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A Huayan Paradigm for the Classification of Mahāyāna Teachings: the Origin and Meaning of Faxiangzong and Faxingzong∗

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A Huayan Paradigm for the Classification of Mahāyāna Teachings: the Origin and Meaning of Faxiangzong and Faxingzong∗ IMRE HAMAR A HUAYAN PARADIGM FOR THE CLASSIFICATION OF MAHĀYĀNA TEACHINGS: THE ORIGIN AND MEANING ∗ OF FAXIANGZONG AND FAXINGZONG Introduction Dan Lusthaus finds the origin of the paradigm xing 性 versus xiang 相 in the Cheng weishi lun 成唯識論 and concludes: Ironically, this very distinction became one of the major rhetorical weapons used by Fa- tsang against Hsüan-tsang’s school, calling them ‘[the mere] fa-hsiang’ (Dharma-Charac- teristics) school against his own Sinitic ‘fa-hsing’ (Dharma-Nature) school. This distinction became so important that every Buddhist school originating in East Asia, including all forms of Sinitic Mahāyāna, viz. T’ien-t’ai, Hua-yen, Ch’an, and Pure Land, came to be considered Dharma-nature schools.1 Whalen Lai also attributes the establishment of this paradigm to Fazang, refer- ring to Zhili 知禮: “The name ‘Fa-hsiang’ was, however, attributed to it by its crit- ics; it is a derogative term alleging that the school did not know thoroughly the deeper Fa-hsing (Dharma-essence). The contrast was intended to bring out the ‘Hī- nayānist phenomenalism’ [sic] inherent in the Wei-shih school and to highlight the ‘Mahāyāna essentialism’ of its critic. As recalled by Sung T’ien-t’ai master Ssu- ming Chih-li (959–1028), the distinction arose at the time of Fa-tsang’s (643–712) attack on the Wei-shih school: At the time [of Hua-yen (Avatamsaka) patriarch, Fa-tsang,] there was widely held the theory of chen-ju sui-yüan (Suchness or tathatā accompanying the conditions [the pratyaya that brought samsāra into being]) and the theory of a (passive) Suchness that would not create (‘let rise’) the various existents (dharmas). From that is derived the distinction between a hsing-tsung ([Dharma] essence school] and a hsiang-tsung ([Dharma] charac- teristic school). This distinction was made by Fa-tsang and was unknown to our [T’ien-t’ai] master Chih-i.2 They are right in that Fazang 法藏 introduced the term faxiangzong 法相宗 for the Yogācāra teachings of Xuanzang 玄奘 (600–664), and later this designation became widespread in East Asian Buddhism. In Japan, the Hossō 法相 school repre- sented the most outstanding of the six schools (Sanron 三論, Hossō, Jōjitsu 成實, ∗ This study was supported by the Hungarian National Research Fund (OTKA No. T 047023). 1 Lusthaus 2002: 372. 2 Lai 1986: 1. 208 IMRE HAMAR Kusha 俱舍, Ritsu 律, Kegon 華嚴) of the Nara period (710–784).3 However, attrib- uting the invention of the term faxingzong 法性宗 to Fazang is rather dubious, as it cannot be found in his works. The faxing 法性 is the Chinese equivalent of the Sans- krit dharmatā,4 which means ‘essence’ or ‘inherent nature.’5 I will not delve into this frequently used term in Indian and Chinese Buddhism here as this would go beyond the scope of this article. Nonetheless, it should be pointed out that the founder of the Tiantai 天台 school, Zhiyi 智顗 (538–597), identified dharma-nature with Buddha- nature by saying: “Buddha-nature is dharma-nature 佛性即是法性.”6 He thus attrib- utes Buddha-nature not only to the sentient beings but also to the non-sentient be- ings.7 Lusthaus’ other claim that Huayan “came to be considered Dharma-nature school” can also be called into question. In order to provide an answer as to whether Huayan belongs to the dharma-nature school, I shall examine the origin and mean- ing of these two important terms in the history of Chinese Buddhist thought: the zong of dharma-characteristics (faxiangzong 法相宗) and the zong of dharma-nature (faxingzong 法性宗). Faxiangzong as Yogācāra in Fazang’s works In his commentary on the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra (Huayan jing tanxuan ji 華嚴經 談玄記), Fazang relates the story of how he met a Central Indian monk, Divākara8 (Dipoheluo 地婆訶羅, or Rizhao 日照 613–688),9 in the Taiyuan 太原 monastery10 of Chang’an in 684, and asked him whether Indian monks distinguish between pro- visional and actual (quanshi 權實) teachings.11 In his reply, Divākara said that there were two famous Indian masters of the Nālandā monastery: Śīlabhadra (Jiexian 戒 賢 529–645)12 and Jñānaprabha (Zhiguang 智光).13 He interprets their views on the different levels of Buddhist teachings in the following way. 13 Tamura 2000: 46. 14 Soothill 1937: 269, Nakamura 1975: 1252d–1253a. 15 Monier-Williams 1899: 511. 16 Weimo jing lüeshu 維摩經略疏, T 17783: 8.681a26. 17 Ng 2003: 78. 18 On Divākara, see Forte 1974. 19 Divākara is said to have translated 18 works between 676 and 687. Kaiyuan shijiaolu 開元 釋教錄, T 2154: 55.564a12–17. With the assistance of Fazang, he translated the Ghanavyūha- sūtra (Dasheng miyan jing 大乘密嚴經, T 681), on which Fazang wrote a commentary (Da- sheng miyan jing shu 大乘密嚴經疏, XZJ vol. 34). In addition, they worked together on the translation of the parts of the last chapter of the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra, the Gaṇḍavyūha- sūtra, that were missing from Buddhabhadra’s translation. See Liu 1979: 8–9. 10 Empress Wu established this monastery by converting her mother’s residence after she passed away. She appointed Fazang as the first abbot. See Liu 1979: 8. 11 T 1733: 35.111c8–112a22. 12 Śīlabhadra was Xuanzang’s 玄奘 (600–664) teacher at Nālandā, and is mentioned in his fa- mous record of his travels, Xiyuji 西域記 T 2087. See Lusthaus 2002: 395–397. 13 Mochizuki 3571. A HUAYAN PARADIGM FOR THE CLASSIFICATION OF MAHĀYĀNA TEACHINGS 209 Śīlabhadra, a disciple of Dharmapāla (Hufa 護法 530–561), who belongs to the lineage of Maitreya (Mile 彌勒) and Asaṅga (Wuzhu 無著 310–390?),14 establishes three levels of teachings on the basis of Saṃdhinirmocana-sūtra and Yogācārabhū- mi-śāstra.15 In the first period, Hīnayāna teaches the emptiness of living beings (shengkong 生空), but fails to realise the true principle (zhenli 真理) of the empti- ness of dharmas (fakong 法空). In the second period, the Prajñāpāramitā-sūtras ad- vocate the emptiness of dharmas. The correct principle (zhengli 正理) of Mahāyāna is revealed only in the third period, when the tenets of Yogācāra, i.e. three natures and three non-natures, are taught. In addition, these three levels of teaching are ex- plained in terms of the capacity of the audience, the teaching, and the revelation of principle. In the first period, only śrāvakas are taught exclusively Hīnayāna teach- ings that reveal the principle of emptiness of the person. In the second period, only bodhisattvas are taught exclusively Mahāyāna teachings that show the emptiness of both the person and dharmas. In the third period, beings of various capacities are in- structed in all vehicles that expose both emptiness and existence (kongyou 空有). As the third period comprises all capacities, teachings and principles, it represents the level of explicit statement (nītārtha, liaoyi 了義). Jñānaprabha, who belongs to the lineage of Mañjuśrī (Wenshu 文殊) and Nāgār- juna (Longshu 龍樹 ca. 150–250), follows in the footsteps of Āryadeva (Tipo 提婆 170–270) and Bhāvaviveka (Qingbian 清辯 500–570). He distinguishes three levels of teaching on the basis of the Prajñāpāramitā-sūtras and Mūlamadhyamakakārikā. In the first period, Buddha instructed people of small capacity in the Hīnayāna teaching, according to which both mind and objects exist (xinjing juyou 心境俱有). In the second period, the faxiang of Mahāyāna (faxiang dasheng 法相大乘) is taught to people of mediocre capacity. It explains that objects are empty, while the mind is existent (jingkong xinyou 境空心有), which is the principle of conscious- ness-only. However, these people cannot understand the equality of true emptiness (pingdeng zhenkong 平等真空). In the third period, the wuxiang of Mahāyāna (wu- xiang dasheng 無相大乘) is taught to people of superb capacity. It argues that the equal emptiness of both objects and the mind is the level of true explicit statement (zhen liaoyi 真了義). In the first period, the audience consisted of the two vehicles which must refer to śrāvaka-yāna and pratyekabuddha-yāna; in the second, it was made up of the followers of both Hīnayāna and Mahāyāna, and in the third, it was only bodhisattvas. In terms of teaching, the first period is the teaching of Hīnayāna, the second is that of three vehicles (sansheng 三乘), and the last period is that of one- 14 According to the legend, Maireya took Asaṅga to the Tuṣita where Yogācāra works were given to him. Some scholars suspect that Maitreya could be a historical person, Asaṅga’s teacher, who is referred to as Maitreyanātha. See Williams 1989: 80–81. 15 It is interesting to note that Xuanzang’s biography (Da Tang Daciensi sanzang fashi zhuan 大 唐大慈恩寺三藏法師傳, T 2053) by Huili 慧立 and Yancong 彥悰 cites a letter by Xuanzang where Śīlabhadra is said to be the successor to both Āryadeva and Nāgārjuna. This contradicts Divākara’s alleged account that associates Śīlabhadra exclusively with Āryadeva and the Yogā- cāra. See Li 1995: 231. 210 IMRE HAMAR vehicle (yisheng 一乘). As regards the revelation of principle, the heretical view of self-nature (zixing 自性) is refuted in the first period, clinging to the essential being of those things that dependently arise is refuted gradually in the second, and the ap- parent existence still retained in the second period is refuted in the third. The classification of the two Indian masters can be summarised in two tables: period audience teaching principle 1. Hīnayāna śrāvaka Hīnayāna emptiness of person 2. Wuxiang bodhisattva Mahāyāna emptiness of person and dharmas 3. Faxiang all all emptiness and existence (Classification by Śīlabhadra) period audience teaching principle 1. Hīnayāna two vehicles Hīnayāna refutation of the heretical view of self-nature 2. Faxiang both Hīnayāna and three refutation of essential being Mahāyāna vehicles 3.
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