfu 巡撫 (provincial governor). 64 Luomahu (Shenyang), 6.13b–15b. z (zha) means “I”; it is a non-standard “shorthand” character (suzi) found in performance-related texts from some parts of North China. Fan Pen Li Chen classifies it as a kind of local script in her intro duction to shorthand characters in the appendix of Chinese Shadow Theatre, 201–6. 65 Luomahu (Shenyang), 7.12b. 66 Luomahu (Shenyang), 8.10b–12b. 67 Luomahu (Shenyang), 10.3b, 4b. 68 Luomahu (Shenyang), 11.5a. 69 For the development of the legend, see chapter 5. Moretti notes that the estates that figure prominently in the happy endings of Jane Austen novels are all imaginary, while the cities where troubles occur are real. He suggests, “Fictional spaces are particularly suited to happy endings, and the wish-fulfillment they usually embody. By contrast, the more pessimistic a narrative structure becomes, the more infrequent are its imaginary spaces.” Moretti, Atlas of the European Novel, 18 n 6. 70 One of the stories on Judge Liu that “travelled” the most (has the most extant woodblock editions) is Xuanfeng an. A very similar story also appears in the Chewangfu manuscript Liu Gong an. However, names and other details link the stories printed in the woodblock ballads together and distance them from the version in the Chewangfu manuscript. As noted in chapter 1, very little of the material found in the Chewangfu manuscript Shi Gong an is reprinted in woodblock ballads. There is no evidence of a textual relationship between the manuscript “Luomahu” and the woodblock drum ballad of the same name. The woodblockShi an qi wen may be more closely related to the Chewangfu manuscript. 71 Joseph Esherick argues that the canal made macroregional boundaries in this area (southern Shandong and northern Jiangsu) fuzzy and permeable. Esherick, Origins of the Boxer Uprising, 6.

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72 The storyteller’s name was Han Guihu 韩圭湖. See Chen Ruheng, Shuoshu shi hua, 12. 73 Mackerras, Rise of the Peking Opera, 136, 146. 74 Zhongguo quyi zhi: Henan juan, 566. Incidentally, Zhongguo quyi zhi: Jiangsu juan suggests some substantial ties between storytellers in Shandong and northern Jiangsu (Xuzhou). 75 Pomeranz, The Making of a Hinterland, 277. Pomeranz also emphasizes that dif ferent parts of this region responded differently to the challenge. While the northern parts integrated with Tianjin, the southern parts refused to join larger networks and became isolated.

Chapter Four

1 Hegel and Carlitz, eds., Writing and Law in Late Imperial China, 13. 2 Hegel, Preface and Introduction to Writing and Law in Late Imperial China, x, 11. 3 Buoye, Manslaughter, Markets, and Moral Economy; Sommer, Sex, Law and Society. 4 Ocko, “Interpretive Communities.” The term “interpretive communities” comes from Stanley Fish, Is There a Text in This Class? 5 Ocko, “Interpretive Communities,” 268. 6 Ocko, “Interpretive Communities,” 263. 7 “However, despite our acknowledgement that the judicial system (from the clerks and runners at the bottom to the emperor at the top) was no more monolithic than were litigants and their communities, we treat them here as undifferen- tiated wholes: the inside and the outside of the system.” Ocko, “Interpretive Communities,” 262. 8 Hummel, Eminent Chinese of the Ch’ing Period, 537. For more on the Guotai case and Heshen’s influence, see Nivison, “Ho-Shen and His Accusers”; and Nancy Park, “Corruption and Its Recompense,” 278–85. 9 For the terms qing, li, and fa, see Philip Huang, Civil Justice in China, 12–13. 10 Xuanfeng an (Tianjin), 2.1.2b. The centrality of facts also figures prominently in the handbook Xiyuan jilu (Washing Away of Wrongs): “Supposing an examination is held to get the facts, the clerks will sometimes accept bribes to alter the reports of the affair. If the officials and clerks suffer for their crimes, that is a minor matter. But, if the facts are altered, the judicial abuse may cost someone his life. Factual accuracy is supremely important.” McKnight, Washing Away of Wrongs, 72. For the same passage in the 1843 edition of Xiyuan jilu, see Giles, “The ‘Hsi Yuan Lu,’” 87. 11 To the extent that it is described, the procedure followed in both the Che- wangfu manuscript Liu Gong an and the woodblock Xuanfeng an for the in- quest is consonant with that prescribed by Qing law and the forensic handbook The Washing Away of Wrongs.See Daniel Asen, “Dead Bodies and Forensic Science,” 39–53; and McKnight, Washing Away of Wrongs, 76–94. Cf. Giles, “The ‘Hsi Yuan Lu,’” 65, 67. See also Asen, “Old Forensics in Practice.”

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12 Xuanfeng an (Tianjin), 4.2.7a. 13 A similar concern with public opinion is clear in Theiss, “Elite Engagement.” Officials worry what people will think, and the public in their accounts is concerned with the fairness of judicial proceedings. When the official gets the verdict wrong, “‘public sentiment was furious with the confounding of right and wrong’” (140). 14 Hegel, “Introduction,” 16. See Buoye, “Suddenly Murderous Intent Arose.” 15 Asen, “Old Forensics in Practice,” 30. The same emphasis on on-site investigation and considering public opinion was still evident in how Ma Xiwu, a model judge in the early Communist era, handled cases. See Cong Xiaoping, “‘Ma Xiwu’s Way of Judging.’” In the case from the early Republican era that Bryna Goodman discusses, the evidence was on the defendant’s side, but public opinion was against him, and he was found guilty. See Goodman, “‘Law Is One Thing, and Virtue Is Another.’” 16 Huang notes that most crimes in the villages were petty theft, and murder was unheard of. Thus “the criminal justice system figured relatively little in the lives of villages. Most village ‘crimes’ were dealt with informally by the community itself, without involving outside authorities. When peasants did come in contact with the formal legal system, it was more often with its civil rather than its criminal arm.” Philip Huang, Civil Justice in China, 46. 17 QMCWF “Cuihua an,” 1.1a; LGA, 132. 18 QMCWF “Cuihua an,” 1.12a; LGA, 138. Nancy Park points out that officials actually were treated differently under the law. The Yongzheng emperor (r. 1723–36) promulgated an edict that defended special judicial treatment of officials as necessary, on the grounds of the traditional wisdom that if officials were subject to the same penalties as commoners, it would damage the prestige of the bureaucracy and the authority of the state. Nancy Park, “Imperial Chi- nese Justice.” 19 QMCWF “Lianhua an,” 2.25a; LGA, 131. 20 QMCWF “Jurong xian,” 2.15b; LGA, 236–37. Zhao was afraid of what a lawsuit would cost. He said to his employee, “When the official asks me about this, how will it ever be straightened out? I’m just afraid that although I’m in the right, the wrong circumstances will make the false true (理正情屈假作真). If they torture me, I’ll confess to something I didn’t do and be a headless wronged ghost.” 21 QMCWF “Daming fu,” 1.10b–11a; LGA, 452. 22 QMCWF “Daming fu,” 2.11a; LGA, 465. 23 Xia Jinan fu (Beijing), 2.3b. 24 Xia Jinan fu (Beijing), 1.5b. 25 Xia Jinan fu (Beijing), 3.9b. The examples given in this passage include executing a local magistrate and imprisoning the imperial envoy, Judge Liu. 26 Xinke Jinan fu (Huangyi), 3.8a. 27 Bailing ji (Beijing), 11.6a–b. 28 Bailing ji (Nanyang), 2.1b. 29 Bailing ji (Nanyang), 11.4b–5a.

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30 If Guotai is clearly abusing his power in the woodblock Na Guotai, a similar pre- dicament occurs with some of the local officials or strongmen in the Chewangfu manuscript Liu Gong an. In the manuscript, however, Judge Liu shows public fearlessness. For example, one local despot, Zhao Tong, is described as absolutely lawless. Judge Liu is told that Zhao Tong’s underlings have influence at every court, and Judge Liu’s predecessor lost his position because of him. Judge Liu says, “Since I took the case, I’ll take down that rascal even if it means losing my post!” QMCWF “Shaheyi,” 1.24a; LGA, 284–85. 31 In the historical case, the Qianlong emperor may have tried to limit the investigation. In the end, he decided on a lighter sentence than his review board recommended, then allowed Guotai to commit suicide rather than be strangled. Nancy Park, “Corruption and Its Recompense,” 280, 282–84. 32 Xinke Jinan fu (Huangyi), 4.22b. 33 Xia Jinan fu (Beijing), 2.9b. Cf. “All you officials, big and small, need to understand the imperial law (huangshang fadu 皇上法度).” Xinke Jinan fu (Huangyi), 2.3a. 34 Xinke Jinan fu (Huangyi), 2.12b, 4.16b. 35 Xinke Jinan fu (Huangyi), 2.12b. Heshen is whitewashed in this ballad; he supports Judge Liu in the investigation, and thus is part of the solution rather than being part of the problem. By giving Guotai connections of his own (a sister who is a concubine), the ballad acknowledges the partiality of the Emperor without involving Heshen in it. 36 Xinke Jinan fu (Huangyi), 2.7b. 37 Rowe, Saving the World, 103. In contrast, in Song Neo-Confucianism, qing or emotions lead people astray. Rowe notes that Chen Hongmou acknowledges the tendency for renqing in the realm of individual actions to become self-interest. Rowe, Saving the World, 107. 38 Lean, Public Passions, 111. 39 Philip Huang, Civil Justice in China, 12–13. 40 QMCWF “Cuihua an,” 1.7b–8a. 41 McKnight, Washing Away of Wrongs, 63. 42 Xuanfeng an (Wannan), 2.7b–8a. The old man’s characterization of Judge Liu in the middle of his advice is fairly positive. He says, “This Judge Liu from Beijing / is no ordinary official passing by, / he is a loyal and good officialzhong ( liang daren 忠良大人) governing the people. / He has thousands of military officials at his beck and call. / Today you were going to hit him with a brick—/ that would be like throwing an egg at Taishan Mountain.” Still, Judge Liu is thought susceptible to bribes. Cf. a “deluxe” woodblock edition, Xuanfeng an (Tianjin), 4.2.5b–6a. Neither version reveals the source of the old man’s knowledge. It is tempting to think that he may have seen trials or inquests before. 43 “Even the most virtuous and frugal of local officials would have found it difficult to operate. . . . Although all ts’un -liu allocations included a category of official salaries, the amounts granted for this purpose were miniscule, comprising neither a living wage nor an administrative budget. Yet, as we have seen, along with runners’ wages, these were almost the only funds legally available to civil officials for the purposes of local government.” Zelin,The Magistrate’s Tael, 37.

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Nancy Park notes, “According to one estimate by an 18th-century Chinese observer, the average yearly expenses for local officials ranged from 5,000 to 10,000 taels, several times more than the income they received from the central government.” Thus officials made up the difference through informal funding sources, including gifts, fees, bribes, and extortion. Park, “Corruption and Its Recompense,” 40–41. 44 QMCWF “Jiangning fu,” 1.4a; LGA, 3. 45 QMCWF “Jiangning fu” 2.11a–b; LGA, 26–27. Usually resuming a normal diet (kaizhai 开斋) would mean eating meat—the joke here is that even then, they still eat vegetarian dishes. 46 Bailing ji (Nanyang), 8.3a. 47 QMCWF “Yuanyang an,” 1.5a–b; LGA, 74. The last two lines are a warning that Judge Liu is watching Governor-General Gao. 48 Nancy Park shows that the Qianlong emperor (r. 1736–95) had no compunction about keeping valuable items, but sent down edicts starting in 1740 discourag- ing or prohibiting tribute from governors or governors-general beyond food- stuffs. Still, his private messages to particular governors berated them for “ordinary” gifts and complimented unusual or expensive ones. “Corruption and Its Recompense,” 51–53. 49 Nancy Park, “Corruption and Its Recompense,” 70. 50 Zelin, The Magistrate’s Tael, 55. 51 Zelin, The Magistrate’s Tael, 55. 52 Park, “Corruption in Eighteenth-Century China,” 979. 53 QMCWF “Yuanyang an,” 1.18b–19a; LGA, 82. 54 QMCWF “Lianhua an,” 2.25b; LGA, 131. 55 QMCWF “Cuihua an,” 2.4b; LGA, 150. 56 QMCWF “Cuihua an,” 2.5a–b; LGA, 150–51. 57 When Judge Liu cracks the impossible murder case, Governor-General Gao thinks, I’d better get him out of Jiangning fu, or I’ll live in fear. So he recommended Liu for promotion. QMCWF “Lianhua an,” 2.9a; LGA, 121. 58 QMCWF “Duchayuan,” 1.16a–b; LGA, 360. 59 Bailing ji (Nanyang), 11.5a–12.1b. 60 Bailing ji (Nanyang), 8.1a–b. 61 Bailing ji (Nanyang), 8.1b–2a. 62 Bailing ji (Nanyang), 8.3a. 63 Park, “Corruption in Eighteenth-Century China,” 999. 64 Park, “Corruption in Eighteenth-Century China,” 999. 65 See the entries on Liu Tongxun and Liu Yong in Hummel, Eminent Chinese of the Ch’ing Period, 534, 536. 66 Liu Xiangyu, “Liu Yong nianpu.” 67 Philip Huang argues that there was a distinction between theory and practice in what li meant in Qing China. “The courts tended on the whole to inter- pret . . . ‘li’ more in terms of daoli, or common-sense reason, than in terms of Confucian tianli, or the moral principle of the universe. . . . The highly moralistic connotations of tianli . . . mattered more in Confucian representations

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of the legal system than in its actual operation.” See Philip Huang, Civil Justice in China, 101. 68 Thus the word “supernatural” is not really applicable in the traditional Chinese context, since, as Katz argues, divine and demonic powers were not seen as outside or beyond the natural world, but as part of it. See Katz, “Indictment Rituals,” 166. 69 Lunyu 7.22; D. C. Lau, The Analects 7.22, p. 61. 70 Leo Tak-hun Chan, Discourse on Foxes and Ghosts, 21. Chan argues that Yuewei caotang biji (Random Jottings at the Cottage of Close Scrutiny), a large collection of zhiguai tales, is the product of Ji Yun’s (1724–1805) own interest in the supernatural, an interest “widespread . . . among people of his social group” (well- educated men). In this collection, Chan argues, “didacticism is . . . a strategic deployment of narrative elements to persuade readers to act morally, a skillful use of anomalous events and phenomena to effect moral edification of the masses” (36). 71 Liensheng Yang, “The concept ofPao ,” 309. 72 Karl S. Y. Kao, “Bao and Baoying,” 120–21. 73 Karl S. Y. Kao, “Bao and Baoying,” 125. 74 Karl Kao gives an overview of Chinese ideas behind baoying in “Bao and Bao ying,” 127–29. “As understood by the popular mind most relevant to the kind of narrative literature under discussion, baoying is basically religious (Buddhist) in nature and in origin, but it does not lack support from the indigenous Chi- nese systems of belief.” He notes that it mixed with Daoist ideas of bao (revenge and recompense) to form a broader, non-religious, moralistic baoying. Kao, “Bao and Baoyang,” 130, 137–38. 75 Chan, Discourse on Foxes and Ghosts, 68–69. 76 Chan, Discourse on Foxes and Ghosts, 74. 77 Hegel, “Introduction,” Writing and the Law, 10; Katz, “Indictment Rituals,” 161–85. 78 Katz, Divine Justice, 55. 79 Judge Shi prays to the Jade Emperor, upright sages (qingtian ren sheng jun 青天人圣君), and Buddha (Rulai Fo 如來佛). 80 CWFSGA “Zhuo xuanfeng,” vols. 2–4. In a somewhat similar case in the Che- wangfu Liu Gong an, Judge Liu gets a stubborn nun to confess by moving the trial to the City God temple. That night, he masquerades as the City God to scare her into admitting her role in the crime. QMCWF “Lianhua an,” 1.17b–2.1a. This story is reminiscent of the famous Judge Bao case where he dressed as Yama, the god of the underworld, to elicit a confession. It appears in a number of places, including the ballad “The Tale of the Humane Ancestor Recognizing His Mother,” translated by Idema in Judge Bao and the Rule of Law, 67–104, and a variation is included in the novel Sanxia wuyi, translated by Susan Blader as Judge Bao and his Valiant Lieutenants, 97–104. 81 QMCWF “Jiangning fu,” 3.12b–13a; LGA, 41–42. 82 QMCWF “Yuanyang an,” 2.17a; LGA, 97. 83 QMCWF “Jiangning fu,” 1.26b; LGA, 16.

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84 Liu’s underling pretends to be a ghost in QMCWF “Jiangning fu,” 1.22b–1.29a; LGA, 14–18. 85 QMCWF “Yuanyang an,” 2.5a–7a; LGA, 90. 86 Hai Rui (1515–87) was an exemplary official in the late Ming. He figures prom inently in Ray Huang, 1587, A Year of No Significance; and also in Handlin, Action in Late Ming Thought. A collection of court-case fiction is named after him: Hai Rui gongan 海瑞公案 (1606 preface). 87 QMCWF “Jurong xian,” 2.9a–b; LGA, 233. 88 QMCWF “Cangzhou,” 1.24b; LGA, 410–11. 89 Xuanfeng an (Shandong), 2.24b. Judge Liu uses similar phrasing in other cases, such as when someone is abusing his position, “How can the cycle of Heavenly Principle allow that?” 天理循環豈肯容. Xuanfeng an (Shandong), 3.24b. 90 Xuanfeng an (Tianjin), 3.4.13a. 91 An episode in the Chewangfu Shi Gong an, “Zhuo xuanfeng” (Catching the whirlwind), also takes its name from a whirlwind. Its plot is unrelated to Xuanfeng an, however, though it does share material with episodes in the Chewangfu Liu Gong an. Whirlwinds or ghostly dreams also appear in several cases in the enduring collection of court-case stories, Longtu gongan. Patrick Hanan notes, “[I]njustices announce themselves through dreams, by whirlwinds, [and] by the behavior of animals and birds.” See Hanan, “Judge Bao’s Hundred Cases Recon- structed,” 315. 92 For more on the relationship of these texts to each other and to oral and written transmission, see chapter 2. 93 The contrast between public face and private thoughts recalls the use of “square mouth” and “round mouth” in the characterization of the hero Wu Song in Yangzhou storytelling. See Børdahl, The Oral Tradition of Yangzhou Storytelling, 85, 200. The ongoing emphasis on Judge Liu’s parsimony also serves to humanize him. 94 He is also referred to as simply “Your Honor” (daren 大人), which emphasizes his office, but the labels focusing on Judge Liu’s personal qualities account for about two-thirds of the references to him in the Chewangfu manuscripts. 95 This shows a kind of fearlessness before the law, when an ordinary person with nothing to gain is willing to stand up against injustice. 96 Homophonic substitution may be at work, in which case li 禮, “propriety,” could mean li 理, “reason” or “common sense.” 97 “Unsavory” is bushan 不善. QMCWF “Lianhua an,” 2.24b–25a; LGA, 130. 98 Some drum singers were educated. Two drum singers, Ma Ruilin (1835–97) and Zhang Fengwu (1850–1920), were both Cultivated Talents (xiucai 秀才), quali- fied to sit for the provincial examination. Both incorporated their Confucian learning into their storytelling, and both were known for telling “Liu Gong an.” Zhongguo quyi zhi: Hebei juan, 596–98. 99 The allusion is to Mencius 離樓上 Li Lou I: “胸中正, 則眸子瞭焉; 胸中不正, 則眸子眊焉. 聽其言也, 觀其眸子, 人焉廋哉?” See Mengzi, https://ctext.org/mengzi /‌li-lou-i. 100 QMCWF “Lianhua an,” 2.23b–24b. LGA, 130. Bolding mine.

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101 Physiognomy here is presented as a crucial aspect of judging character, and part and parcel of Confucian learning. Throughout the Chewangfu ballad, Judge Liu is depicted as deeply learned, as opposed to those who quote Confucian rhetoric but twist it to their own ends. The emphasis on physiognomy as an element of character judgment may seem ironic, since Judge Liu is an ugly hunchback. One might note that two other justice heroes, Judge Bao and the demon-catcher Zhong Kui, are also known for their ugly features. Some of the ballads on Judge Liu deal with this issue explicitly. In these stories, before Judge Liu’s first ap- pointment, he has an audience with the emperor, who is dismayed by his appearance. Judge Liu intuits the problem and writes a set of poems on his own deformity, which convinces the emperor of his outstanding talent and wins him his trust. 102 QMCWF vol. 240, “Cuihua an,” 1.14a. 103 QMCWF “Cuihua an,” 2.28a. 104 QMCWF “Cuihua an,” 2.14a; LGA, 156. The last line is a paraphrase of theAna lects: 其身正, 不令而行; 其身不正, 雖令不從. 105 QMCWF “Cuihua an,” 2.14b; LGA, 156. 106 On these terms, see Philip Huang, Civil Justice in China, 12–13, 101; and Lean, Public Passions, 93–94, 109. 107 In another case later in the book, a variation on the canonical expression “in giv ing and receiving men’s and women’s hands should not touch” 受授不亲分男女, is presented as a straightforward expression of values. QMCWF “Jurong xian,” 1.23b; LGA, 223. It is interesting that this case also presents the gentry in a somewhat more positive light; the landlord thinks better of his demand to sleep with his manager’s wife, and Judge Liu must clear him of an accusation of murder. 108 QMCWF “Cuihua an,” 2.12a; LGA, 155. 109 Allusions to the Confucian canon also occur in the woodblock drum ballads, but play a less central role. For example, when in Bailing ji the teacher tries to talk Zuo Liancheng out of going to Beijing with his case, he alludes to the line from the Analects, “Study and periodically put it into practice” (Xue er shi xi zhi 學而時習之), and advises Zuo Liancheng to concentrate on study for now, so that someday he can become an official; then he could take up this case and the emperor would take revenge for him. Zuo Liancheng rejects this advice, saying, “My father died a horrible death, all I want to do is bring this case to court to right the injustice.” Bailing ji (Nanyang), 5.1a. One might read this as the letter of the canon getting in the way of its spirit, since the ballad portrays Zuo Lian cheng’s quest for justice as the ultimate demonstration of filiality. Another allusion, occuring in Na Guotai, appears in the framing verse. In this joke, a beauty approaches a scholar, using lines from the Shijing to flirt with him. Direct quotations of the famous first poem of theShijing , “Fish- hawk,” indicated here in bold type, are embedded. The beauty starts by asking him the meaning and pronunciation of several lines of the poem and goes on to say, “Everyone loves the gentle maiden, pure and fair / [Searching for] the fit match for a prince was a waste of effort窈窕淑女人上爱 / 君子好逑枉費心.” The scholar rebuffs the beauty’s advances, saying, “I don’t lovethe gentle

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maiden, pure and fair / The fit match for a prince is really true 窈窕淑女我不 ‌愛 / 君子好逑果然真.” He concludes that anyone who does not go through a matchmaker is a lowlife, thereby shaming the beauty into retreating. Since the classic interpretation of the first poem of theShijing reads it as exemplify- ing, in Confucius’ words, “delight without wantonness,” the beauty’s use of these lines is particularly ironic. Xia Jinan fu (Beijing), 1.1b. 110 QMCWF “Cuihua an,” 1.24a. Again, li (ritual propriety) is a homophonic substitution for li (reason); the saying libutong 理不通 means “it makes no sense.” 111 QMCWF “Cuihua an,” 1.24a–b. A thief concerned with retribution may seem highly ironic. However, in the thief’s explanation, retribution is not fair because he is constantly subject to retribution while others are not. He constantly loses at gambling, which he sees as retribution for using stolen money. More significantly, when Judge Liu is about to lose his job for exhuming the corpse and finding no evidence of wrongful death, the thief shows up and testifies. He is willing to take the punishment for wrongful accusation if it would save Judge Liu. Thus the thief is willing to risk everything to see justice done. 112 QMCWF “Cuihua an,” 2.23b. 113 QMCWF “Cuihua an,” 2.28a. 114 Confucian family structure is an assumed norm in this story; wives should be chaste, and sons should be filial. In this tale of the discovery of adultery and murder, however, references to canonical texts are restricted to two officials quoting Mencius, “In giving and receiving men and women should not touch.” Xuanfeng an (Shandong), 1.7a, 1.28a. 115 Xuanfeng an (Shandong), 1.12a. 116 Xuanfeng an (Shandong), 2.22a–b. 117 QMCWF “Cuihua an,” 1.4b; LGA, 134. This alludes to Zhuge Liang, the brilliant strategist in Sanguo yanyi. 118 This edition says, He used a clever plan. He had the chopper brought out and ordered her executed. “I don’t care whether her death is an injustice!” Xuanfeng an (Wannan), 2.6a, 7a. The Tianjin edition is also a “deluxe” edition with framing verse passages, but like the Wannan edition it frames Judge Liu’s actions as a plan. Xuanfeng an (Tianjin), 3.4.15a. 119 Xuanfeng an (Shandong), 1.13a, 1.18a. 120 Xuanfeng an (Shandong), 2.24a. 121 These two lines are almost the same in Xuanfeng an (Tianjin, n.d.), 4.2.7b, except instead of lunli 论理 it says renli 認理. The following line in the Tianjin edition is: “At that, in court, he got angry” 这就堂上把臉番. 122 Divine and demonic elements appear in a few other cases in the Chewangfu manuscript Liu Gong an and can be taken at face value. But more frequently Judge Liu is debunking those who manipulate belief in such forces, for instance mediums and leaders of popular religion. 123 Moretti, “The Slaughterhouse of Literature.” 124 St. Andre, “Reading Court Cases,” 208–9. 125 See Liu Gong an sanzhong (Bozhen), 2.4.13a, 3.3.9a; Xuanfeng an (Huangyi), 1.13a, 1.18a; Xuanfeng an (Tianjin), 2.4.13a, 3.3.9a.

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126 Xuanfeng an (Tianjin), 1.1b–2b; bolding added to indicate the rhyme. 127 Thanks to Cynthia Brokaw for pointing out this possibility in March 2012. 128 One finds a similar usage of verse to generate multiple meanings and irony in the novel Jin Ping Mei. See Roy, “Use of Songs”; and Roy, “Introduction,” esp. xliii–xlvii. 129 Xuanfeng an (Tianjin), 1.3.9a; Liu Gong an san zhong (Bozhen), 1.3.9a; Xuanfeng an (Huangyi), 1.4a; Xuanfeng an (Beijing: Jukui tang), 1.6a; Xuanfeng an (Wan- nan), 9.4b. The same verse appears in Xia Jinan fu (Beijing), 1.1b. 130 Xuanfeng an (Tianjin), 7.3.9a; Liu Gong an san zhong (Bozhen), 7.3.9a; Xuanfeng an (Huangyi), 2.18a. 131 Xuanfeng an (Tianjin), 7.1.1b; Liu Gong an san zhong (Bozhen), 7.1.1b; Xuanfeng an (Huangyi), 2.14b. 132 Xuanfeng an (Beijing: Jusantang), 7.1a. 133 Xiang Yu (232–202 BCE) was instrumental in toppling the Qin Dynasty, but lost to Han Dynasty founder Liu Bang. Xiang Yu then committed suicide. Han Xin was a brilliant strategist who worked for Xiang Yu before helping Liu Bang establish the Han dynasty. Han Xin was executed by Liu Bang’s wife, Lü Hou. Both men figure in various regional dramas. See Børdahl and Ge,Western Han. 134 Li Cunxiao was a Tang dynasty general famous for his bravery. A saying goes, “no King is greater than Xiang Yu, no general greater than Li Cunxiao” 王不‌ 過項‌ , 將不過李. He is the subject of a Peking opera, “Feihu shan” 飛虎山. 135 Luo Cheng figures in the Sui-Tang saga as a skilled warrior, undefeated in battle. His story is the subject of drum ballads and popular prints. See Riftin, “Chinese Performing Arts and Popular Prints,” 217–19. 136 This refers to a well-known story about one of the Yang Family Generals, Yang Jiye, who because of another’s treachery never receives reinforcements and is defeated in battle at Two Wolves Mountain. He commits suicide by smashing his head against the Li Ling stele. See Idema and West, Generals of the Yang Family. The story was in the repertoire of a large number of regional dramas, including Yangzhou drama and Peking opera. See Mackerras, “Theater for the People,” 203–16. 137 Liu Gong an sanzhong, 9.1.1b–2a; Xuanfeng an (Huangyi), 3.9.1a; Xuanfeng an (Tianjin), 9.1.1b–2a. 813 Xinke Jinan fu (Huangyi), 2.4b. This is the opinion of one of the characters, speaking in verse. 139 Literally “three nuns and six old women,” the list of types of people to avoid includes Buddhist nuns, Daoist nuns, fortune-tellers, go-betweens, matchmak- ers, mediums, madams, medicine sellers, and midwives. 140 Xuanfeng an (Tianjin), 7.1.1b–2a; Liu Gong an sanzhong, 7.1.1b–2a; Xuanfeng an (Huangyi), 2.15a. 141 Recent research on late imperial China concludes that even commoners were more litigious than one might expect. Xu Zhongming shows that popular culture included proverbs and attitudes both in support of starting lawsuits and opposed to (or afraid of) starting lawsuits. See Xu Zhongming, Zhongsheng xuanhua. Still, in the Chewangfu manuscript drum ballads most

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characters are reluctant to testify, except for marginal characters like thieves and idiots. 142 In addition to framing verse, some drum ballads have volume titles as well. Others have neither. See chapter 2 for a more detailed discussion. 143 On money, see Liu Gong an sanzhong, 12.1.1b–2a; and Xuanfeng an (Huangyi), 4.12.12a; the second stanza alone appears in Xinke Jinan fu (Huangyi), 3.8a. On wine, see Liu Gong an sanzhong, 11.1.1b–2a. The shift between stanzas is a long-standing feature of the aesthetics of the lyric (ci); see McCraw, “Yi kong wei zhong”; and Lin Shuen-fu, The Transformation of the Chinese Lyrical Tradition, 108–41. 144 Iguchi treats the jokes as a different, ordinary register of language. See Iguchi Junko, Zhongguo beifang nongcun de kouchuan wenhua, 63–64. She notes that some of the jokes are sung. 145 See Bakhtin, The Dialogic Imagination. 146 This gap is also a recurring theme in the actual cases examined by Park in “Corruption and Its Recompense”; and Theiss, “Elite Engagement.” 147 Idema, “Introduction,” in Judge Bao and the Rule of Law, especially xxxi–xxxii. Yang Jialuo, Ming Chenghua shuochang cihua congkan, 328. 148 Xia Jinan fu (Beijing), 2.9b. 149 Philip Huang, Civil Justice in China, 12–13. 015 Theiss, “Elite Engagement,” 132. 151 Theiss, “Elite Engagement,” 124. 152 I borrow the term “justice hero” from Carlitz, “Genre and Justice in Late Qing China,” 237. 153 This does not mean that other positions were unthinkable; they were simply not taken up in the portrayal of Judge Liu. For example, late Qing fiction like Lao Can you ji 老殘遊記 portrays the “upright” judge as more of a menace than a corrupt one, because he is so caught up in his own reputation. 154 David Johnson, Spectacle and Sacrifice, 323. 155 For the contrast between Enlightened Judgments and One Hundred Court Cases, see St. Andre, “Reading Court Cases,” 189–210. 156 On litigation masters, see Macauley, Social Power and Legal Culture. 157 On the procedural accuracy of Shuihu zhuan, see Hegel, “Introduction,” 11–12. 158 See also the chapters by Karasawa, Hegel, and Carlitz in Hegel and Carlitz, eds., Writing and Law in Late Imperial China.

Chapter Five

1 As the legends developed, they incorporated previous court-case stories from collections like Baijia gongan and Longtu gongan, biji, and other sources. See Li Yanjie, “Shi Gong an anjian.” 2 Idema, Judge Bao and the Rule of Law, ix. 3 By “durable” I mean reprinted in many editions over time; Longtu gongan had at least thirty-two editions from the early Qing to 1893. See Ōtsuka Hidetaka,

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Zōho Chūgoku tsūzoku shōsetsu shomoku, 49–52. For an overview of court-case fiction, see Y. W. Ma, “Kung-an Fiction,” 214–21. For Longtu gongan as an adaptation of an earlier collection of court-case tales, see Patrick Hanan, “Judge Bao’s Hundred Cases Reconstructed,” 323; and Y. W. Ma, “Textual Tradition of Ming Kungn -a Fiction,” 207–8. On the types of stories in this collection, see Y. W. Ma, “Themes and Characterization,” 179–202. These tales were written in a vernacular that approaches classical language. The court-case theme also developed independently in the form of vernacular short stories published in the early seventeenth century. At around the same time, collections which purported to be actual cases were also published. See Ann Waltner, “From Casebook to Fiction.” On the relationship between law and literature, see Hegel and Carlitz, eds., Writing and Law in Late Imperial China. 4 Y. W. Ma traces the history of court-case fiction across a number of genres, including short, semi-classical tales and full-length novels. See his “Kung-an Fiction.” He recognizes the central role of the judge as “one of the most predom- inant features of gongan [court case] fiction,” evident from the earliest stories in the Yuan. Y. W. Ma, “Kung-an Fiction,” 207. For a discussion of court-case adventure novels and their relation to the early martial novel, see Wan, “Green Peony” and the Rise of the Chinese Martial Arts Novel. 5 Campany, Making Transcendents, 11. See also Jerome Bruner, “The Narrative Con- struction of Reality,” 1–21; Bruner, Actual Minds, Possible Worlds; Carr, “Nar- rative and the Real World”; Mattingly, Healing Dramas and Critical Plots; and Richard Bauman, Story, Performance, and Event. 6 Hummel, Eminent Chinese, 654. 7 The wind bending the grass is a common image for the influence of good Confucian government. 8 Yuan Mei (native of Hangzhou), “Song Liu Shiyan tuocha zhi Jiangyou,” 523. 9 These anecdotes survive in the Korean court history Zhengzong shi lu 正宗實錄. Quoted from Wu Han, Chaoxian Li chao shilu zhong de Zhongguo shiliao, 5002, 5020. 10 Shi Chengjin, Tong Tian le, 102–6. 11 For more on these collections of vignettes and their author, Shi Chengjin, see Altenburger, “The Moral Panorama of One Place,” 64–70. 12 Shi Chengjin, Yuhua xiang, 355–90. Given the tendency observed in chapter 3 for southern settings in the drum ballads on Judge Shi, it is intriguing that the earliest “public” writing on Shi Shilun came from Yangzhou. 13 Fang Ding et al., Jinjiang xian zhi (1765), 9.82a–b, reprinted in Zhongguo fang zhi congshu 82:247. 14 See, for example, the biography of Shi Shilun in Hummel, Eminent Chinese. A story very similar to the “One Coin Pavilion” is sometimes associated with other early Qing officials. In an anecdote inYuhua xiang, which predates these gazetteer accounts, a pair of “One Coin Steles” (yi wen bei 一文碑) is built to com- memorate the upright Yangzhou official Fu Zehong 傅澤洪. Shi Chengjin, “Yi wen bei,” in Yuhua xiang, 356–60.

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15 For the connection between jottings and casual storytelling in the Qing, see Leo Chan, Discourse on Foxes and Ghosts. For Tang anecdotes, see Allen, Shifting Stories. For Song jottings, see Hymes, “Gossip as History.” 16 “Shi Shilun mao chou” 施世綸貌丑, in Gong Wei, Chaolin bitan 1.1b; reprinted online in the Chinese Text Project, https://ctext.org/wiki.pl?if=gb&chapter =379522. Cf. Du Yajuan, “Shi Gong an xiaoshuo,” 5, 30 n. 27. 17 Gu Gongxie, Xiaoxia xianji, cited in Shi Gong an, in the series Chuantong xiqu, quyi yanjiu cankao ziliao congshu, 1384. Both of the men who wrote down these early anecdotes were from Jiangnan; Gong Wei was from Kunshan, Jiangsu, while Gu Gongxie was from Wuxian in the Suzhou area. 18 CWFSGA “Tongzhou,” 3.10a. In another episode, Judge Shi’s enemies plan to pa- rade him on the street to expose his deformity; CWFSGA “Lianhuayuan,” 4.11a. This episode also makes frequent reference to his pockmarked face and crooked mouth. For example, “Master Shi was so anxious / his crooked mouth mumbled constantly / ...... / His hunchback and chicken-chest were even more obvious” 急的爷/ 歪嘴不住只是哼 / ...... / 更显罗呙[羅鍋]小鸡胸. CWFSGA “Lianhuayuan,” 1.4a. 19 Judge Bao “was very ugly: / For eight parts he looked like a ghost, for two parts a man. / From birth he had three-cornered eyes with three eyebrows.” From “The Tale of the Early Career of Rescriptor Bao,” in Idema, Judge Bao and the Rule of Law, 2. Something similar happened in the legend of Judge Liu. The drum ballads on Judge Liu depict him as a hunchback (“Hunchback Liu” 劉羅‌ 鍋‌ ). A version of this nickname (“Humpback Liu” 劉駝子) appears in a commentary to Yuan Mei’s Suiyuan shihua 隨園詩話 attributed to Shu Kun 舒坤 (1772–1845). Wang Yingzhi, ed., Yuan Mei quanji xinbian, 10:931. On the process by which Yuan Mei’s collection and its supplements were made, see Huang Yinong, “Yuan Mei Suiyuan shihua.” 20 QMCWF vol. 13, “Duchayuan,” 1.18a–21a; cf. LGA, 361–63. 21 QMCWF “Jurong xian,” 1.11b–12a; LGA, 215–16. 22 For Judge Liu, see, for example, QMCWF “Cangzhou,” vol. 1. 23 On the “court-case adventure formula” and its relationship to its predecessors, see Wan, “Green Peony” and the Rise of the Chinese Martial Arts Novel, 10–12. 24 While the supernatural is excluded from Western detective fiction, gods, ghosts, and spirits play an important role in Chinese court-case stories. As Y. W. Ma notes, “Didactic teachings, interventions of the supernatural, and solutions reached by coincidence, three of the most forbidden taboos in Western detective literature, for example, are not just omnipresent but, more often than not, are of paramount importance in gongan stories, while at the same time crimes (murders in particular), criminals, and logical detection of crimes, which are indispensable components of Western detective literature, are not absolutely essential in this Chinese genre.” Y. W. Ma, “Themes and Characterization,” 179. 25 CWFSGA “Yutan” and “Duozi seng,” respectively. 26 QMCWF “Daming fu.” Cf. Naquin, Millenarian Rebellion in China, 65. 27 The verse refers to Qianlong here as supreme emperor, taishang huangdi, since the

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Jiaqing emperor was already on the throne, but his father the Qianlong emperor was the true power behind the throne. 28 QMCWF “Daming fu,” 2.17b, bolding mine. 29 QMCWF vol. 1, “Jiangning fu,” 2.9a; Cf. LGA, 25. A very similar reference occurs in another episode: “You sitting here, have you ever been to Jinling? If you have, you know this story is true. Nowadays, née Jiao’s shrine is there, and Lu Jianming still burns incense to her.” QMCWF vol. 11, “Shahe yi,” 3.29a–b; cf. LGA, 319. 30 See, for example, the storyteller’s explanation discussed in chapter 2: QMCWF vol. 1, “Jiangning fu,” 1.9b. 31 Chartier, The Cultural Uses of Print. 32 The register of military appointments (wu jinshen 武晋[縉]伸[紳]) was produced every three months during the Qing dynasty, listing all men holding official appointments. 33 QMCWF “Cangzhou,” 1.24a–b; cf. LGA, 410. 34 Allen, Shifting Stories,especially chap. 2. 35 As noted in chapter 1, Aisin Gioro Yigeng mentions Shi Gong an as a manuscript available from Baiben Zhang, the vendor of performance texts. Wen Kang later mentions the novel among a pile of books in Ernü yingxiong zhuan. 36 Jiangdu xian, 1.1.9a. Shi Shilun did serve as prefect of Yangzhou fu from 1689 to 1693. Xiuxiang huitu Shuangbiao ji (Harvard-Yenching), 1.3b. 37 Xuanfeng an (Tianjin), 4.1.1a. 38 Cui Yunhua gives examples from zidishu, tanci, and muyushu. See her Xiaoshi de minyao, 48–49. 39 See Rolston, ed., How to Read the Chinese Novel; and Rolston, Traditional Chinese Fiction and Fiction Commentary. 40 On the storyteller’s saying, see Zhongguo quyi zhi: Shandong juan, 565. On Judge Liu in the storytelling repertoire, see the section in this chapter on media and legend. 41 Maps 5.1–5.8 are based on China’s borders in 1820, from the Chinese Historical Geographic Information System dataset. Large gray dots represent an unusually large amount of activity in that place. Maps 5.9–5.10 are based on information from the Zhongguo quyi zhi series, which uses contemporary provincial borders as its reference point. See the Zhongguo quyi zhi volumes for those provinces and cities. 42 Shi Shilun’s family connection to Jinjiang explains the gazetteer entries; it might also have helped the novel to be published early on in Fujian and could explain the Fujian songbook. However, Fujian does not seem to be an epicenter of the legend of Judge Shi. There is no evidence that any of the stories of Judge Shi or Huang Tianba were published in Sibao, Fujian; see Brokaw, Commerce in Cul ture, Appendix G. 43 Zhongguo xiqu zhi: Hebei juan, 116, 118, 750, 753. The performance of the Judge Liu story as a pingju is based on the evidence of a phonograph record from Tianjin. See Zhongguo xiqu zhi: Tianjin juan.

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44 For details on the written sources, oral performances, and popular prints on the legends of Judge Shi and Judge Liu, see appendixes C and D. 45 This might be one reason that the novel Shi Gong an was such a success despite its “crude” brief, choppy style. It may have served to remind readers of the story of Shi Gong an that they had seen or heard in many other forms. Cf. Weng Ouhong’s observation, “In late Qing novels like Shi Gong an and Peng Gong an, the description of characters’ faces and costumes most always correlates to their depiction on stage. Especially the description of their faces sometimes is the same as the painted face ‘opera mask’ onstage. This trend certainly was domi- nated by the stage. But its period must be limited to the late Qing.” Weng Ouhong, “Lianpu de chansheng,” 125. Actually, a similar phenomenon may be observed much earlier in novels on the Tang saga dating from the seventeenth century. See Hegel, “Rewriting the Tang.” 46 See Zhou Mingtai, Jingxi jin bainian suoji, 10–12. This is a reprint ofDao Xian yilai Liyuan xinian xiaolu 道咸以來梨園繫年小錄 (A Small Record of the theater from the Daoguang and Xianfeng reign periods, ordered by year; Beiping: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1932). “Lianhuantao” is also listed in the Qing shengping ban ximu 慶升平班戲目 (Repertoire of plays by the Qingshengping troupe) of 1824. 47 Precisely which eight plays comprise this collective title is a matter of contention. The controversy is summarized in Du Yajuan, Shi“ Gong an xiaoshuo,” 7–8. The sixteen plays mentioned by various scholars as falling under this designation are “Huai’an fu” 淮安府, aka “Na Cai Tianhua” 拿蔡天化; “Dongchang fu” 東 ‌昌 ‌府 , aka “Na Hao Wenseng” 拿郝文僧; “Yinjiabao” 殷家堡, aka “Na Yin Hong” 拿殷洪; “Renqiu xian” 任丘縣, aka “Na Mao Ruhu” 拿毛如虎; “Hejian fu” 河间府, aka “Na yicuomao Hou Qi” 拿一撮毛侯七; “Luomahu” 落馬湖, aka “Na Li Pei” 拿李佩; “Bawangzhuang” 霸王庄, aka “Na Huang Longji” 拿黃隆基; “Zhengzhou Miao” 鄭州廟, aka “Na Xie Hu” 拿謝虎; “Balamiao” 蚆蠟廟, aka “Zhaoxianzhen” 招賢鎮 or “Na Fei Degong” 拿費德功; “Lianhuantao” 連環套; “Duhuying” 独虎營, aka “Na Luo Sihu” 拿羅四虎; “Lihai wu” 里海塢, aka “Na Lang Rubao” 拿郎如豹; “Lianhuayuan” 蓮花院, aka “Na Jiuhuang and Qizhu” 拿九黃七珠; “Guozhou miao” 郭州廟; “Xuejiawo” 薛家窝; and “Ehu cun” 惡虎村. See also the appendix in Shi Gong an, in the series Chuantong xiqu, quyi yanjiu cankao ziliao congshu. 48 Ji Shui, “Jin bainian lai pihuang juben zuojia.” For more on the relationship between these plays and the novel, see Du Yajuan, “Shi Gong an xiaoshuo.” 49 Xue Xiaojin, “Introduction,” 2. 50 Peking opera formed by combining several previously local musical drama traditions. The lively xipi 西皮 musical mode came from Shaanxi originally; it spread to Hubei in the early Qing (late seventeenth century) and later into Beijing. 51 “Midway through their rule . . . the Qing emperors abolished the use of female entertainers at court, replacing them with eunuchs, and Peking opera grew up in the nineteenth century as an all-male theater because actresses were banned from the public stage in the capital until the twentieth century, when female

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stars began to emerge.” Zeitlin, “Toward a Visual Culture of Chinese Opera,” 28 n. 4. 52 Joshua Goldstein, Drama Kings, 13. See also Mackerras, The Rise of the Peking Op era, 176–89. 53 Goldman, Opera and the City. 54 Goldstein, Drama Kings, 28. 55 Xue Xiaojin notes forty-three plays on Judge Shi and related characters listed in Tan Junqi’s Jingju jumu chutan (A first discussion of Peking opera repertoires); there are fifty-seven such plays in the collection of the Beijing Arts Research Institute (Beijing Yishu Yanjiusuo) collection, including seven not listed by Tan Junqi. Xue Xiaojin, “Introduction,” 2 n. 2. 56 The play outlines from the palace archives include Lianhuantao (appears three times); Dao shuanggou 盜双钩 (Stealing the pair of hooks; appears three times); Huai’an fu (appears twice); Ehu cun; Luo Sihu 罗四虎; Nigu miao 尼姑庙; Dou Erdun 窦儿墩; Na Xiehu; and Luomahu. Gugong bowuyuan, Gezhong tigang, 690:138, 151, 158, 174–75, 186, 187; 693:213, 218, 235; and 694:164, 198, 256. 57 Zhao Jingshen notes six plays related to Cases of Judge Shi in the 1864 edition of Dumen jilüe, four in the 1876 edition, and one in the 1880 edition. Zhao Jing- shen, “Shi Gong an kaozheng.” For the 1910 edition, see Xu Yongnian, Xinzeng Dumen jilüe, 716:354, 356, 358, 361, 363, and 364. 58 Wang Hanmin and Liu Qiyu, eds., Qingdai xiqu shi biannian. 59 Goldstein, Drama Kings, 44. 60 The new column announcing the plays being performed at Shanghai’s theaters listed “Na Xie Hu.” Zhao Shanlin et al., Jindai Shanghai xiqu xinian chubian, 63. TheShenbao newspaper was founded on April 30, 1872, so within two months it was printing advertisements for drama. 61 For parallels between the oral and the internet, see Foley, Oral Tradition and the Internet; and Foley, The Pathways Project, http://pathwaysproject.org. (link now defunct). Foley contrasts the dynamic “continuous processes” of the oral tradition and the internet with the more static nature of print and text. However, I think in another sense the parallel with the internet also extends to print media in China in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. The rapidly increased speed and lowered cost of printing, which will be discussed in chapter 6, drove a rush for content that resembles the early days of the internet, while new methods of transportation significantly sped up dissemination. 62 Catherine Vance Yeh, Shanghai Love, 208, 220, 221. 63 Goldstein, Drama Kings, 47. 64 Goldstein, Drama Kings, 45. The influence of the Peking opera plays on the Judge Shi/Huang Tianba legend also carried beyond that form of opera. A Jiangxi troupe founded in 1872 specialized in martial plays including “Balamiao” until that generation of martial actors got too old to perform. Zhongguo xiqu zhi: Jiangxi juan. This suggests that the most striking features of these plays, including martial routines, were quickly adapted into local drama. 65 Mu Yousheng, Haishang Liyuan za zhi, 1:24. This periodical is in the Harvard- Yenching Library collection. The play “Ehu cun” revolves around Huang Tianba

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turning against his former sworn brothers because they have plotted to harm Judge Shi. 66 Mu Yousheng, Haishang Liyuan za zhi, 10:7. 67 Huo Jianguo, “Xikao zhong de Shi Gong xi yanjiu,” 192. This observation reminds me of Chen Pingyuan’s characterization of late Qing court-case adventure novels, in which the judge serves merely to justify the martial artists’ actions. Chen Pingyuan, Qiangu wenren xiake meng, 44, 114. Considering that the vast major- ity of well-known court-case adventure novels were published in the 1870s or later, there may be a connection. 68 Wang Dacuo writes, “Stealing the Imperial Steed is the same play as Lianhuantao. This is the most famous and most popular armor-and-fighting play of all the martial male role (wusheng) plays.”《盜御馬》即《連環套》一劇 , 為武生戲中最著名最流行之靠把戲. Wang Dacuo, Xikao daquan, 4693. 69 Thus the “first generation” of wusheng, including Yu Jusheng 俞菊笙, Huang Yue- shan 黄月山, and Li Chunlai 李春来 of the late Qing (Guangxu era), and the “second generation,” including Yang Xiaolou 楊小樓, Shang Heyu 尚和玉, and Gai Jiaotian of the early Republic (1911–20s), helped perfect this art. Xue Xiaojin, “Introduction,” 6–7. For how costumes serve to differentiate within male lead (sheng) roles in Peking opera, see Bonds, Beijing Opera Costumes, 4, 6. 70 “Lihua qiang” 梨花枪 (Flowery spears), Youxi bao, Nov. 8, 1897, reprinted in Fu Jin et al., eds., Jingju lishi wenxian huibian: Qingdai juan, 5:206–7. 71 David Rolston notes that it was once the practice for Shanghai stages to have a metal bar stretched over the front of the stage between the pillars. At least three deaths were associated with the acrobatic feats on these bars, reported in the April 24, 1880, July 11, 1882, and April 1, 1895 issues of Shenbao (reproduced in Fu Jin et al., ed., Jingju lishi wenxian huibian: Qingdai juan, 4:173, 215, and 426, respectively). After this such performances stopped. Rolston, personal communication, April 18, 2015. 72 Wang Dacuo, Xikao daquan, 2:781. 73 In Spectacle and Sacrifice, David Johnson argues that there is much more to the experience of popular theater than the words. For the larger-than-life p ainted- face roles, see Bonds, Beijing Opera Costumes. On staging in Shanghai, see Goldstein, Drama Kings, 156, 189–90. 74 Catherine Yeh, “Politics, Art, and Eroticism,” 237. 75 By this time, as noted above, the tabloids had extended their distribution to many cities. However, one must keep in mind the growing distinction between urban and rural lifestyles in this period. Henrietta Harrison has demonstrated that news was primarily oral in the rural area outside Taiyuan until the 1920s. See her article, “Newspapers and Nationalism in Rural China.” 76 Perry Link puts the circulation of Shenbao at 700 in 1872, 7,000 in 1912, and 150,000 in 1932. Perry Link, Mandarin Ducks and Butterflies, 151, citing Britton, The Chinese Periodical Press, 1800–1912 (Shanghai: Kelley and Walsh, 1933), 129; and Lin Yutang, A History of the Press and Public Opinion in China (Chicago: Uni- versity of Chicago Press, 1936), 148–49. 77 Zhao Jingshen, “Shi Gong an kaozheng,” 85–97.

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78 Miao Huaiming, Zhongguo gudai gongan xiaoshuo shi lun, 105–10. 79 Cf. Goldstein’s discussion of Republican aesthetics, including interiority. Perhaps the critics’ emphasis on “singing martial plays like civil plays” 武戏文唱 in the Judge Shi/Huang Tianba plays might have been a way for a star to “elevate” these plays and acknowledge elite criteria. 80 Du Yajuan, “Shi Gong an xiaoshuo,” 21. Linked plays or liantaixi were intended to be performed as a series, night after night, and drew good audiences in Shang- hai around the turn of the twentieth century. Shi Songquan’s play is one of the few Jingju to carry an author’s preface. Thanks to David Rolston for pointing out this fact. 81 Li Yu et al., Zhongguo guci zongmu, 157–58. Drum ballads with titles based on the sequels to the novel Shi Gong an were also published in 1917, but do not seem to have been reprinted. Li Yu et al., Zhongguo guci zongmu, 340–42. See also the titles listed in advertisements within other drum ballads in Hu Hung-po, “Min- chu xiuxiang guci kanben sanshier zhong xulu,” 51–52; and Hu Hung-po, “Qingmo Minchu xiuxiang guci kanben sanshier zhong xulu,” 45. 82 I have not found any references to Peking opera plays on Judge Liu before 1937. 83 See chapter 3 for the role of center versus local in the Judge Liu ballads, and chap ter 4 for analysis of the Guotai story. 84 For the formative role of court patronage on Peking opera, see Goldstein, Drama Kings, 19–22. For a discussion of the roles of the court versus Shanghai in the making of opera stars in the late Qing, see Catherine Yeh, “Where Is the Center of Cultural Production?” 85 See Zeitlin, “Toward a Visual Culture of Chinese Opera,” 16–17; and David John- son, “Opera Imagery in the Village.” 86 San’ai [Chen Duxiu], “Lun xiqu,” 52; originally printed in Xin xiaoshuo 新小‌ 說‌ (New Fiction), vol. 2, issue 2 (1905). 87 I would like to thank Robert Hegel for suggesting this avenue of approach. 88 Riftin, “Chinese Performing Arts and Popular Prints,” 188. 89 Riftin, “Chinese Performing Arts and Popular Prints,” 194. 90 “According to a count of extant prints from Suzhou, Linquan, Zhangzhou, Wei xian, Wuqiang, Shanghai, Yangliuqing and other places in this period, there are as many as 496 prints on drama. This number far exceeds previous periods.” Wang Shucun, Jingju, 5. 91 Wang Shucun, Jingju, 6. 92 Wang Shucun, Jingju, 5. 93 Wang Shucun, Jingju, 6. 94 Most of the plays in the “Ba da na” sequence appear in popular prints. 95 See appendix D for details on popular prints on Judge Shi. 96 Zhongguo xiqu zhi: Hebei juan, 116, 118, 750, 753. On the relationship between popular prints and local drama, see David Johnson, “Opera Imagery in the Village,” 44–57. 97 While the incorporation of martial artists into the Judge Shi Peking opera plays clearly contributed to their widespread popularity, this cannot be the sole reason that the Judge Shi story spread. The Judge Liu legend in the Chewangfu

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manuscript ballads does incorporate a martial artist, Chen Dayong, and the fight scenes are at least as creative as those in the Judge Shi ballads. 98 Iguchi Junko, Zhongguo beifang nongcun de kouchuan wenhua. 99 This would seem to be true at least before the changes in technology around the turn of the twentieth century. 100 Thanks to Paize Keulemans for the Transformers analogy and for bringing up the issue of copyright. Copyright laws were either non-existent or in their infancy in China in the period under consideration; they will be discussed in more detail in chapter 6. 101 Des Forges, Mediasphere Shanghai, 16. 102 Thanks to Christopher Reed for suggesting this way of looking at it. 103 Kenneth Pomeranz, The Making of a Hinterland, 1. 104 Idema, “Guanyu Zhongguo wenxueshi zhong wuzhixing de sikao,” 8. See also Reed, Gutenberg in Shanghai; and Brokaw and Reed, eds., From Woodblocks to the Internet. 105 See Yeh, “Where Is the Center of Cultural Production?”; Yeh, “Shanghai Leisure, Print Entertainment”; and Yeh, “Press and the Rise of Peking Opera Singer.” 106 On the aesthetic choices that favored lithographic printing in China, see Reed, Gutenberg in Shanghai; and Brokaw and Reed, eds., From Woodblocks to the Internet. Another example will illustrate the role innovative staging played in the Shanghai theater. David Rolston notes that in the intense competition of Shanghai theaters, two theaters used tightropes strung in the middle of the theater to stage aerial acrobatics. One of the martial artists involved, “Flying Queue,” who performed while suspended from the tightrope by his queue, fell to his death, prompting the authorities to ban such performances. See “Shuaisi Bianzi fei” 摔死辮子飛 in Zhongguo xiqu zhi: Shanghai juan, 798–99, and the illustration from Dianshi zhai huabao reproduced on 799. David Rolston, personal communication, April 18, 2015. 107 Cynthia Brokaw points out that more research is needed into the printing of traditional texts in Shanghai. See Brokaw, “Commercial Woodblock Publishing in the Qing (1644–1911) and the Transition to Modern Print Technology,” in From Woodblocks to the Internet, ed. Brokaw and Reed, 57–58.

Chapter Six

1 Zheng Zhenduo, Zhongguo suwenxue shi, 2:397. 2 Exceptions include Brokaw, “The Dance of ‘Old’ and ‘New’”; and Berezkin, “Print- ing and Circulating ‘Precious Scrolls.’” 3 Reed, Gutenberg in Shanghai, 23, 28. By 1911 there were 149 lithographic print shops in Shanghai; Reed, Gutenberg in Shanghai, 62. 4 Brokaw, “Commercial Woodblock Publishing in the Qing,” 40. 5 Reed, Gutenberg in Shanghai, 8, 191. On Beijing publishing houses, see Reed, “Dukes and Nobles Above”; and Widmer, “Honglou Meng Ying and Its Publisher.” 6 Reed, Gutenberg in Shanghai, 89.

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7 Reed, Gutenberg in Shanghai, 88. 8 Reed, Gutenberg in Shanghai, 90. In Reed’s analysis, “the lithographic publishers faced forward and aft, effecting great socioeconomic changes while remaining essentially traditional themselves. During the golden age of lithography [1876– 1905], the port’s lithographic printer-publishers . . . initiated Shanghai’s bid to dominate a new national market of readers, both high and low.” Reed, Guten berg in Shanghai, 91. Reed counts ninety-seven Chinese lithographic firms active during the golden age. Reed, Gutenberg in Shanghai, 103. 9 Reed, Gutenberg in Shanghai, 27, 94, 96. 10 Pan Jianguo, “Metal Typography, Stone Lithography.” 11 The first restrictions on reprinting came in response to a complaint by Commercial Press in 1899 that other presses were pirating their textbooks. Song Yuanfang and Wang Jiarong, Zhongguo chuban shiliao, 3:302. Quoted in Li Yu and Yu Hong, “Qingmo Minchu Shanghai shiyin guci,” 86. By 1905 a publisher’s guild was established in Shanghai, and one of its major functions was to “adjudicate copyright infringement issues.” “Members were put on notice that all future publications had to feature the name of the printer or publisher on the first and last pages, or on the central signature, to avoid confusion. . . . Each member was also expected to report on the details of its backlist of publications and to indicate to the guild whether copyrights had been secured.” Reed, Gutenberg in Shanghai, 177. The list of publishers and titles registered with the guild in Guangxu 30 (1904) appears in Zhou Zhenhe, Wan Qing Yingye shumu, 613–44. It includes a considerable amount of fiction; eight of the publishers registeredShi Gong an or its sequels, and Jiangzuo shulin 江左书林 registered both Hongqigou and Shuangbiao ji. So fiction was not beneath notice or beyond copyright protec- tion, and must have been seen as profitable. On copyright law in China, see Pan Jianguo, “Metal Typography, Stone Lithography,” 568. 12 For example, Reed notes that the success of most major late Qing lithographic publishers was limited by their heavy dependence on the examination system. He goes on to state, “The failure of Tongwen Press and Feiying Hall in particular to define a new market is what finally led to their downfall—but not before each helped to transform the artisanal printing and calligraphy businesses by bankrupting the first and co-opting the second . . . establishing Shanghai’s modern printing and publishing supremacy.” Reed, Gutenberg in Shanghai, 124–25. 13 Brokaw, “Commercial Woodblock Publishing,” 54. 14 Reed, Gutenberg in Shanghai, 103. 15 Li Yu et al., Zhongguo guci zongmu, 18–19, 25–28. 16 Wang Qingyuan, Mou Renlong, and Han Xiduo, eds., Xiaoshuo shufang lu, 105–9; Li Yu et al., Zhongguo guci zongmu. The publisher’s catalog for Guangyi shuju includes a section labeled “Telling and singing drum ballads.” Shanghai Guangyi shuju tushu mulu. Perry Link identifies Guangyi shuju as a “Butter- fly” press; see hisMandarin Ducks and Butterflies, 93. Guangyi shuju added letterpress printing from 1920; had retail branches throughout China; and was

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bought by World Books 世界書局 and Guangzhi shuju 廣智書局 in 1925. Reed, Gutenberg in Shanghai, 287. 17 Liang Qichao, “Lun xiaoshuo yu qunzhi de guanxi.” Cf. Link, Mandarin Ducks and Butterflies, 131. In his essay, Liang Qichao focuses on two types of fiction, “idealist fiction” and “realist fiction,” and claims that all fiction falls in one of those categories. For a discussion of Liang Qichao’s use of these terms, see Chen Junqi, “Chong gu Liang Qichao xiaoshuo guan,” 315–28. 18 Theodore Huters discusses fiction’s “deleterious effects on popular morality” identified by this group in his “A New Way of Writing,” 262. See also the chapter “New Theories of the Novel” in Theodore Huters, Bringing the World Home. 19 Link, Mandarin Ducks and Butterflies, 132–33. 20 Widening our view somewhat to include traditional novels, it is immediately apparent that many publishers were cranking out traditional novels in this period. Xiaoshuo shufang lu lists 629 publishers active in the late Qing and Republic, and the two most prolific, Shanghai Books 上海書局 and Jinzhang tushuju 錦 ‌章圖書局 , published at least 240 and 101 titles, respectively. Wang Qingyuan, Mou Renlong, and Han Xiduo, Xiaoshuo shufang lu, 92–102, 130–34. The established and well-respected publisher Saoye shanfang 掃葉山房 regularly advertised traditional novels in the national newspaper Shenbao. 21 Idema, Chinese Vernacular Fiction, xliii; Lee and Nathan, “The Beginnings of Mass Culture,” 379 n 66. Another way of distinguishing “old” and “new” drum ballads is to consider which texts are reprints of previously known ballads versus newly written texts. This section will consider reprints, while “new” ballad texts primarily written for Shanghai publishers will be discussed in the section “Drum Ballads as ‘Popular’ Literature.” 22 The catalogs of these publishers give detailed instructions on how to mail-order books using postal money orders and stamps as payment. See Dacheng shuju tushu mulu (1921), Jiangdong maoji shuju tushu mulu (1929), and Zhangfuji tushu mulu (1921), vols. 4 and 11, pp. 374, 485–86, 627–28. 23 Cf. the questions posed by Brokaw, “Commercial Woodblock Publishing in the Qing,” 57. 24 Li Yu includes listings for 67 presses in Zhongguo guci zongmu; the addition of Xiecheng shuju 協成書局 makes at least 68. 25 Reed, Gutenberg in Shanghai, 17, 103. Zhang’s numbers are based on advertisements in ninety late Qing periodicals (and existing studies). Zhang Zhongmin, “Wan Qing Shanghai shuju minglu,” 363. 26 Li Yu, Zhongguo guci zongmu. 27 Brokaw, “Commercial Woodblock Publishing,” 58. 28 This is consonant with Perry Link’s observation that smaller presses were more likely to be involved in popular fiction. Link, Mandarin Ducks and Butter flies, 93. The Catholic publisher that effectively introduced lithographic printing to Shanghai, Tushanwan yinshuguan 土山灣印書館, published at least one drum ballad, Duobiya zhuan guci 多俾亞傳鼓詞, in 1919. Li Yu, Zhongguo guci zongmu, 81. This drum ballad had religious content and was part of their pros-

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elytizing mission. Another Catholic mission press in Shandong printed similar drum ballads. See Li Yu and Yu Hong, “Qingmo Minchu Shanghai shiyin guci,” 82 n 1. 29 Widmer, “Modernization without Mechanization,” 59. On Shanghai shuju as a publisher of drum ballads, see Li Yu et al., Zhongguo guci zongmu. Saoye shanfang also dipped its toes into printing drum ballads, publishing only six editions, while it published forty-two titles of novels. Li Yu, Zhongguo guci zongmu; Wang Qingyuan, Mou Renlong, and Han Xiduo, Xiaoshuo shufang lu, 109. 30 Reed, Gutenberg in Shanghai, 287. 31 Link, Mandarin Ducks and Butterflies, 93. 32 See Reed, Gutenberg in Shanghai, 287; and Hu Hung-po, “Qingmo Minchu xiu xiang guci bai sanshi zhong zonglun,” 226. From its extant catalog of 1924 one can see that fiction was only about 10 percent of Saoye shanfang’s stock; the catalog lists thirty-two novels and eighteen “old” novels. See Saoye shanfang shuji mulu. 33 Reed, Gutenberg in Shanghai, 201. Changming gongsi printed an undated edition of Lü mudan guci, as well as Hongqigou (1913). By working closely with the Re- publican government, Zhonghua Books became one of the three largest publishers in China by 1937. 34 Information in table 6.1 comes from Li Yu et al., Zhongguo guci zongmu, abbreviated to Guci zongmu; Li Yu et al., Qingdai muke guci, abbreviated to Muke; Ōtsuka Hidetaka’s catalogs of the lithographic drum ballads in the Fu Ssu-nien collection (abbreviated to Ōtsuka) in “Chū’ō kenkyūin rekishi gogen ken- kyūsho”; and Ōtsuka, “Sekiin koshi kenkyū (sono ni)”; and published catalogs for Jiangdong maoji shuju and Zhangfuji shuju, reprinted in Xu Shu and Song Anli, Zhongguo jindai guji chuban faxing shiliao congkan. 35 The fifteen novels listed for Jiangdong maoji in Xiaoshuo shufang lu are categorized as martial-arts novels in Jiangdong maoji tushu mulu shumu, 1929. That catalog also lists another 287 titles in the category pingci shuobu lei 評詞說部類, which seem to be prose novels adapted from drum ballads. 36 See Xu Shu and Song Anli, Zhongguo jindai guji chuban faxing shiliao congkan. 37 Brokaw, “Reading the Best-Sellers,” 184–231; and Brokaw, Commerce in Culture. 38 Brokaw, “Appendix G: List of Sibao Imprints,” online supplement to Commerce in Culture, https://api.knack.com/v1/applications/5745b46bf45c635a351999f3/down load/asset/5c87d746eb5e4b2ea320960d/appendixglistofsibaoimprints.pdf; accessed May 8, 2018. 39 Sibao also published “regional” literature, but of different genres specific to the far south. See Brokaw, Commerce in Culture, 499–506. For translation and discussion of some of these titles, see Idema, Passion, Poverty, and Travel. 40 Brokaw estimates that about 15 to 20 percent of the stock of the Sibao publishers was fiction. Commerce in Culture, 477. 41 Hu Hung-po suggests that other publishers specialized in illustrated drum ballads, including Dacheng, Jiangdong maoji, Zhuji, Xieji, Zhangfuji, and Xiaojing shanfang. Hu Hong-po, “Qingmo Minchu xiuxiang guci bai sanshi zhong zong lun,” 240. However, all the presses he lists appear in Xiaoshuo shufang lu as the publishers of novels.

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42 These advertisements, originally printed in the back of editions of Liang Shanbo 梁山伯 and Wei Wulang you difu 魏五郎遊地府 printed by Chunyin shu- zhuang, are quoted from Ōtsuka Hidetaka, “Chū’ō kenkyūin rekishi gogen kenkyūsho,” 71. 43 “書價每本不過一銅元至五銅元, 今定大洋二分為每書的平均價.” Liu Fu, “Zhongguo zhi xiadeng xiaoshuo,” 2:367. 44 Shanghai Guangyi shuju tushu mulu (1910s). 45 Jiangdong maoji shuju tushu mulu, 11:687–98. 46 Reed, Gutenberg in Shanghai, 101. Cf. advertisement by Dianshizhai touting the advantages of lithographic printing in Shenbao, March 8, 1880; quoted in Pan Jianguo, “Metal Typography, Stone Lithography,” 567. 47 Collectanea also seem to have been sold in parts. 48 Dacheng shuju tushu mulu, 53–55. Dacheng shuju sold some long novels in parts, usually one section comprising four volumes for twenty cents. Ji Gong zhuan is sixteen cents each and runs to forty parts; see Dacheng shuju tushu mulu, 43–44. 49 Perry Link, Mandarin Ducks and Butterflies, 190. Link suggests that those who could easily afford fiction in the 1910s included “well-to-do merchants, land- lords, bankers, industrialists and their families; a portion of the reform- generation intellectuals of the 1910s, many now government officials; . . . wealthy degenerates . . . ; and finally, a considerable number of rural gentry who . . . ordered fiction magazines by mail.” Those who could not easily afford fiction included “students, shop clerks, and office workers.” 50 Many of the titles listed in the 1921 Zhangfuji catalog under changben are “old” lute ballads, mostly women’s tanci. Zhangfuji tushu mulu, 394. 51 Besides extensive textual borrowing, some lithographic editions even preserve the printer’s notations like “end of volume one of part 11.” Such marks are present in Xiuxiang Liu Gong an quanzhuan (1905); Dazi xiuxiang Liu Gong an quan zhuan (1911); and Liu Gong an quan zhuan (1914). 52 Hongqigou (Kuanchengzi), 1.9.7a–b; Cf. Huitu Hongqigou (1906) chapter 10, 2.4a. 53 There are 508 titles listed in this category; another 33 are listed under “large-print original drum ballads.” Jiangdong maoji catalog, in Xu Shu and Song Anli, Zhongguo jindai guji chuban faxing shiliao, 11:687–98. 54 The Guangyi shuju edition, Zuben dazi xiuxiang quantu Liu Gong an, does not appear to have a preface. 55 Xiuxiang Liu Gong an quanzhuan (1905), 1.1a. This edition of Liu Gong an may be closest to the 1894 Shandong woodblock edition. Even some of the mistaken characters (cuobie zi 错别字) are the same in both. 56 Zuben dazi xiuxiang quantu Liu Gong an, 1.1a; Cf. Bailing ji (Nanyang), 1.1b. 57 Bailing ji (Nanyang) generally only marks prose (bai); the verse formatting speaks for itself. 58 Examples include the phrase duozan 多咱 for “when.” Dazi xiuxiang Liu Gong an quan zhuan, 2.7b. 59 Xiuxiang Liu Gong an quanzhuan (1908), 1.25; Dazi xiuxiang Liu Gong an q uan

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zhuan; Liu Gong an quan zhuan (1914), end of volume 1. Printer’s notations also appear in Xiuxiang Liu Gong an quanzhuan (1905). 60 One such instance is where the terms for farming implements are changed to 鋤共‌ ‌鍬 in the lithograph from 镐共掀 in the woodblocks. Dazi xiuxiang Liu Gong an quan zhuan, 2.9a. 61 In one case, the Guangyi shuju edition, Zuben dazi xiuxiang quantu Liu Gong an, ends a line with the rhyme ba ben sheng 把本升 (1.2a), while the Zhuji shuju 1911 edition, Xiuxiang shuochang Liu Gong an, changes it to ba ben zou 把本‌ ‌奏, which does not rhyme. Elsewhere the Zhuji shuju 1911 edition preserves the rhyme with xia ma xing 下馬行, while the Guangyi shuju edition changes it to xia ma lai 下馬來, which does not rhyme (1.2a). 62 “If gentlemen in the audience ask what drum passage this is, / its name is just Busy at Both Ends.” 明公要問甚麼段 / 起名就叫兩頭忙. Xiuxiang shuochang Liu Gong an (1911), 1.6a; cf. Zuben dazi xiuxiang quantu Liu Gong an, 1.6a. 63 Tables of contents are found in Xiuxiang Liu Gong an quanzhuan (1908); and Liu Gong an quan zhuan (1914). 64 Iguchi Junko notes that Laoting dagu performers had difficulty singing the lithographic printed ballads she brought to them. Iguchi Junko, Zhongguo beifang nongcun de kouchuan wenhua, 77. 65 Berezkin, “Printing and Circulating ‘Precious Scrolls,’” 152, 154–55. As the title suggests, Berezkin is interested in looking at different ways lithographicbao juan texts were used from 1910–1940, and particularly in re-examining the question of whether baojuan evolved from scripts for recitation to reading materials. He writes, “Available evidence points toward a dual function for baojuan editions, as both reading materials and scripts for recitation.” Berezkin, “Print- ing and Circulating ‘Precious Scrolls,’” 142–43, 161. 66 Fu Xihua, “Baiben Zhang xiqu shuji kaolüe,” 317. 67 Quoted in Reed, Gutenberg in Shanghai, 98. 68 Zhang Cixi, “Tongsu changben zhi faxing,” 451–52. 69 Li Yu et al., Zhongguo guci zongmu, 37–38. 70 Zhongguo quyi zhi: Beijing juan, 14. 71 Xiaoqun Xu, Trial of Modernity, 13–20, 65, 73–74; Jennifer Neighbors, “The Long Arm of Qing Law?” 72 For a translation of these early ballads, see Idema, Judge Bao and the Rule of Law. 73 Martin Weizong Huang, “Dehistoricization and Intertextualization”; McLaren, “Constructing New Reading Publics.” 74 Xiuxiang Liu Gong an quanzhuan (1908). 75 See the prefaces for Longtu gongan and Shi Gong an in Ding Xigen, Zhongguo lidai xiaoshuo xu ba ji, 3:1601–2, 1610–11. 76 For an analysis of Ershi nian mudu guai xianzhuang, see Huters, Bringing the World Home, 130–50. 77 Xiuxiang shuochang Liu Gong an (1911). 78 Advertisement for Xinji fenlei gujin qi’an huibian, in Zuben dazi xiuxiang quantu Liu Gong an.

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79 Liu Fu describes the third category as “prose that is close to verse, or one might say verse that is close to prose, because with this kind of thing the tone is very close to ordinary language, but the phrasing also contains some atmosphere of verse. Also in some cases parts of them rhyme, and in other cases they rhyme throughout. They differ from the first form [prosimetric literature], which is derived from tanci, in two ways: first, in the first form both speaking and singing are used, so it contains some element of drama, while in this [third] form there is only singing but no speaking, with some qualities of ‘Ballad.’ Second, in the first form the sung parts are regulated and orderly, while in this [third] form there are no limits, but [lines] are freely as long or short as a breath.” He includes dagu, baojuan, and songbooks in the “first form” of prosimetric literature. Liu Fu, “Zhongguo zhi xiadeng xiaoshuo,” 2:368–69. 80 Liu Fu, “Zhongguo zhi xiadeng xiaoshuo,” 2:366–67. He suggests that the numbers of such works compared favorably with any major newspaper, magazine, or textbook in China, which shows how influential they are. “Low-Grade Fiction in China” was a lecture delivered at Beijing University in 1918; it is cited in Chang-tai Hung, Going to the People, 36. 81 Idema notes that the term xiaoshuo included novels, short stories, tanci, guci, and plays among other things. “[W]hen it is stated that ‘Common novels are in the hand of everybody,’ and titles are provided, it becomes clear the works belong- ing to chapbook tradition and tan-tzu and the like are meant.” Idema, Chinese Vernacular Fiction, xliii, liv. 82 Berezkin, “Printing and Circulating ‘Precious Scrolls,’” 152, 154–55. 83 The title on the outside is Liu Yong sifang. 84 Ōtsuka Hidetaka, “Sekiin koshi kenkyu (sono ichi),” 47. 85 Examples of drum ballad formulae that do appear include XX 面前存 (1), and 你是听 (4). In Liu Yong sifang, dialogue markers are present 64 percent of the time in the verse and 86 percent of the time in the prose, so this songbook is still evoking the conventions of performance traditions. 86 Cui Yunhua, Xiaoshi de minyao, 47. She also notes several texts going back to the Ming where the form (drum ballad, lute ballad, or wooden fish book) has been a subject of scholarly debate. See also Anne McLaren’s discussion of a Qing dynasty songbook text in her chapter “Folk Epics from the Lower Yangtze Delta Region,” 157–86. Hu Hung-po notes that in the late Qing and Republican era, lithographic drum ballads were freely borrowing story material from novels, lute ballads, and precious scrolls (baojuan). See Hu Hung-po, “Qingmo Minchu xiuxiang guci bai sanshi zhong zonglun,” 228–29. 87 Liu Fu, “Zhongguo zhi xiadeng xiaoshuo,” 2:370. 88 Extant catalogs from Shanghai lithographic publishers show that “songbooks” was a popular category. There are thirty-one titles listed under this heading chang( ben lei 唱本類) in the Zhangfuji catalog (1921), as well as a separate category for drum ballads (guci lei 鼓詞類). The Dacheng shuju catalog (1921) lists 218 titles under “Full color cover songbooks” (wucaimian changben 五‌彩面唱本‌ ), and lists other categories for “Full color cover Capital tune songbooks” (wucaimian jingdiao quben 五彩面京調曲本), shadow plays (yingci lei 影詞‌ 類‌ ), drum bal-

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lads, large-print drum ballads (dazi zuben guci liukaiben 大字足本鼓詞六開‌ 本), and newly-created drum ballads (xinbian chuban guci 新編出版鼓詞). The Jiangdong maoji catalog (1929) also has several categories for songbooks: “Tell- ing and singing shadow plays and drum ballads” (Shuochang ying gu ci lei 說唱影鼓詞類), “All kinds of big five tunes songbooks” Gezhong( dawuqu changben lei 各種大五曲唱本類), and “All kinds of Capital tunes songbooks” (Gezhong Jing diao changben lei 各種京調唱本類). See Zhangfuji shuju tushu mulu biao, 389–94; Dacheng shuju tushu mulu, 532–43, 545–53; and Jiangdong maoji tushu mulu shumu, 11:632. 89 Ōtsuka Hidetaka notes two titles “rewritten in Mandarin” published by Chunyin, and four published by Xiecheng. See his catalogs of the Fu Ssu-nien collection and his article, “‘Sekiin koshi’ ni tsuite,” 86. In Liu Yong sifang, dialect words appear occasionally, but they are a mix of northern and southern expressions, including the Yangzhou dialect expression 那塊 “where” (4). 90 Liu Yong sifang, 1–3. Cf. Xinke Bailing ji in Xiuxiang Liu Gong an (Huangyi), 3.21b, 4.1b–2b; Bailing ji (Nanyang), 11.5a, 12.1a–b; and Xiuxiang Liu Gong an quan zhuan (1908), 1.23a. 91 Judge Liu’s relationship as the adopted son of the empress is mentioned in the Chewangfu manuscript Liu Gong an “Duchayuan,” as well as in the woodblock ballads Bailing ji and Na Guotai, although they do not elaborate on how that came to pass. Exposing an impostor official occurs in “Hejian fu” in the Che- wangfu manuscript Shi Gong an. 92 QMCWF “Jurong xian,” 3.23a; LGA, 253. 93 Such novels, in which romance plots converge with stories of martial heroism, were a trend in the late eighteenth and nineteenth century in China. See Martin Huang, Negotiating Masculinities, 155–58; and Widmer’s discussion of similar trends toward “adventurous, idealistic, and accessible reading” in “Honglou Meng Sequels,” 133, 135. 94 “Improved” appears in Chinese book titles between 1895 and 1933. Many of the presses listed in table 6.1 published “improved” works, including Jinzhang, Jiangdong maoji, Shanghai shuju, Zhangfuji, Saoye shanfang, Dacheng, and Guangyi. A large number of these works are from the 1900s. Anne McLaren discusses the use of “gailiang” in the titles of popular folk operas published in Shanghai in her article, “Selling Scandal in the Republican Era.” 95 Wang Qingyuan, Mou Renlong, and Han Xiduo, Xiaoshuo shufang lu, 164–67. 96 David Wang notes that nearly all the major classic Chinese novels were the subject of sequels or rewrites in the late Qing. See his Fine -d -Siècle Splendor, 29. On Xin Shitou ji, see David Wang, Fine -d -Siècle Splendor, 271–84; Martin Huang, “Boundaries and Interpretations,” 34; and Huters, Bringing the World Home, 151–72. 97 See Ōtsuka Hidetaka’s catalogs of the lithographic drum ballads in the Fu Ssu- nien collection. In these lists, twenty-four ballads published by Chunyin include “gailiang” in their titles; seven “improved” ballads were published by Xiecheng shuju, and another seven by other or unknown presses. 98 Dacheng shuju tushu mulu, 538–43.

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99 Advertisement in Xiuxiang Fan Tang guci 繡像反唐鼓詞 (Shanghai: Xiaojing shanfang, n.d.), quoted in Hu Hung-po, “Qingmo Minchu xiuxiang guci kanben sanshier zhong xulu,” 59. 100 Li Yu et al., Zhongguo guci zongmu, 34. 101 Li Yu et al., Zhongguo guci zongmu, 32–33. Fu Youpu wrote drum ballads for several publishing houses, including Jiangdong maoji, Xiaojing shanfang, Dacheng, and Shanghai shuju. Some of the authored drum ballads ventured beyond fiction. For example, an “Advertisement for newly published drum ballads by Shanghai Tianjin Jiangdong maoji shuju” 上海天津江東茂記書局出版鼓詞廣 ‌告 introduces two works on the wonders of Shanghai, stating “we invited Mr. Fu Youpu of Shandong to write these two books as drum ballads (guci) for virtual tourists. His literary skills are generally acknowl- edged. Price fifteen cents (yang yijiao wufen 洋一角五分).” The advertisement appears at the end of the third volume of Xinbian Xianü Hong Hudie san ji, in the Shanxi Daxue Wenxueyuan collection. Li Yu et al., Zhongguo guci zongmu, 31. 102 Li Yu et al., Zhongguo guci zongmu, 34. 103 Huitu xinbian zhenzheng Shi Gong an shuochang guci (1924). 104 Huters, Bringing the World Home, 19–20. 105 Wang Xiaoming, Hockx, and Huters, “A Journal and a ‘Society.’” 106 Link, Mandarin Ducks and Butterflies, 11. Another factor may have been the effort of organizations like the Literary Association to promulgate a central line regarding literature beginning in the 1920s. See Wang, Hockx, and Huters, “A Journal and a ‘Society.’” 107 Reed, Gutenberg in Shanghai, 207. 108 Link, Mandarin Ducks and Butterflies, 106–24, esp. chart C, p. 116. When one takes into account that “Shanghai newspapers had as many as ten readers per copy, a result of their being posted on bulletin boards, supplied in common to offices, and passed around among family and friends,” it is apparent that newspapers had a fairly wide penetration by the 1930s. 109 Advertisement in Jiangdong maoji catalog, 1929, reprinted in Xu Shu and Song Anli, Zhongguo jindai guji chuban faxing shiliao congkan, 11:668–69. 110 Advertisement in Jiangdong maoji catalog, 1929, reprinted in Xu and Song, Zhongguo jindai guji chuban faxing shiliao congkan, 11:686–87. 111 Jones, Developmental Fairy Tales, 24, 104, 119–20. 112 See Lu Xun, “Lianhuanhua bianhu” 連環畫辯護, in Lu Xun quanji, 4:445–50; and “Lianhuanhua suo tan” 連環畫瑣談, in Lu Xun quanji, 6:27–29. The former was originally published in 1932 in Wenxue yuebao 文學月報第四號, while the latter was originally published in 1934 in Zhonghua ribao 中華日報 under the pseudonym Yan Ke 燕客. 113 Xiecheng shuju does not appear in Xiaoshuo shufang lu, which suggests it did not print novels. Ōtsuka Hidetaka notes that Xiecheng shuju also advertised its educational illustrated works. Ōtsuka Hidetaka, “‘Sekiin koshi’ ni tsuite,” 72.

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114 Ōtsuka Hidetaka, “‘Sekiin koshi’ ni tsuite,” 71. From the waste paper used in Xiecheng shuju editions, we can tell that one title was published no earlier than 1919, and another no earlier than 1931. 115 In the Shanxi Daxue collection. 116 Besides the additional illustrations, the other obvious change is that this lianhuan hua edition no longer doubles up characters in lines of verse to indicate the rhythm. 117 Other “linked picture” books on Judge Shi included Shuangbiao ji (Shanghai: Wenyi shuju, n.d.). The stories of Judge Liu and Judge Shi/Huang Tianba con- tinued in xiaoren shu 小人書, small-format picture books, into the 1940s. For example, a story about Huang Tianba’s son, Zhuona Yizhilan 捉拿一支蘭, was published by Gangwen Book Company in 1946. See figure 5.6 in Kuiyi Shen, “Lianhuanhua and manhua,” 107. See also the xiaoren shu version of the Judge Liu story in Liu Gong an (Shanghai: Wende shuju, n.d.). 118 Guangbo zhoubao, issues 25 (March 1935), 28 (April 1935), and 32 (May 1935). 119 See, for example, the lithographic editions of Xinke Hongqigou shuochang guci (1940); Shuangbiao ji (1941); and Liu Gong an (Shanghai, 1940s?). 120 Zhang Cixi, “Tongsu changben zhi faxing,” 451–52. 121 Brokaw, “Commercial Woodblock Publishing in the Qing,” 46–47. 122 Li Yu lists 349 titles in the section he calls the period of the war of resistance against Japan and liberation, 1937–1949. See Li Yu et al., Zhongguo guci zongmu, 39–45, and 659–726. 123 Link, Mandarin Ducks and Butterflies, 132–33. 124 On the diversity of opinions on writing, see Huters, “A New Way of Writing,” 243–76.

Conclusion

1 Reed, Gutenberg in Shanghai, 207. 2 Shi Gong an can ben, 2.3.3a. 3 Beijing drum ballad texts were brought to Guangdong in the nineteenth century by Manchus living in the garrison there. See Chiu, Bannermen Tales, 306. 4 If there were a map of all the places Chinese novels were printed in the same period, it would be even more geographically inclusive. 5 This was about the time that lithographic printing of drum ballads in Shanghai was taking off. 6 Yi-Fu Tuan, Space and Place; Buell, Writing for an Endangered World. 7 Yi-Fu Tuan, Space and Place, 6. 8 Buell, Writing for an Endanged World, 67. 9 Massey, “A Global Sense of Place,” 152–56. 10 In The City in Late Imperial China (234), Skinner sees extraregional trade as much less important to North China than to many other regions. In his Presidential Address, Skinner states, “Trade between the centrally located cities of one region

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and those of another was minimized by the high cost of unmechanized transport, the great distances involved, and the more rugged terrain that characterized most portions of the regional peripheries. For these various reasons, then, there developed in each of the major physiographic regions a reasonably discrete urban system, that is, a cluster of cities within which interurban trans actions were concentrated and whose rural-urban transactions were largely confined within the region.” Skinner, “Structure of Chinese History,” 280. 11 Skinner argues that “separate urban systems developed in each of the major physiographic regions into which agrarian China may be subdivided . . . and that even as late as the mid-nineteenth century, economic and administrative transactions between these discrete systems were too attenuated to bind the parts into an integrated empire-wide urban system.” The City in Late Imperial China, 8. 12 “Beijing’s population, scarcely larger than would be expected for the metropolitan city of North China alone, was less than a third of what it would have to have been if it formed the apex of an integrated empirewide system of cities. . . . The . . . gentler slope that characterized the largest cities of the empire and their massive ‘deficit’ of centrality indicates no more than negligible integration of the various regional urban systems. Beijing, Suzhou, Canton, and Wuhan each in its way performed important extraregional functions in the mid-nineteenth century, but none exhibited the centrality needed to integrate a Chinese system of cities. A unified urban system on such a scale was most likely simply infea- sible in an agrarian society prior to the extension of mechanized transport.” Skinner, The City in Late Imperial China, 249. 13 The groupings bring to mind Moretti’s observations about the market for novels in Europe, in which he finds a core, semi-periphery, and periphery. “Two, three Europes. With France and Britain always in the core; most other countries always in the periphery; and in between a variable group, that changes from case to case.” Moretti, Atlas of the European Novel, 173–74. 14 Baojuan and tanci have inspired some excellent studies. See, for example, Over- myer, Precious Volumes; Idema, Personal Salvation and Filial Piety; Bender, Plum and Bamboo; Hu Siao-chen, “Literary Tanci”; and Hu Siao-chen, Cainü cheye weimian. Brokaw also notes the importance of songbooks as a category of local literature and discusses some from Sibao in Commerce in Culture, 500–506. 15 Few scholarly sources are available for performance aspects of drum ballads before 1950. From the materials collected in the 1950s on, we have storytelling lineages which can be used to discuss the relationship between regional influence and local forms. Iguchi Junko’s research centering on drum songs of Laoting, Hebei, shows connections between nineteenth- and twentieth-century drum song performers stretching from Laoting to Tianjin, Beijing, Shanhaiguan and Shen- yang. Iguchi quotes Zhongguo xiqu quyi cidian saying that Laoting dagu was popular in east Hebei and Dongbei. Iguchi, Zhongguo beifang nongcun de kouchuan wenhua, 31. For the performer’s ties, see Iguchi, Zhongguo beifang nongcun de kouchuan wenhua, 22, 26, 40, 42, 46. See also Zdenek Hrdlicka, “Old

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Chinese Ballads,” 83–145; Stevens, “Peking Drumsinging”; and Lawson, The Narrative Arts of Tianjin. 16 Moretti, Atlas of the European Novel, 163. 17 Moretti quotes others to suggest that ballads in Europe were a form without a geographic center, but from what he quotes that could be because they were earlier in history, or closely related to the oral. Moretti, Atlas of the European Novel, 186. 18 Bryna Goodman characterizes these layers of identity in the late nineteenth century as “quasi-Confucian ideas of concentric circles of cultural and territorial identity.” Native Place, City, and Nation, 13. 19 Iguchi Junko, Zhongguo beifang nongcun de kouchuan wenhua, 38–39. 20 May-bo Ching, “Guangdong Culture and Identity in the Late Qing and Early Republic.” 21 David Rolston, personal communication, February 8, 2017. 22 Han Zhang, personal communication, March 31, 2017.

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