Dharmakāya Pratītyasamutpāda ( (法界縁起説, Hokkai Engi Setsu
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Fazang the Court Politician
CHAPTER TEN FAZANG THE COURT POLITICIAN As a court priest for over three decades (ca. 680-712), Fazang was actively involved in politics during a crucial period in history. This chapter has two purposes. On the one hand, through various facts about Fazang I throw some light on significant historical events and illustrate how these were shaped in part by Fazang’s political shrewdness and religious vision. On the other, I will explore the intellectual and histori- cal contexts for Fazang’s importance as a court chaplain. These touch on specific events on the eve of Empress Wu’s epochal dynasty-founding of 690 and those concerning the political transitions around 705 and 710. Understanding Fazang’s political role requires a view of approxi- mately fifty years of Empress Wu’s own political life. Although Fazang lived under six sovereigns of the Great Tang and Zhou,1 it is helpful to consider that Empress Wu began to manipulate imperial power long before she became the supreme ruler both in fact and in name, and that in a sense she was a focus of Fazang’s life and career. Given the ex- traordinary influence that she had over Fazang’s monastic and political life, I will devote three of the four sections of this chapter to Fazang’s relationship with Empress Wu, leaving his political role under the reigns of Empress Wu’s two successors (Zhongzong and Ruizong) to the last section. 1. FAZANG AND EMPRESS WU: 670-690 This section will treat two developments: the circumstances under which Fazang came into Empress Wu’s power circle, and a major poli- tico-religious event on the eve of Empress Wu’s Zhou dynasty. -
The Concept of Existence (Bhava) in Early Buddhism Pranab Barua
The Concept of Existence (Bhava) in Early Buddhism Pranab Barua, Mahachulalongkornrajavidyalaya University, Thailand The Asian Conference on Ethics, Religion & Philosophy 2021 Official Conference Proceedings Abstract The transition in Dependent Origination (paṭiccasamuppāda) between clinging (upādāna) and birth (jāti) is often misunderstood. This article explores the early Buddhist philosophical perspective of the relationship between death and re-birth in the process of following bhava (uppatti-bhava) and existing bhava (kamma-bhava). It additionally analyzes the process of re- birth (punabbhava) through the karmic processes on the psycho-cosmological level of becoming, specifically how kamma-bhava leads to re-becoming in a new birth. The philosophical perspective is established on the basis of the Mahātaṇhāsaṅkhaya-Sutta, the Mahāvedalla-Sutta, the Bhava-Sutta (1) and (2), the Cūḷakammavibhaṅga-Sutta, the Kutuhalasala-Sutta as well as commentary from the Visuddhimagga. Further, G.A. Somaratne’s article Punabbhava and Jātisaṃsāra in Early Buddhism, Bhava and Vibhava in Early Buddhism and Bhikkhu Bodhi’s Does Rebirth Make Sense? provide scholarly perspective for understanding the process of re-birth. This analysis will help to clarify common misconceptions of Tilmann Vetter and Lambert Schmithausen about the role of consciousness and kamma during the process of death and rebirth. Specifically, the paper addresses the role of the re-birth consciousness (paṭisandhi-viññāṇa), death consciousness (cūti-viññāṇa), life continuum consciousness (bhavaṅga-viññāṇa) and present consciousness (pavatti-viññāṇa) in the context of the three natures of existence and the results of action (kamma-vipāka) in future existences. Keywords: Bhava, Paṭiccasamuppāda, Kamma, Psycho-Cosmology, Punabbhava iafor The International Academic Forum www.iafor.org Prologue Bhava is the tenth link in the successive flow of human existence in the process of Dependent Origination (paṭiccasamuppāda). -
A Huayan Paradigm for the Classification of Mahāyāna Teachings: the Origin and Meaning of Faxiangzong and Faxingzong∗
IMRE HAMAR A HUAYAN PARADIGM FOR THE CLASSIFICATION OF MAHĀYĀNA TEACHINGS: THE ORIGIN AND MEANING ∗ OF FAXIANGZONG AND FAXINGZONG Introduction Dan Lusthaus finds the origin of the paradigm xing 性 versus xiang 相 in the Cheng weishi lun 成唯識論 and concludes: Ironically, this very distinction became one of the major rhetorical weapons used by Fa- tsang against Hsüan-tsang’s school, calling them ‘[the mere] fa-hsiang’ (Dharma-Charac- teristics) school against his own Sinitic ‘fa-hsing’ (Dharma-Nature) school. This distinction became so important that every Buddhist school originating in East Asia, including all forms of Sinitic Mahāyāna, viz. T’ien-t’ai, Hua-yen, Ch’an, and Pure Land, came to be considered Dharma-nature schools.1 Whalen Lai also attributes the establishment of this paradigm to Fazang, refer- ring to Zhili 知禮: “The name ‘Fa-hsiang’ was, however, attributed to it by its crit- ics; it is a derogative term alleging that the school did not know thoroughly the deeper Fa-hsing (Dharma-essence). The contrast was intended to bring out the ‘Hī- nayānist phenomenalism’ [sic] inherent in the Wei-shih school and to highlight the ‘Mahāyāna essentialism’ of its critic. As recalled by Sung T’ien-t’ai master Ssu- ming Chih-li (959–1028), the distinction arose at the time of Fa-tsang’s (643–712) attack on the Wei-shih school: At the time [of Hua-yen (Avatamsaka) patriarch, Fa-tsang,] there was widely held the theory of chen-ju sui-yüan (Suchness or tathatā accompanying the conditions [the pratyaya that brought samsāra into being]) and the theory of a (passive) Suchness that would not create (‘let rise’) the various existents (dharmas). -
Buddhist Print Culture in Early Republican China Gregory Adam Scott Submitted in Partial Fulfillment Of
Conversion by the Book: Buddhist Print Culture in Early Republican China Gregory Adam Scott Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2013 © 2013 Gregory Adam Scott All Rights Reserved This work may be used under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 Unported License. For more information about that license, see http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/. For other uses, please contact the author. ABSTRACT Conversion by the Book: Buddhist Print Culture in Early Republican China 經典佛化: 民國初期佛教出版文化 Gregory Adam Scott 史瑞戈 In this dissertation I argue that print culture acted as a catalyst for change among Buddhists in modern China. Through examining major publication institutions, publishing projects, and their managers and contributors from the late nineteenth century to the 1920s, I show that the expansion of the scope and variety of printed works, as well as new the social structures surrounding publishing, substantially impacted the activity of Chinese Buddhists. In doing so I hope to contribute to ongoing discussions of the ‘revival’ of Chinese Buddhism in the modern period, and demonstrate that publishing, propelled by new print technologies and new forms of social organization, was a key field of interaction and communication for religious actors during this era, one that helped make possible the introduction and adoption of new forms of religious thought and practice. 本論文的論點是出版文化在近代中國佛教人物之中,扮演了變化觸媒的角色. 通過研究從十 九世紀末到二十世紀二十年代的主要的出版機構, 種類, 及其主辦人物與提供貢獻者, 論文 說明佛教印刷的多元化 以及範圍的大量擴展, 再加上跟出版有關的社會結構, 對中國佛教 人物的活動都發生了顯著的影響. 此研究顯示在被新印刷技術與新形式的社會結構的推進 下的出版事業, 為該時代的宗教人物展開一種新的相互連結與構通的場域, 因而使新的宗教 思想與實踐的引入成為可能. 此論文試圖對現行關於近代中國佛教的所謂'復興'的討論提出 貢獻. Table of Contents List of Figures and Tables iii Acknowledgements v Abbreviations and Conventions ix Works Cited by Abbreviation x Maps of Principle Locations xi Introduction Print Culture and Religion in Modern China 1. -
The Metaphor of the Painter in the Avataṃsaka-Sūtra and Its Chinese Interpretations
The Metaphor of the Painter in the Avataṃsaka-sūtra and Its Chinese Interpretations Imre Hamar Metafora maliara v Avataṃsaka-sūtre a jej čínske interpretácie Resumé Štúdia porovnáva čínske a tibetské verzie tzv. Básne o len vedomí v Avataṃsaka- sūtre, ktorá popisuje ľudskú myseľ ako maliara, ktorý maľuje všetky veci. Báseň sa stala dôležitým textom v huayanovom buddhizme, ktorý má ukázať, že Avataṃsaka-sūtra za- hŕňa učenie školy Yogācāra. Autor skúma, či báseň v skutočnosti učí Yogācāru, alebo či takýto výklad ponúkajú len čínske preklady, ktoré sa líšia od tibetských verzií, pričom do úvahy berie aj čínske exegetické tradície. Abstract This article compares the Chinese and Tibetan versions of the so-called Mind- Only Poem in the Avataṃsaka-sūtra, describing the mind as a painter who paints all the objects. The verse became an important text in Huayan Buddhism to show that Avataṃsaka-sūtra includes Yogācāra teachings. The article is exploring whether the poem in fact teaches Yogācāra, or whether Chinese translations differing from Tibetan versions suggest this interpretation, taking into consideration Chinese exegetical traditions. Keywords China, Religion, Buddhism, Avataṃsaka-sūtra (Chinese Huayanjing ; 3rd c. CE) · Yogācāra · Huayan The famous mind-painter metaphor in the Avataṃsaka-sūtra can be found in the chapter entitled Hymns Recited in the Palace of Yama. At the beginning of the chapter, through the magical powers of Buddha, the bodhisattvas of the ten great directions appear before him accompanied by an infinite number of 176 SOS 13 · 2 (2014) bodhisattvas; then, receiving inspiration, they start to recite hymns one by one, extolling Buddha. The ninth among the declaimers is the boddhisattva called Forest of Awakening, who, like the others, recites ten stanzas. -
Ch'oe Ch'iw N's Biography of Fazang
CHAPTER TWO CH’OE CH’IWN’S BIOGRAPHY OF FAZANG: A TEXTUAL STUDY The preceding chapter provided a general survey of the primary sources of Fazang’s life. At this point we must give a textual analysis of one of those—the Korean biography of Fazang written by Ch’oe Ch’iwn and which is of primary value for any attempt to reconstruct Fazang’s life. Lack of an in-depth investigation of its structure and sources has pre- vented modern scholarship from approaching the deeper layers of Fa- zang’s career. Ch’oe Ch’iwn’s work, Ppjang hwasang chn, is unique for its richly international characteristics. It was written in Korea by a Korean layman in honor of a Buddhist monk who was a third-generation Sog- dian immigrant in China. It was completed in 904 and printed in the year Taian ᅝ 8 (1092), at Taehng’wangsa 㟜⥟ᇎ, in Kory, a state then under the domination of the Liao empire (907-1125).1 Under the Southern Song dynasty fifty-three years later (in 1145 [Shaoxing 15]), Yihe 㕽 (fl. 1160s), a distinguished Huayan master residing at Baitajiao Cloister ⱑศᬭ䰶 in Wujiang xian ਇ∳㏷, Pingjiang fu ᑇ∳ ᑰ (in present-day Suzhou 㯛Ꮂ, Jiangsu), was compiling Huayan texts for inclusion in a government-sponsored Buddhist canon.2 Just as he was becoming worried by the poor quality of the edition of Ppjang 1 This is recorded in the colophon attached to the Song edition of PHC (for this edition, see below); see PHC 286b9-10, which says that in Daan 8, a renshen year, an imperial decree ordered the Taehng’wangsa of Kory to cut the woodblocks. -
Buddhism in China: a Historical Survey
B Buddhism in China: A Historical Survey Whalen LAI Buddhism occupies a central place in the history of integration while fully recognizing the emerging find- Chinese thought, as the system that attracted some of ings of Buddhologists. the best minds in the millennium between the Han and Certain paradigms describing the overall cultural the Song (second to twelfth centuries). However, inte- interaction are still in use. People still speak of initial grating Buddhist thought into Chinese philosophy Indianization and subsequent Sinicization; of Buddhist poses some problems, because Buddhists worked from conquest and Chinese transformation; of Indians as a different set of texts and spoke what seems to be a proverbially otherworldly and Chinese as, by inclina- different language. Christianity began as a hellenized tion, down-to-earth. Under scrutiny, such generaliza- biblical faith whose theology combined theos and tions often seem simplistic; but at some macrocosmic logos from the start; by contrast, long before Buddhism level they remain useful heuristic devices, and for cer- found its way into China there was an extensive history tain ends they can even lend overall clarity. The same of reflection by Indians on the Buddhist dharma—so can be said of several periodization schemes. They all that Chinese Buddhists had to think through an inher- depict a rise, growth, and decline of Buddhism—that ited tradition before they could embark on their own is, looking at it from the outside. For adherents of the Sinitic reading. As a result, much of the convoluted faith, and for others who still perceive its vitality, the scholastic detail in Buddhism remains alien to most story is one of seeding, flowering, and continual ten- Chinese. -
Hosenji Temple
Hosenji Temple Welcome to Hosenji Temple. To follow the tour, please use the guide map accompanying this text. The numbers on the map correspond to the numbers in this text. To start, please go to the area labeled number 1 on the guide map. 1. (at the entrance to Hosenji Temple grounds) Before we begin the tour, first, please listen to a short history of the temple. Historical Background Located in the northern part of the Kanto Plain, Hosenji is a Soto Sect Zen Buddhist temple, established in the year 1574 by Yura Narishige, the lord of Kiryu, Ota and Tatebayashi. The fact that Lord Yura established such a family temple during this Period of Warring States is a testament to his deep religious conviction. Since its establishment, more than 450 years have passed, during which time the temple has become steeped in the teachings of Buddha. Over the centuries, Hosenji has managed to avoid destruction by fire or other natural disasters and has maintained its original appearance. Hosenji possesses many important cultural assets, not only pertaining to the history of Kiryu, but of Gunma Prefecture as well. Given its beautiful natural environs and its monastic architecture, Hosenji has achieved the status of one of the most distinguished temples in the east Gunma area. Hosenji, however, has not always enjoyed a propitious history. Having been established as a family temple by the local lord, the temple was subject to the changing times as local administrators rose and fell in power. Yura Narishige died just five years after the temple was founded. -
Introduction
INTRODUCTION The third patriarch of the Huayan tradition, Fazang 法藏 (643–712), is said to have built a Mirror Hall for Empress Wu 武 (r. 684–705) as a pedagogical device to illustrate the cardinal tenets of Huayan philosophy, the mutual interdependence and mutual interpenetration. According to later descriptions eight mirrors were placed in the four cardinal directions and four secondary directions, and one on the top, and one on the bottom. In the middle of the ten mirrors facing to one another, a Buddha statue was installed, along with a lamp or a candle to illuminate it. This setting pro- duced an infinite number of Buddha reflections in the mirrors. When I visited the Huayan monastery on Zhongnanshan in the outskirt of Xi’an a few years ago, I was disappointed to see that the temple which collapsed sometime during the Qing dy- nasty (1644–1911) consists of only a small building, and only the abbot with his dis- ciple live there. However, the recounstructed stūpas of Huayan patriarchs, Du Shun 杜順 (557–640) and Chengguan 澄觀 (738–839), can be seen in the yard of the monastery, preserving some glories of the past. The enthusiastic abbot showed me his reconstruction of Mirror Hall, a small building housing ten metal plates (as sub- stitutes for mirrors) and a Buddha image in the center. Lighting up the the candle, infinite Buddha images became reflected on the metal plates. In this volume Huayan Buddhism is in the center, and the articles arranged around this topic reflect it from different aspects providing various perspectives for the viewers to discern it, hence the title Reflecting Mirrors: Perspectives on Huayan Buddhism. -
Buddhist Phenomenology and the Problem of Essence
Comparative Philosophy Volume 7, No. 1 (2016): 59-89 Open Access / ISSN 2151-6014 www.comparativephilosophy.org BUDDHIST PHENOMENOLOGY AND THE PROBLEM OF ESSENCE JINGJING LI ABSTRACT: In this paper, I intend to make a case for Buddhist phenomenology. By Buddhist phenomenology, I mean a phenomenological interpretation of Yogācāra’s doctrine of consciousness. Yet, this interpretation will be vulnerable if I do not justify the way in which the anti-essentialistic Buddhist philosophy can countenance the Husserlian essence. I dub this problem of compatibility between Buddhist and phenomenology the “problem of essence”. Nevertheless, I argue that this problem will not jeopardize Buddhist phenomenology because: (1) Yogācārins, especially later Yogācārins represented by Xuan Zang do not articulate emptiness as a negation but as an affirmation of the existent; (2) Husserl’s phenomenological essence is not a substance that Yogācārins reject but the ideal sense (Sinn) that Yogācārins also stress. After resolving the problem of essence, I formulate Buddhist phenomenology as follows: on the epistemological level, it describes intentional acts of consciousness; on the meta-epistemological level, it entails transcendental idealism. Keywords: essence, emptiness, later Yogācāra, transcendental idealism, Buddhist phenomenology 1. INTRODUCTION In Ideas1, Husserl defines phenomenology as the science of essence, not the science of matters of facts (Hua 3/5). This demarcation marks his turn from descriptive phenomenology (the study that factually analyzes real psychological phenomena) to transcendental phenomenology (the theory that explains essential ideal conditions that make real psychological phenomena possible). Regardless of this turn, Husserl uses phenomenology as the approach to consciousness. He describes human consciousness to be the intentional awareness constituted by subjects in their interaction with objects that appear as mental phenomena. -
The Huayan/Kegon/Hwaŏm Paintings in East Asia
DOROTHY WONG THE HUAYAN/KEGON/HWAŎM PAINTINGS IN EAST ASIA Introduction Huayan (J. Kegon; K. Hwaŏm) Buddhism, whose teachings are based on the Huayan jing, the Avataṃsaka-sūtra or Flower Garland Sūtra, is one of the most important schools of East Asian Buddhism.1 The Huayan jing has provided inspiration for the creation of numerous artworks, ritual objects, and architectural complexes.2 We are familiar with the portrayals of Vairocana (Ch. Darirulai 大日如來, or Piluzhenafo 毘廬遮那佛), Mañjuśrī (Ch. Wenshu 文殊), and Samantabhadra (Ch. Puxian 普賢) – the “Three Holy Ones” of Huayan Buddhism. The Gaṇḍavyūha, or Rufajiepin 入法界品, the last chapter of the Tang translation of the Huayan jing, recounts the young boy Sudhana’s (Ch. Shancai tongzi 善財童子) pilgrimage to visit fifty-three spiritual friends (kalyāṇamitra) in search of enlightenment. This originally independ- ent text has inspired a variety of popular pictorial narratives and sculptural reliefs. In this study I discuss a group of Huayan paintings that hitherto has received relatively little attention. These are the so-called Huayan bian 華嚴變, or “trans- formation tableaux” (referring to bian 變, bianxiang 變相, or jingbian 經變), that are intended to embody, or make manifest, the entirety of the sūtra’s teaching in a pictorial format. I examine the Chinese examples from Dunhuang, of ninth- to eleventh-century dates, and the slightly later Japanese ones dating to the Kamakura 1 Early versions of this chapter were presented at the 2004 Association for Asian Studies annual meeting in San Diego, and at the Chinese Buddhism Conference held at Hsi Lai Temple, Los Angeles, in June 2005. -
A Study of the History and Cult of the Buddhist Earth Deity in Mainland Southeast Asia
A Study of the History and Cult of the Buddhist Earth Deity in Mainland Southeast Asia A Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of PhD in Religious Studies at the University of Canterbury by Elizabeth Guthrie University of Canterbury, Christchurch, New Zealand 2004 A Study of the History and Cult of the Buddhist Earth Deity in Mainland Southeast Asia Volume 1 Text Acknowledgements Far-ranging research projects like this inevitably depend on the generosity and assistance of many people. Among those who helped me find the earth deity in image and texts, or helped with translations, were: Ang Choulean, K. Aphaivong. Bandol Samnang, Olivier de Bernon, Didier Bertrand, Fran(,{ois Bizot, Robert L. Brown, Kaye Carter, Chuch Phoeun, Shayne Clarke, John Crocker, Denison University Art Gallery, Robert Didham, Wichai Eungpinichpong, Wilai Eungpinichpong, John Marston, Long Tbol, Des Sothy, Anthony Diller, Jacqueline Filliozat, Rolf Giebel, Hang Chan Sophea, Louis Gabaude, Pam Gutman, Anne Hansen, Huberta Hellendoorn, Hor Lath, Khy Sophal, Khyaw Tha Nyunt, Kuy Lath, Fran(,{ois Lagirarde, Lan Sunnary, Leng Kok An, Lim Yii Hang, Long Tbol, Meng Prang, Metropolitan Museum of Art, Mey Poeun, Museum flir Indische Kunst, Neou Chamrong, Norton Simon Museum, Ouk Ry, Anatole Peltier, Phaitun Dokbukaeo, Phon Sin, Phoung Soueng, Sommai Premchit, Thonevath Pou, Saveros Pou, Craig Reynolds, Waldemar Sailer, Sao Hso Hom, Peter Skilling, Frank Smith, Ven. Suthep Surapong, Donald Swearer, Thein Tun U, Serge Thion, Ashley Thompson, Vijinthanasarn Panya, U Aung Kyaing, U Myint Aung, RE. Vann Molyvann, John Weeks, Hiram W.Woodward, Jr. I received funding from the NZFUW, NZASIA and the University of Canterbury.