Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology Vol. 2, No. 2, pp. 175-185(1980).

The Evolution of Pomo Society

M. A. BAUMHOFF

HIS paper summarizes some ideas that (Heizer 1966) but is not recognized by any Thave occurred to me about North Coast other ethnographer, these lands having been Range archaeology while thinking about data included by both Barrett and Stewart in the derived from excavations on Dry Creek, territory of the Mahakamotcemei or Clover- Sonoma County, California. The excavations dale Pomo, although they did not, so far as I there were performed at the request of the U.S. can tell, discuss this question with anyone who Army Corps of Engineers as a part of an had lived in the relevant territory. It seemed archaeological evaluation of the Warm apparent on archaeological grounds to those Springs Dam Project. This being so, the ideas of us working at Warm Springs that this land generated are immediately applicable only to must have been that of an autonomous tribelet; 60 or so archaeological sites along a short otherwise we were at a loss to account for the stretch of Dry Creek and its tributaries. Some complex of sites centering around what were of my conclusions, however, have inherently evidently large winter villages at CA-Son-593 greater generality and all of them have some and 582 (Fig. 1). We were gratified therefore to relevance to Pomo archaeology as a whole. note that Merriam, at least, had recorded it as a That is not to say the conclusions are correct; separate tribelet (Heizer 1966). archaeological conclusions are almost never The archaeological sequence for the Warm correct in the long run, at least not as they are Springs area as I see it is shown in Fig. 2. The specifically formulated, but insofar as they are basic chronological scheme is that of Fredrick- concretely stated they can always be used as son (1974:fig. 2) modified in the following hypotheses leading to further development. ways: Fredrickson's Borax Lake Aspect and The details of site description and specimen Houx Aspect have each been subdivided into provenience are contained in the report of early and late periods; the mortar and pestle Baumhoff and Orlins (1979). replace the mano-metate complex a thousand The area we are concerned with is a small or so years later than he would see it; typologi­ valley in the North Coast Range about 25 miles cal relationships are somewhat modified and southwest of Clear Lake (Fig. I). It constitutes are more detailed. The specific typological only a third of the area covered by the Warm relationships shown are partly Fredrickson's Springs Dam Project, although it contains but are modified by consideration of more than half the sites (37 out of 63); I believe Meighan's (1955) data from Willits and especi­ it to be the core of a tribelet territory. This ally by stratigraphic relationships at Warm tribelet is given the name Shakowe by Merriam Springs.' The Post Pattern, shown as the earliest M. A. Baumhoff, Dept. of Anthropology, Univ. of California, phase on Fig. 2, may or may not be represented Davis, CA 95616. in the material excavated at Warm Springs.

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None of the characteristic artifact types (fluted this paper discusses the Borax Lake and Houx points or crescents) were recovered but there is Aspects. some possibility it was manifested. This possi­ Tables I and 2 summarize some of the bility is discussed in more detail elsewhere salient characteristics of particular sites, (Baumhoff and Orlins 1979). The remainder of phases, and site types of the Shakowe tribelet.

Table 1 SITE CHARACTERISTICS BY TYPE AND PHASE

Chert/Obsidian Reworked Projectile Site Depth (cm.) Ratio No. Flakes Biface Points Late Houx

Village 593 70 0.14 1043

Hamlet 567 20 4.42 65 568 80 4.28 586 584 40 3.35 287

Station 572 20 0.48 151 576 50 4.09 280 583 30 9.79 329

Early Houx

Village 593 40 0.49 257

Hamlet 567 80 2.64 315 568 50 12.27 146

Station 571 80 0.06 4454 23 19 572 50 0.40 485 2 2 576 140 1.03 542 2 3

Late Borax Lake

Village 582 80 1.40 867

Hamlet 593 70 7.50 51 608 80 1.40 1122 597 50 4.47 711

Station 571 50 0.21 791 572 30 3.06 418

Early Borax Lake

Village 582 50 4.00 60

Hamlet 593 30 7.00 24 597 110 19.02 301

Station 583 60 3.81 289 572 40 61.71 439 EVOLUTION OF POMO SOCIETY 179

There is reason to believe at least some tribelet activity; reworked bifaces, a specialized boundaries are very ancient and I will here industry of the North Coast Range, are in­ treat the sites listed in Table 1 as if they repre­ cluded to show the growth of a local activity; sented the same tribelet for more than 5000 and projectile point frequencies may be years. The site types of village, hamlet, and compared to similar statistics from other areas. station are basically size categories.^ Stations Before attempting a summary of the were sites suitable for one or at most two material shown in Tables 1 and 2,1 should first houses, hamlets for five to 10 houses, and say a word about petroglyphs. Typical petro- villages about 50 houses, these figures being glyphs of the North Coast Range are of the sort derived from the broader study done by Cook that Heizer and I some years ago called pit- and Heizer (1965). The quantitative char­ and-groove (Heizer and Baumhoff 1962:234- acteristics shown are chosen to illustrate some 238). We felt then that the style dated from of the processes which took place during the 5000 to 3000 B.C. Although it is (and was) clear several millenia represented: the chert- that our grounds for such specific dating were obsidian ratio is a measure of trade, the chert flimsy at best, a beginning date in that time being all local while obsidian was obtained range still seems reasonable to me. It is also from extra-territorial sources; debitage true that this style of petroglyph continued (in frequency is a rough measure of stone-working the North Coast Range but not elsewhere) to

Table 2 SITE CHARACTERISTIC SUMMARIES

per m'

Chert/Obsidian Reworked Projectile Ratio Debitage Bifaces Points

Villages Hb 0.14 1490 4.3 8.6 Ha 0.49 643 — — BLb 1.40 1083 2.9 7.9 BLa 4.00 120 — —

Hamlets Hb 3.96 655 1.4 8.6 Ha 3.75 359 1.5 4.6 BLb 2.12 942 1.0 2.3 BLa 17.06 232 — 1.4

Stations Hb 3.06 760 3.0 7.0 Ha 0.12 2030 10.0 8.9 BLb 0.62 1511 3.8 5.0 BLa 9.86 728 — 2.0

Totals by Phase Hb l.ll 878 2.6 8.1 Ha 0.20 1402 6.6 6.8 BLb 1.30 1100 1.9 4.2 BLa 10.47 384 — 1.4

Totals by Site Type Village 0.52 927 2.1 5.0 Hamlet 2.97 588 1.0 4.1 Station 0.35 1487 6.0 6.7

Grand Totals 0.70 992 3.7 5.8 180 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY be made up into the ethnographic period when notable center in the next period. It will be they were known as baby rocks (Pomo) and recalled that the largest petroglyphs are rain rocks (Karok and others). In the area located near these sites at a time conjectured to shown in Fig. 1, nine petroglyph sites have begin in Late Borax Lake Time. The chert- been identified, nearly all of them of the pitted obsidian ratio decreases markedly here, or cupule variety with only one or two grooves indicating much increased trade, the figure recorded. The occurrences vary from three or being primarily due to material from site Son- four pits on a small (less than one m.) boulder 571. It is also at this time that we find the to three instances in which hundreds or beginning of the reworked biface industry."^ thousands of pits are found on rocks several In the early Houx period we see a general meters in diameter. The latter situation is shift upstream: the major village shifts about a found in the upper part of the area in and mile up to Son-593, all the sites around Cherry around sites Son-568, 571, and 572. Creek and Yorty Creek are abandoned (except For my purpose it is necessary to attempt the station at Son-576), and the population dating of the petroglyphs. The cultural deposit around the 571-572 nucleus explodes with the at the three sites listed occurs mainly in the two establishment of hamlets above and below. middle phases (late Borax Lake and early The obsidian industry flowers at this time, Houx) with very little before or after. My view especially at Son-571 where we have tremen­ is that the really large petroglyphs were made dous amounts of debitage, reworked bifaces, mostly during the two middle phases and that and projectile points. Again it will be recalled the smaller ones, mostly downstream around that I believe the petroglyphs were manufac­ Son-593, are late and represent ethnographic tured during this period. "baby rocks."^ During the Late Houx period Yorty Creek Referring now to Fig. I and Table 2, a is reoccupied, Son-571 is abandoned (and 572 summary of some activities in this territory can nearly so) and the obsidian industry, which has be presented. In Early Borax Lake times the now declined, has moved downstream to the principal village was at the mouth of Cherry principal village site of Son-593. The petro­ Creek with outlying hamlets above and below glyphs on small boulders, evidently the ethno­ and tiny stations beyond these. The very high graphic "baby rocks," are also around this chert-obsidian ratio indicates only a minor large village. amount of imported material. In fact, given the My interpretation of this sequence is as vagaries of excavation and chronology, I follows: sometime in the Early Borax Lake believe there was no obsidian used at this time. period the progenitors of the Pomo moved into The small (total) amounts of debitage and the area. Previously there may have been Post other remains may be accounted for by the fact Pattern or other very early people of unknown that these four components are all at the affiliation (Yukian?) in the general area but bottom of sites so that the deposit is a mixture they had no center here and were not restricted of sterile submidden and cultural deposit. to a narrowly circumscribed area but were In Late Borax Lake Times the principal wide-ranging. Beginning in Early Borax Lake village is still at the mouth of Cherry Creek, a times we see people who were strictly local and new and important hamlet is begun just used only local materials. They may also have downstream, and a second station (Son-571) is already been making pitted petroglyphs as a added upstream near Son-572, which had part of their religion. They had a large winter already been occupied. These two tiny stations village and several smaller auxiliary places of now form the nucleus of what will become a occupation: they were already a tribelet as EVOLUTION OF POMO SOCIETY defined by Kroeber. which the last can be regarded as the beginning In Late Borax Lake times the tribelet of a new growth which was truncated by the organization continues but now they begin to European invason. trade with their neighbors and their chipped Another way to look at it is in terms of stone industry expands and diversifies as does Penutianization of native Hokan culture. their religious activity as symbolized by the People have been talking for many years about large petroglyphs. In Early Houx the same underlying Hokan elements in California, processes of expansion of trade, obsidian some of which were changed by invading manufacture, and religion continues and Penutians. Two of these Hokan elements are carries these activities to a very notable flores­ commonly thought to be twined basketry and a cence. But now the focus of these activities was handstone-milling stone food grinding tech­ centered around sites 571 and 572, each of nique. We see that the mortar and pestle which probably only held one family, rather replace the mano-metate complex here than at the major village, which has now sometime before the time of Christ. I cannot moved to site 593. The remains of these deal with the twined basketry-coiled basketry activities, in fact, suggest that we have traders, situation—bone does not preserve here so priests, and artisans all localized around the there is no information on awls.* I have 571-572 complex. This means we have special­ thought for many years that another Hokan ists segregated from the bulk of the people. element is pit-and-groove petroglyphs, One can argue from this that there is a sort of replaced in some parts of California with other class differentiation at this time. type petroglyphs, but retained in some Hokan This situation ends abruptly in Late Houx areas into the historic period. I would like here times when sites 571 and 572 are all but aban­ to propose formally this style of petroglyph as doned, while trade (obsidian), chipped stone an ancient Hokan element.^ manufacture, and petroglyph making all move I also beheve that pit-and-groove petro­ to the large site at 593 and are much reduced in glyphs were an important part of ancient importance. I suggest that what happened at Hokan religion and that when that religion was this time was the introduction of the Kuksu replaced by the Kuksu cult among the Pomo, cult. The Kuksu cult involved dances and other the petroglyphs were retained only as a minor ceremonies which served as initiation rites and element, a survival; they still existed but with to impersonate spirits; they were performed in much reduced importance. What then may a large earth covered lodge. Kroeber main­ have been the nature of this religion? A clue tained that it was of Patwin origin and spread comes from the ethnographic sources. We from there to neighboring groups.^ I suggest know that the Pomo used the petroglyphs to that it did so at this time and in so doing help promote human fertility. The Karok and subverted the native Pomo religion and some of their neighbors use them as rain rocks, realigned Pomo society into the historic pat­ to cause it to rain or stop raining. I suggest an tern in which the large winter village was the important reason to cause rain among the tribelet center. The previous segregation and Karok is connected with salmon. In the fall the differentiation has disappeared. salmon run cannot begin until the first major If this scheme seems reasonable it can be rains occur, breaking through the sandbar viewed in two distinct ways. In the first place it which blocks the mouth of the Klamath. Thus can be seen as a Toynbee-esque kind of organic it would be a matter of vital importance. It growth. In that case we can call the four phases seems clear that both these practices are for the incipient, formative, classic, and post classic in purposes of fertility or world renewal and that 182 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY we must look in this direction if we are further It will no doubt be modified, perhaps drastically, as to identify ancient Hokan religious practices. I more evidence becomes available. The absolute think this is going to require additional dates given are of course only crude approxima­ analyses of California Indian texts, and also tions. A series of four radiocarbon determinations linguistic reconstruction of religious lexical have been made on charcoal samples from sites Son-593 and Son-576. They support or at any rate items of the various California Indian linguis­ do not contradict the dating given here. tic groups. Both Fredrickson and J. A. Bennyhoff object Recapitulating in terms of Pomo society, to calling the last phase Late Houx. I have spoken we have in Early Borax Lake an incipient to Bennyhoff most particularly about this and his period in which Hokan (Proto-Pomo?) people view is, I believe, that if the changes in religion and move into this little valley west of the Russian society are as substantial as I suggest then they are River using handstone and milling stone to substantial enough to merit a separate name. This grind food, making twined basketry, practic­ view has great weight and I reluctantly reject it for ing an early Hokan religion which has to do two reasons. One is that since I am adopting the with world renewal and involved the manufac­ terms merely as labels, then the fact that the last two ture of pitted petroglyphs. They have a tribelet phases are called Houx does not imply more con­ tinuity than if they were called, for example. Smith organization with a principal village and and Brown. several subsidiary but undifferentiated The other reason is, I believe, a more hamlets. In Late Borax Lake times, they begin substantial one. It is true that if my present a process of differentiation of villages and conclusions are correct then the Pomo underwent commence trade relations with their neighbors very considerable transformation at the beginning but maintain their tribelet organization. This of Late Houx. In fact, I have stated herein that this process continues in the Early Houx period to can be seen as the last or latest development of the a point of extreme differentiation which is the process of Penutianization. But even if this is true florescence of Pomo culture, or, in Kroeber's the Pomo were still Pomo in ethnographic times terms, the Pomo climax. In the Late Houx and for me to adopt terminology which explicitly period Penutian religion, in the form of the acknowledges Penutianization would be to deny Kuksu cult, converts these people from their Pomo continuity, which is not my intention. The present terms are, for my purposes, quite neutral. former religion and at the same time society is When these sites are excavated more thoroughly reorganized so that specialists, both religious before Warm Springs Dam is built, strictly local and secular, are at the principal village. phase designations will have to be adopted. Archaeologically this last period is poorer than the penultimate one. Incidentally, the last 2. The sites dealt with include only those with period indicates a reduction of class differen­ considerable midden and constitute only 11 of the tiation rather than the reverse, in spite of the 37 sites known from the area shown on Fig. I. The contentions of some students of the subject. remainder are hunting blinds, petroglyph sites, and surface scatters which, except for petroglyphs, are not considered here. The terms village, hamlet, and station are not particularly satisfactory as names NOTES for the categories dealt with here. The term station I. The phase names shown in Fig. 2 are used as especially troubles me because it implies a place mere devices, heuristic and mnemonic, and are not devoted to very specialized activity and that activity meant to be a commentary on Fredrickson's alone. The "stations" on Dry Creek reveal very scheme. My view at present is that Fredrickson's is specialized activity of several kinds but they are the only scheme available for the North Coast living sites as well. Range that organizes the data in a meaningful way. As usual, terminological difficulties reveal EVOLUTION OF POMO SOCIETY 183 inadequacies of a more fundamental kind, in this is by means of a burin blow. So far as 1 know, this case the nature of the tribelet. Kroeber's (1932:258) industry was first identified by Robert Orlins in his definition of the tribelet speaks of "a principal work at Indian Valley (cf Orlins 1971). There is no town," which is my village, and "minor settle­ doubt that the industry forms a very important part ments." Minor settlements must include both of the archaeological inventory of parts of the hamlets and stations as 1 define them but my North Coast Range during Late Borax Lake and reading of the ethnography does not enlighten me Early Houx times. A very important task for on further distinctions. It is clear that such dis­ archaeologists of the region is determination of the tinctions are of great importance in the Warm function of these mutilated pieces. We also need Springs sample and therefore they are probably further stratigraphic information because their important in at least some other areas of California. abundance makes them very important as time Our typology of sites can use quite a lot of markers. refinement. 5. Kroeber (1932:254) actually says the Kuksu 3. The argument put baldly in depths of deposit cult had its greatest elaboration among the Patwin is not convincing. It can be argued that the stations and credits Dixon (1905) for having first suggested Son-571 and 572 are the important sites here and in it. He says further on (p. 315) that "The Patwin, that case comparable figures for depth of deposit who participate in most features, may have been the are Early Borax Lake, 0.4; Late Borax, 0.8; Early chief originators of most; or they may, on account Houx, 1.3; Late Houx, 0.2. The figures for debitage of their central situation [in Kuksu cult distribu­ are even more striking: 439, 1209, 4939, and 151. tion], have been the most favored recipients and The situation of these two tiny sites is even readiest acceptors." Thus Kroeber does not cate­ more remarkable than the figures indicate. They are gorically maintain Patwin priority with regard to in the most idyllic locations of any sites in the area, this religion. Nevertheless, I think he and most next to beautiful deep pools in Dry Creek (a very other students of the situation would regard this as uncommon feature), one of them across from a extremely likely. sheer-walled rock rising 50 feet above the pool. Furthermore each of these tiny middens is on a 6. My guess is that coiled basketry came in at second terrace about 25 feet above the creek and the same time as the mortar and pestle. This would below, on the first terrace just next to the creek, is be especially likely if it was the hopper mortar. an area with several mortars, pestles, manos, and Coiled basketry is especially well adapted to be a metates, presumably a separate but associated food hopper since it is a simple matter to enlarge the processing area. This is the only instance of such bottom coils of the hopper to better resist pulveriza­ intra-site complexity noted in the area. tion by the pestle. The comparable process is very Altogether the unusual aspects of these two difficult with twined basketry since warps are sites seem to me such that it is reasonable to asso­ inherently more difficult to strengthen than coils. ciate them with the huge petroglyphs nearby. Thus The Yana, who made hoppers of twined basketry, the above figures for the Late Borax Lake and Early resorted to rather ludicrous strategems, such as Houx components strengthen the case for dating leather attachments, pseudo-coils, and the like, to the petroglyphs in the same periods. overcome this structural flaw. Thus the functional connection between coiled basketry and hopper 4. The reworked biface industry is defined tech­ mortars makes likely their simultaneous nologically by Nancy Whitney (Baumhoff and introduction. Orlins 1979:Appendix). It consists of biface pieces (very likely the ones shown on the left in Fig. 2), 7. That the Hokan language group once almost always of obsidian, which have been occupied most of present-day California has been a snapped off and further modified for some as yet standard, though speculative, notion for many undetermined purpose. These were first noted in years (cf Baumhoff and Olmsted 1963). The pitted print by Fredrickson (1974:44), who refers to them petroglyphs have a similarly wide distribution. as burins because the usual additional modification Heizer and 1 showed a wide but spotty distribution 184 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

(Heizer and Baumhoff 1962). More recently Minor Cook, S. F., and R. F. Heizer (1975) has shown the distribution of 53 sites known 1965 The Quantitative Approach to the Rela­ from the southern tier of counties, Fleshman( 1975) tion Between Population and Settlement indicates 13 from San Luis Obispo County, and Size. Berkeley: University of California Payen (1966) 48 from the west slope of the Northern Archaeological Survey Reports No. 64. Sierra Nevada. Heizer and Clewlow (1973) do not show them in tola but their North Coast Range Dixon, Roland B. style is evidently part of the same thing. 1905 The Northern Maidu. Washington: U.S. Thus there are plenty of occurrences of pit-and- Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin groove petroglyphs everywhere that one can hypo­ No. 78. thesize a once present Hokan speaking group. When we add to this the fact that this kind of Fleshman, Georgia Lee petroglyph is very unspectacular and thus easily 1975 Pit and Groove Rocks and Cupules in overlooked, then the conclusion that they are San Luis Obispo County. San Luis abundant and ubiquitous is unmistakable. Obispo Archaeological Society Occa­ If the case is easy to argue geographically the sional Papers No. 9. same cannot be said for its chronological aspects. Some hints are beginning to emerge regarding Fredrickson, David A. linguistic spreads (thus the Patwin may have moved 1974 Cultural Diversity in Early Central into their ethnographic position around A.D. 1400 California: A View from the North Coast or 1500), but this does not tell us anything about Ranges. Journal of California Anthro­ predecessors. In any case, dating petroglyphs (the pology 1:41-53. other horn of the dilemma) seems as chancy as ever. The most hopeful recent prospect I have seen is that Heizer, R. F. of Bard, Osaro, and Heizer (1976) in which neutron 1966 Languages, Terrhories, and Names of activation analysis of patina is confronted. We still California Indian Tribes. Berkeley: seem to be some years from firm results though. University of California Press.

Heizer, R. F., and M. A. Baumhoff REFERENCES 1962 Prehistoric Rock Art of Nevada and Eastern California. Berkeley: University of California Press. Bard, James C, Frank Asaro, and Robert F. Heizer 1976 Perspectives of Dating of Great Basin Heizer, Robert F., and C. W. Clewlow, Jr. Petroglyphs by Neutron Activation Anal­ 1973 Prehistoric Rock Art of California (2 ysis of the Patinated Surfaces. Report vols.). Ramona, California: Ballena prepared for the U.S. Energy Research Press. and Development Administration.

Baumhoff M. A., and D. L. Olmsted Kroeber, A. L. 1963 Palaihnahan: Radiocarbon Support for 1932 The Patwin and their Neighbors. Univer­ Glottochronology. American Anthro­ sity of California Publications in Ameri­ pologist 65:278-284. can Archaeology and Ethnology 29:259- 281. Baumhoff M. A., and Robert I. Orlins 1979 An Archaeological Assay on Dry Creek, Minor, Rick Sonoma County, California. Berkeley: 1975 The Pit-and-Groove Petroglyph Style in University of California Archaeological Southern California. San Diego Museum Research Facility Contribution No. 40. of Man Ethnic Technology Notes No. 15. EVOLUTION OF POMO SOCIETY 185

Orlins, Robert I. Payen, Louis A. 1971 An Archaeological Survey of the Indian 1966 Prehistoric Rock Art in the Northern Valley Reservoir. Manuscript on file at Sierra Nevada, California. M. A. thesis, the U.S. National Park Service, Western California State University, Sacramento. Region, San Francisco. 186 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

Mojave warriors (A'M'fl«a/>;0 were considered ideal scouts and soldiers by the U.S. Army. This photo, taken sometime in the early 1890's by Andrew Forbes, shows a group of Mojave warriors and an Anglo who may have been a government agent.