The Metaphor of the Painter in the Avataṃsaka-Sūtra and Its Chinese Interpretations
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Proquest Dissertations
Daoxuan's vision of Jetavana: Imagining a utopian monastery in early Tang Item Type text; Dissertation-Reproduction (electronic) Authors Tan, Ai-Choo Zhi-Hui Publisher The University of Arizona. Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author. Download date 25/09/2021 09:09:41 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/280212 INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are In typewriter face, while others may be from any type of connputer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overiaps. ProQuest Information and Learning 300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 USA 800-521-0600 DAOXUAN'S VISION OF JETAVANA: IMAGINING A UTOPIAN MONASTERY IN EARLY TANG by Zhihui Tan Copyright © Zhihui Tan 2002 A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the DEPARTMENT OF EAST ASIAN STUDIES In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY In the Graduate College THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA 2002 UMI Number: 3073263 Copyright 2002 by Tan, Zhihui Ai-Choo All rights reserved. -
Chapter 2 Wuguang’S Quest
Cover Page The handle http://hdl.handle.net/1887/49753 holds various files of this Leiden University dissertation Author: Bahir, C. Title: Reenchanting Buddhism via modernizing magic: Guru Wuguang of Taiwan’s philosophy and science of ‘superstition’ Issue Date: 2017-06-01 Chapter 2 Wuguang’s Quest Spirit, far from being opposed to the biological (as in the Cartesian dualism of body and mind), is the potentiality of human life—through conscious positing of future foals—for purposeful creation and growth. It is the possibility of structural self-transcendence made incipiently conscious in man...Its close connection with consciousness precludes exclusive linking of spirit with the irrational. French esprit, like German Geist and analogous terms in other languages, embraces “spirit” and “mind” in a single concept; hence the spiritual quest can include both the intellectual and scientific search for truth and the religious pursuit of salvation, which are fundamentally akin...Yet the ultimate indeterminacy of scientific truth need not entail a directionless relativism. On the contrary, an indeterminate goal engendered through purposive trial and error is a prime criterion for the spiritual quest (as for its biological and psychological antecedents), which thus attains in scientific inquiry one of its fullest expressions. ~ Robert Mitchell Torrance242 Wuguang was a complex individual who led a multi-faceted life that consisted of several somewhat self-contained phases. In each phase he attempted to master a specific thought tradition and harmonize it with those already in his eclectic repertoire. These traditions include: Daoism, Chinese folk religion, Chan, Zhenyan/Shingon and Tibetan Buddhism as well as modern philosophy and science. -
Fazang the Court Politician
CHAPTER TEN FAZANG THE COURT POLITICIAN As a court priest for over three decades (ca. 680-712), Fazang was actively involved in politics during a crucial period in history. This chapter has two purposes. On the one hand, through various facts about Fazang I throw some light on significant historical events and illustrate how these were shaped in part by Fazang’s political shrewdness and religious vision. On the other, I will explore the intellectual and histori- cal contexts for Fazang’s importance as a court chaplain. These touch on specific events on the eve of Empress Wu’s epochal dynasty-founding of 690 and those concerning the political transitions around 705 and 710. Understanding Fazang’s political role requires a view of approxi- mately fifty years of Empress Wu’s own political life. Although Fazang lived under six sovereigns of the Great Tang and Zhou,1 it is helpful to consider that Empress Wu began to manipulate imperial power long before she became the supreme ruler both in fact and in name, and that in a sense she was a focus of Fazang’s life and career. Given the ex- traordinary influence that she had over Fazang’s monastic and political life, I will devote three of the four sections of this chapter to Fazang’s relationship with Empress Wu, leaving his political role under the reigns of Empress Wu’s two successors (Zhongzong and Ruizong) to the last section. 1. FAZANG AND EMPRESS WU: 670-690 This section will treat two developments: the circumstances under which Fazang came into Empress Wu’s power circle, and a major poli- tico-religious event on the eve of Empress Wu’s Zhou dynasty. -
Dharmakāya Pratītyasamutpāda ( (法界縁起説, Hokkai Engi Setsu
Mapping the Ascent to Enlightenment Ronald Y. Nakasone Trying to get a fix on the Huayan mind in the vast landscape of Buddhist thought interweaves memory with imagination. My inquiry reaches to the earliest recollections of Siddhārtha Gautama’s Enlightenment, to passages in the Avatam saka Sūtra and learned commentaries, and to my imaging of its significance. In the process a few questions emerged: What happened during the spiritual ascent that led to the Enlightenment? What is the nature of mind? What did Siddhārtha Gautama become Enlightened to? These questions, especially determining the content of the Buddha’s Enlightenment, pose major academic and intellectual questions. This essay will focus on the first and second questions; I dealt with the last question in “Spiritual Cartography: Mapping the Huayen Mind.”1 The early documents depict Gautama’s ascent to Enlightenment in heroic and mythical proportions. Written several centuries after the fact, much of the narrative is no doubt hagiography, embellished by the creative imagination and the hindsight of doctrinal rationalizations. Nonetheless, in sum, the documents chronicle an intensely personal pilgrimage that incorporates and supersedes competing spiritual landscapes. The narrative assumes the primacy of mind and efficacy of mental concentration. The narrative opens with Māra, the personification of darkness, alarmed at Prince Siddhārtha’s resolve to attain Enlightenment, launches successive waves of attack to dissuade him. He first sends his daughters who offer the pleasures of youth and worldly success. Unable to seduce the Prince, Māra attempts to frighten the Prince by dispatching an army of the most appalling demons; still unsuccessful, he unleashes the awesome powers of the wind and rain at his command. -
The Teachings on Momentariness Found in Xuanzang's
불교학연구 (Korea Journal of Buddhist Studies) 제66호(2021.3) pp. 1∼49 10.21482/jbs.66..20213.1 Why Change Is the Only Constant: The Teachings on Momentariness Found in Xuanzang’s Translation of the Abhidharma Treatises of Saṅghabhadra* Ernest Billings (Billy) Brewster Lecturer, Iona College [email protected] I. Introduction III. Untangling the Knots in the Theory of II. Saṅghabhadra on the Constancy of the Continuum of Nine Factors Change IV. Conclusion Summary Within the Abhidharma literature, the doctrinal discussions on momentariness composed by the fifth-century C.E. Indic theorist, Saṅghabhadra, and rendered into Chinese by the pilgrim and scholar-monk, Xuanzang (602?–667 C.E.), stand as rigorous and detailed defenses of the Buddhist tenet of momentariness. This paper examines several passages on the doctrine of momentariness that are extant only within Xuanzang’s Chinese translations of two treatises by Saṅghabhadra, the Treatise Conforming to the Correct Logic of Abhidharma (Sanskrit, hereafter Skt. *Abhidharmanyāyānusāraśāstra; Chinese, hereafter Chi. Apidamo shun zhengli lun 阿毘達磨順正理論) and the Treatise Clarifying the Treasury of Abhidharma Tenets (Skt. * I would like to express my gratitude to Dr. Jakub Zamorski for numerous comments, suggestions, and corrections on the translations. I thank Dr. John Makeham for commenting on my paper as a panel respondent at the meeting of the European Association for Chinese Philosophy meeting in Ghent in 2019. The three anonymous reviewers also provided invaluable feedback, which I have tried to incorporate wherever possible. Why Change Is the Only Constant: The Teachings on Momentariness Found in Xuanzang’s Translation … 1 *Abhidharmasamayapradīpikāśāstra; Chi. Apidamo zang xianzong lun 阿毘達磨顯宗論). -
An Exploration of the Early One-True Dharmadhatu Thoughts---From
2019 9th International Conference on Education and Social Science (ICESS 2019) An Exploration of the Early One-True Dharmadhatu Thoughts----From Mind Only Chittamatra, Tantra to Huayen Theory Xiangjun Su Institute of Taoism and Religious Culture, Sichuan University, Chengdu, Sichuan Province, China 206877705@qq. com Keywords: One-true dharmadhatu; Mind only chittamatra; Tantra, Huayen theory; Harmony without obstacles Abstract: The concept of one-true Dharmadhatu originates from India Buddhism, and it appears both in Vijnapti-matrata and Tantra classics, approximately having the same meaning. Li tongxuan was the first one who introduced the concept of One-true Dharmadhatu into Huayen theory. Conformed with the thinking mode of Matter-mind-being Nonduality by Li Tongxuan, taking Fundamental Wisdom as its basis, One-true Dharmadhatu has such harmonious teaching characteristics as wisdom and earth being one, nature and things binging not different, and harmony without obstacles. Later, Chengguan, in his Wutai Mountain Period, explained One-true Dharmadhatu as Dharmadhatu Pure Wisdom, and combined it with Fazang’s Five Dharmadhatu thought, thus made it more philosophical. Introduction In China’s Huayen thoughts, One-true Dharmadhatu is an important concept. Since was introduced into Huayen theory by Li Tongxuan, One-true Dharmadhatu has appeared often in Chenguan’s works and the Huayen works of the following dynasties. Japanese scholar Xiaodaodaishan, Tanwan region researcher Hong Meizhen have discussed the concept of One-true Dharmadhatu in their works. [1]China Main Land scholar Liu Yuanyuan has discussed Li Tongxuan’s thoughts on One-true Dharmadhatu and its influences on Chengguan deeply, but it is not comprehensive, and also not involves in the thoughts of Chengguan. -
A Huayan Paradigm for the Classification of Mahāyāna Teachings: the Origin and Meaning of Faxiangzong and Faxingzong∗
IMRE HAMAR A HUAYAN PARADIGM FOR THE CLASSIFICATION OF MAHĀYĀNA TEACHINGS: THE ORIGIN AND MEANING ∗ OF FAXIANGZONG AND FAXINGZONG Introduction Dan Lusthaus finds the origin of the paradigm xing 性 versus xiang 相 in the Cheng weishi lun 成唯識論 and concludes: Ironically, this very distinction became one of the major rhetorical weapons used by Fa- tsang against Hsüan-tsang’s school, calling them ‘[the mere] fa-hsiang’ (Dharma-Charac- teristics) school against his own Sinitic ‘fa-hsing’ (Dharma-Nature) school. This distinction became so important that every Buddhist school originating in East Asia, including all forms of Sinitic Mahāyāna, viz. T’ien-t’ai, Hua-yen, Ch’an, and Pure Land, came to be considered Dharma-nature schools.1 Whalen Lai also attributes the establishment of this paradigm to Fazang, refer- ring to Zhili 知禮: “The name ‘Fa-hsiang’ was, however, attributed to it by its crit- ics; it is a derogative term alleging that the school did not know thoroughly the deeper Fa-hsing (Dharma-essence). The contrast was intended to bring out the ‘Hī- nayānist phenomenalism’ [sic] inherent in the Wei-shih school and to highlight the ‘Mahāyāna essentialism’ of its critic. As recalled by Sung T’ien-t’ai master Ssu- ming Chih-li (959–1028), the distinction arose at the time of Fa-tsang’s (643–712) attack on the Wei-shih school: At the time [of Hua-yen (Avatamsaka) patriarch, Fa-tsang,] there was widely held the theory of chen-ju sui-yüan (Suchness or tathatā accompanying the conditions [the pratyaya that brought samsāra into being]) and the theory of a (passive) Suchness that would not create (‘let rise’) the various existents (dharmas). -
Buddhist Print Culture in Early Republican China Gregory Adam Scott Submitted in Partial Fulfillment Of
Conversion by the Book: Buddhist Print Culture in Early Republican China Gregory Adam Scott Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2013 © 2013 Gregory Adam Scott All Rights Reserved This work may be used under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 Unported License. For more information about that license, see http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/. For other uses, please contact the author. ABSTRACT Conversion by the Book: Buddhist Print Culture in Early Republican China 經典佛化: 民國初期佛教出版文化 Gregory Adam Scott 史瑞戈 In this dissertation I argue that print culture acted as a catalyst for change among Buddhists in modern China. Through examining major publication institutions, publishing projects, and their managers and contributors from the late nineteenth century to the 1920s, I show that the expansion of the scope and variety of printed works, as well as new the social structures surrounding publishing, substantially impacted the activity of Chinese Buddhists. In doing so I hope to contribute to ongoing discussions of the ‘revival’ of Chinese Buddhism in the modern period, and demonstrate that publishing, propelled by new print technologies and new forms of social organization, was a key field of interaction and communication for religious actors during this era, one that helped make possible the introduction and adoption of new forms of religious thought and practice. 本論文的論點是出版文化在近代中國佛教人物之中,扮演了變化觸媒的角色. 通過研究從十 九世紀末到二十世紀二十年代的主要的出版機構, 種類, 及其主辦人物與提供貢獻者, 論文 說明佛教印刷的多元化 以及範圍的大量擴展, 再加上跟出版有關的社會結構, 對中國佛教 人物的活動都發生了顯著的影響. 此研究顯示在被新印刷技術與新形式的社會結構的推進 下的出版事業, 為該時代的宗教人物展開一種新的相互連結與構通的場域, 因而使新的宗教 思想與實踐的引入成為可能. 此論文試圖對現行關於近代中國佛教的所謂'復興'的討論提出 貢獻. Table of Contents List of Figures and Tables iii Acknowledgements v Abbreviations and Conventions ix Works Cited by Abbreviation x Maps of Principle Locations xi Introduction Print Culture and Religion in Modern China 1. -
Ch'oe Ch'iw N's Biography of Fazang
CHAPTER TWO CH’OE CH’IWN’S BIOGRAPHY OF FAZANG: A TEXTUAL STUDY The preceding chapter provided a general survey of the primary sources of Fazang’s life. At this point we must give a textual analysis of one of those—the Korean biography of Fazang written by Ch’oe Ch’iwn and which is of primary value for any attempt to reconstruct Fazang’s life. Lack of an in-depth investigation of its structure and sources has pre- vented modern scholarship from approaching the deeper layers of Fa- zang’s career. Ch’oe Ch’iwn’s work, Ppjang hwasang chn, is unique for its richly international characteristics. It was written in Korea by a Korean layman in honor of a Buddhist monk who was a third-generation Sog- dian immigrant in China. It was completed in 904 and printed in the year Taian ᅝ 8 (1092), at Taehng’wangsa 㟜⥟ᇎ, in Kory, a state then under the domination of the Liao empire (907-1125).1 Under the Southern Song dynasty fifty-three years later (in 1145 [Shaoxing 15]), Yihe 㕽 (fl. 1160s), a distinguished Huayan master residing at Baitajiao Cloister ⱑศᬭ䰶 in Wujiang xian ਇ∳㏷, Pingjiang fu ᑇ∳ ᑰ (in present-day Suzhou 㯛Ꮂ, Jiangsu), was compiling Huayan texts for inclusion in a government-sponsored Buddhist canon.2 Just as he was becoming worried by the poor quality of the edition of Ppjang 1 This is recorded in the colophon attached to the Song edition of PHC (for this edition, see below); see PHC 286b9-10, which says that in Daan 8, a renshen year, an imperial decree ordered the Taehng’wangsa of Kory to cut the woodblocks. -
Religion and Dialogue”
Culture and Dialogue Vol.3, No. 1 (March 2013) Special Issue on “Religion and Dialogue” Honorary Member Tzvetan Todorov Historian, France Chief Editor Gerald Cipriani Kyushu University, Japan Guest Editor Cosimo Zene SOAS, University of London, UK Assistant Editor Jon K. Shaw PhDc, University of London, UK Editorial Board Pal Ahluwalia UNESCO, University of South Australia, Adelaide, Australia Åsa Andersson Royal Institute of Art, Stockholm, Sweden Sze Wei Ang University of Hong Kong, PR China John Baldacchino University College Falmouth, United Kingdom Wim van Binsbergen Erasmus University, Rotterdam, The Netherlands Thorsten Botz-Bornstein Gulf University, Koweit Gary Bouma UNESCO, Monash University, Melbourne, Australia Nino Chikovani UNESCO, I. Javakhishvili Tbilisi State University, Tbilissi, Georgia Robert Clarke Lancaster University, United Kingdom Jale Nejdet Erzen Middle East Technical University, Ankara, Turkey Zornitza Ganeva Sofia University St. Kliment Ohridski, Sofia, Bulgaria Jianping Gao University of Beijing, PR China Paul Gladston University of Nottingham, United Kingdom Arto Haapala University of Helsinki, Finland Hannah Halle University of Derby, United Kingdom Hans Koechler University of Innsbruck, Austria Gereon Kopf Luther College, Decorah, USA Antoine Leygonie University of Paris VIII, Vincennes Saint-Denis, France Hsia Yang Liu Agathe Academe, Taipei, Taiwan Shail Mayaram Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, Delhi, India Paul Morris UNESCO, University of Wellington, New Zealand Musanji Ngalasso-Mwatha -
Representing Talented Women in Eighteenth-Century Chinese Painting: Thirteen Female Disciples Seeking Instruction at the Lake Pavilion
REPRESENTING TALENTED WOMEN IN EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY CHINESE PAINTING: THIRTEEN FEMALE DISCIPLES SEEKING INSTRUCTION AT THE LAKE PAVILION By Copyright 2016 Janet C. Chen Submitted to the graduate degree program in Art History and the Graduate Faculty of the University of Kansas in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. ________________________________ Chairperson Marsha Haufler ________________________________ Amy McNair ________________________________ Sherry Fowler ________________________________ Jungsil Jenny Lee ________________________________ Keith McMahon Date Defended: May 13, 2016 The Dissertation Committee for Janet C. Chen certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: REPRESENTING TALENTED WOMEN IN EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY CHINESE PAINTING: THIRTEEN FEMALE DISCIPLES SEEKING INSTRUCTION AT THE LAKE PAVILION ________________________________ Chairperson Marsha Haufler Date approved: May 13, 2016 ii Abstract As the first comprehensive art-historical study of the Qing poet Yuan Mei (1716–97) and the female intellectuals in his circle, this dissertation examines the depictions of these women in an eighteenth-century handscroll, Thirteen Female Disciples Seeking Instructions at the Lake Pavilion, related paintings, and the accompanying inscriptions. Created when an increasing number of women turned to the scholarly arts, in particular painting and poetry, these paintings documented the more receptive attitude of literati toward talented women and their support in the social and artistic lives of female intellectuals. These pictures show the women cultivating themselves through literati activities and poetic meditation in nature or gardens, common tropes in portraits of male scholars. The predominantly male patrons, painters, and colophon authors all took part in the formation of the women’s public identities as poets and artists; the first two determined the visual representations, and the third, through writings, confirmed and elaborated on the designated identities. -
Gushan: the Formation of a Chan Lineage During the Seventeenth Century and Its Spread to Taiwan
Gushan: the Formation of a Chan Lineage During the Seventeenth Century and Its Spread to Taiwan Hsuan-Li Wang Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2014 © 2014 Hsuan-Li Wang All rights reserved ABSTRACT Gushan: the Formation of a Chan Lineage During the Seventeenth Century and Its Spread to Taiwan Hsuan-Li Wang Taking Gushan 鼓山 Monastery in Fujian Province as a reference point, this dissertation investigates the formation of the Gushan Chan lineage in Fujian area and its later diffusion process to Taiwan. From the perspective of religion diffusion studies, this dissertation investigates the three stages of this process: 1. the displacement of Caodong 曹洞 Chan center to Fujian in the seventeenth century; 2. Chinese migration bringing Buddhism to Taiwan in the Qing dynasty (1644-1911) and 3. the expansion diffusion activities of the institutions and masters affiliated with this lineage in Taiwan during the Japanese rule (1895-1945), and the new developments of humanistic Buddhism (renjian fojiao 人間佛教) after 1949. In this spreading process of the Gushan Chan lineage, Taiwanese Buddhism has emerged as the bridge between Chinese and Japanese Buddhism because of its unique historical experiences. It is in the expansion diffusion activities of the Gushan Chan lineage in Taiwan that Taiwanese Buddhism has gradually attained autonomy during the Japanese rule, leading to post-war new developments in contemporary humanistic Buddhism. Table of Contents List of Chart, Maps and Tables iii Acknowledgements iv Chapter 1 Introduction 1 1. Research Motives and Goals 2 2.