The Social Phenomenon in Koromong Gamelan Ritual in Cikubang: a Cultural Geography Case of Indonesia

REVIEW OF INTERNATIONAL GEOGRAPHICAL EDUCATION

ISSN: 2146-0353 ● © RIGEO ● 11(3), SUMMER, 2021 www.rigeo.org Research Article The Social Phenomenon in Koromong Gamelan Ritual in Cikubang: A Cultural Geography Case of Indonesia

Rony Hidayat Sutisna1 Dadang Suganda2 Universitas Padjadjaran, Indonesia Universitas Padjadjaran, Indonesia [email protected] [email protected]

Reiza D. Dienaputra3 Universitas Padjadjaran, Indonesia [email protected]

Corresponding author: Email: [email protected], [email protected], [email protected]

Abstract The present study follows the cultural geography and aims to explore the social phenomenon related to the unique koromong gamelan ensemble ritual in Cikubang Hamlet, Sukahayu Village, Rancakalong Subdistrict, West Java Province, Indonesia. This study is conducted by considering the cultural geographical research approach. The unique social phenomenon associated with the koromong gamelan makes the ensemble different from other types of gamelan art. The uniqueness of koromong gamelan is related to the following: first, its function in Cikubang Hamlet community; second, the traditional belief in the transcendental, which makes the hamlet an attractive tourism destination in Sumedang Regency; and three, the process of handing down koromong gamelan art, which involves the Cikubang community, artists, culture enthusiasts, and Sumedang Regency.

To cite this article: Sutisna, R, H.; Suganda, D.; and Dienaputra, R, D. (2021) The Social Phenomenon in Koromong Gamelan Ritual in Cikubang: A Cultural Geography Case of Indonesia. Review of International Geographical Education (RIGEO), 11(3), 377-391 Doi: 10.48047/rigeo.11.3.41 Submitted: 10-01-2021 ● Revised: 15-02-2021 ● Accepted: 15-03-2021 © RIGEO ● Review of International Geographical Education 11(3), SUMMER, 2021

Introduction

The term gamelan refers to a set of traditional music instruments known in some regions in Indonesia, including West Java. Cultual geography is the sub branch of the human geography and sometimes it is considered as a sperate domain a well. It also helps us to identify that how do cultures are related to their origins and offers valuable insights to us. Anyhow, it studies the cultural aspects of the humans living at a particualr place. In this regard the current study has selected the West Java is a province in Indonesia whose economy is mostly based on the agricultural sector. Most of the province’s population makes their living from wet and dry agriculture and other farming activities. The regency has a total area of 44,599 km2, almost 51% of which is used for agriculture. Farming, however, is not the only activity that the agricultural people of Sumedang do in their daily life. They also do other activities which they think are important in their life. Outside the daily trade they are engaged in, they preserve certain beliefs and practices which, in their view, are important because of their contribution to the success of their life. In Sumedang communities, there is a system of belief that teaches them to praise and be grateful to the Supreme Being who created and rules the universe. In West Java, there are three types of gamelan ensemble, namely pelog-salendro gamelan (tuned in pelog and salendro scales), gamelan degung, and gamelan renteng (also called goong renteng). Gamelan koromong, which is often used in planting and harvesting rituals, belongs to gamelan renteng or goong renteng type. According to (As, 2021) gamelan koromong or goong renteng is a form of traditional art that lives and develops in Cikubang, Sumedang. The gamelan, Heins added, is played to accompany traditional dances, the entire performance of which forms a unity of music and dance as part of traditional ceremonies to respect the Goddess of Rice. Gamelan koromong is a set of gamelan that consists of 3 ancak (subsets or racks) of small bonang gongs. Other types of waditra (instruments) are a set of kendang (drums) and two large gongs. Based on Heins’ description, the so-called gamelan koromong found in Cikubang belongs to goong renteng type. Heins’ statement is supported by (Blunt, 2005; Clammer, 2005) who mentioned that gamelan koromong is an Islamic cultural artifact usually played in the month of the Mawlid (the Prophet’s day of birth). Sasaki’s statement, however, does not dismiss the fact that in the past, gamelan koromong was played in rice harvest ceremonies in honor of Goddess Sri. Today, gamelan koromong is considered sacred mostly because of its antiquity, and since the majority of Sumedang people are Muslims, the gamelan koromong is played in the sacred month of Mawlid to commemorate the birth of Prophet Muhammad PBUH. A type of Indonesian ensemble music, gamelan produces harmony from various instruments, namely drums, bonang, flute, gambang, rebab, gong, and saron, and the voice of a sinden (vocalist). Gamelan can be defined as a set of traditional instruments that are played together. The word gamelan has its origin in the Javanese word gamels. As a verb, it means ”to attack,” and as a noun, it means ”hammer.” The ending -an denotes a collective noun. According to the Javanese mythology, the gamelan was created by Sang Hyang Guru in about 167 in the Saka calendar. The god who ruled as the king of all kings in Java reigned from a palace in the Maendra mountain range in Medangkamulan (now called Mount Lawu). One day he was thinking of what kind of sign he could use to summon other gods, and this was how the gong was created. For more complex signs, he made two other gongs, and these gongs became the origin of gamelan. A visual narrative description of gamelan’s origin can be found in the relief of Borobudur Temple in Central Java Province According to (Donovan et al., 2012; Guner & Belet, 2020) however, the term gamelan koromong is associated with kolenang or bonang (a bossed or knobbed instrument). It is for this reason that gamelan koromong can be considered as gamelan renteng (goong renteng). In 1987, there was a project called West Java Province Cultural Improvement Supporting Project, which was headed by Enoch Atmadibrata. During the project’s data inventory process, gamelan was divided into several categories, namely gamelan ajéng, gamelan cara balen, gamelan degung, gambang kromong, gamelan saléndro/pélog, goong gedé, goong rénténg, koromong, gamelan monggang, gamelan prawa, ringgeng, sekatén, and toplek. However, based on the shapes, completeness, and placement of the instruments, the Sundanese gamelan can be classified into three groups, namely rénténg, saléndro-pélog, and ketuk tilu. Rénténg group includes goong rénténg, sakati, degung, koromong, goong gedé, and monggang Ciamis. Saléndro-pélog group consists of gamelan saléndro, gamelan pélog, gamelan ajéng, and monggang Cigugur. Lastly, ketuk tilu consists of tatabeuhan ronggéng (ketuk tilu, ronggéng gunung, ronggéng ketuk, dogér, topéng banjet, etc.). 378 Sutisna, R, H.; Suganda, D.; and Dienaputra, R, D. (2021) The Social Phenomenon in Koromong Gamelan …

Among the gamelan types in the rénténg group, some, according to (Durkheim, 2013; Fahmi et al., 2016; Kayaalp et al., 2020; Kayacilar & Karaca, 2020; Luber et al., 2020) are known to be ancient Sundanese gamelan sets. Currently there are 9 surviving sets of goong rénténg, 4 sets of koromong, 1 set of monggang/cara balén, 1 set of goong gedé, 2 sets of sakati, and 2 sets of degung. The following are the types of gamelan in the rénténg group and their origin: Goong rénténg Embah Bandong (Lebakwangi, Arjasari, Bandung), Goong rénténg Ciwaru (Ciuyah, Sumedang), Goong rénténg Babakan Ranjeng (Situraja, Sumedang), Goong rénténg Ngalambang Panggugah Manah (Sukamulya, Kuningan), Goong rénténg Talagamanggung (Talaga, Majalengka), Goong rénténg Cibeusi (Jalancagak, Subang), Goong rénténg Cireundeu (Bandung), Goong rénténg Cinangnang (Tambi, Indramayu), Goong rénténg Ki Sayu (Cirebon), Koromong Cikondang (Lamajang, Bandung), Koromong Cikubang (Rancakalong, Sumedang), Koromong Cileuweung (Darmaraja, Sumedang), Koromong Ujungjaya (Sumedang), Goong gedé Kampung Naga (Citorek, Lebak), Monggang/Carabalén (Jambansari, Ciamis), Sakati Kasepuhan (Cirebon), Sakati Kanoman (Cirebon), Degung Pangasih (Museum Geusan Ulun, Sumedang), and Degung Kasepuhan (Cirebon). (Fahmi et al., 2017; Heringa, 1997) also mentioned that with most ancient gamelan sets, it was difficult to determine when exactly they were made. Estimation is usually based on folklores (usually oral) on events leading to the making of the gamelan sets. The three types of ancient gamelan, goong rénténg, koromong, ajéng, as well as other ancient types of gamelan, underwent hardly any change in terms of the music played. Only very few types, namely goong rénténg Ki Sayu, goong rénténg Embah Bandong, and koromong Cikubang, still have their repertoires well preserved. Unfortunately, other types of gamelan, such as ajéng Sinar Pusaka, ajéng Cikamurang, goong rénténg Ciwaru, goong rénténg Cinangnang, and gamelan pélog Si Monggang.however, suffered from some setbacks because their inheritors could not remember all the repertoires that had existed in the past. According to (Hill, 2001) gamelan koromong in Cikubang is among the few gamelan types whose repertoires are still complete because they are still played during rice harvest ceremony. Sasaki adds that gamelan koromong is an artifact that is used for spreading the teachings of Islam. Today, the gamelan set is considered sacred due to its antiquity and historical value. (Huidi & Er, 2009) refers to gamelan koromong as goong rénténg. The naming ‘goong rénténg’ is based on the way instruments are positioned in a rénténg (row). Goong rénténg is the predecessor of the more recent gamelan degung. As (Jones, 2018) mentioned, gamelan koromong used to be called gamelan Cikebo. An interview with Nandang revealed that the name Cikebo was changed into Cikubang in about 1980. This article aims to analyze the changes that gamelan kromong Cikubang has undergone until the present time. The data resulting from the analysis can be used not only as a basis for future policy analysis based on relevant theories available but also as a basis for other studies focusing on gamelan koromong. The analysis focuses on the transformations that the gamelan set and art have undergone since their creation until the present, and takes into account the triggering factors responsible for the differences between the past and present state of the gamelan instruments and art.

Theoretical Basis

The grand theory on which this study is founded is the structural-functional theory proposed by Durkheim. According to (Khalil, 2010) society is a system of a complex whole consisting of various elements. Each element of the system has its function, the working of which creates the system’s balance. The elements function interdependently in such ways that the balance of the system will be affected if one element does not work as it should. A structural-functional way of thinking is heavily influenced by the biological concept that views a society as a biological organism consisting of different interdependent organs. Based on Durkheim’s theory, under normal circumstances, all the elements of a society will function alongside the changing time and space. Interdependency is essential for the survival of an organism. This theory is then used as a tool for analyzing the elements of Cikubang’s community life, particularly those related to the function of gamelan koromong art. Based on Durkheim’s theory, Following Kluckhohn, Koentjaraningrat also lists the following universal elements of culture: language, system of knowledge, social system or social organization, living equipment system, livelihood system, religion system, and art. These seven elements of culture are explored to reveal the factual condition surrounding the art of gamelan koromong in Cikubang, Rancakalong Subdistrict, Sumedang Regency, West Java Province.

379 © RIGEO ● Review of International Geographical Education 11(3), SUMMER, 2021 (Lihui, 2015) defines culture as a system of ideas, actions, and products of human work in life. Human acquires culture through the process of learning. Culture manifests in ideas, social behavior, and material artifacts. Ideas are cultural values that build from noble concepts that live in the mind of most of the members of a society. The system of values living in a society guides and orients the way society members act and behave. Human actions constitute social behavior, which will eventually produce material cultural artifacts. The analysis of the interdependency between cultural elements involves objects that function as signifiers. To interpret the results of the analysis, Peirce’s theory of semiotics is used. Peirce defines semiotics as a study of relations between signs, objects, and meanings. Peirce refers to the representation of an object through the sign used by the interpreter. According to Peirce, semiotics is based on logic because it is logic is concerned with how one thinks. Thinking, according to Peirce, is done through the medium of signs. Signs enable us to think, communicate with other people, and assign meaning to natural phenomena. Signs and the objects resembling them are connected through cause-and-effect relations or convention. Peirce classifies sign (or representamen) based on its relation with the ground-object-interpretant triad. According to Peirce, in terms of their relation to their ground, signs are classified into qualisign, sinsign, and legisign. Qualisign refers to the quality of a sign. Sinsign is the actual existence of a thing or event associated with a sign. Legisign is the norm contained in a sign. Based on their objects, Peirce categorizes signs into icon, index, and symbol. Icons are signs whose relation between signifier and signified are based on natural likeness or similarity. Icons are signs that are marked by the natural cause-effect relation between signifiers and signifieds. Signs can also refer to denotatum through convention. Such conventional signs are also commonly called symbols. Thus, symbols are signs resulting from the natural relation between their signifiers and signifieds. Peirce’s theory of semiotics is used to analyze the relations between signs and symbols associated with Cikubang people’s belief in the transcendental. Textual and contextual signs related to aspects of gamelan koromong performance in Cikubang are interpreted based on Peirce’s theory. Gamelan koromong is a form of ritual art existing in several regions in Sumedang Regency, West Java Province. This article, however, focuses only on the gamelan koromong art found and performed in Cikubang, Rancakalong Subdistrict. Gamelan koromong is performed in the context of a ritual ceremony to honor Sri, the Goddess of rice. The ritual combines music and dance as a whole performance. In its very early form, the performance of koromong was performed as part of a ritual that served as a medium to honor Sri, Goddess of Fertility believed to have the power to bring prosperity to farmers. The myth developed and was believed in agricultural areas whose people relied on farming for their livelihood. Belief in Goddess Sri was a manifestation of the wish for abundant crops. The practice and belief linked human to the supernatural, nature, and the origin of life (Nababan, 1991). The myth circulated not only in many parts of Indonesia but also in some Asian countries where agriculture was the primary source of livelihood. In China, several studies adopted textual and contextual methods to analyze (Suamba, 2016; Erdil & Thompson, 2020; Antelm et al., 2020). A myth can have an enormous influence on those who believe it. Traditional agricultural communities tend to believe in the existence of a protector or guardian whom they must honor. (Yandri, 2017) for example, describes how the agricultural system in Prangkonan Hamlet, Purwosari, Girimulyo, Kulon Progo, Special Region of Yogyakarta is managed by resorting to the myth and belief related to Goddess Sri, who is believed to possess the ability to maintain cosmic balance. Goddess Sri is believed as a deity who preserves fertility. In Tuban, it is believed that those who believe in the myth of Goddess Sri would be bestowed abundant crops and fortune .Based on Javanese cosmology, this concept of spirituality is applied to the agricultural system, resulting in improved soil fertility and welfare. This study uses the Sundanese concept of cosmology in its analysis of Cikubang people’s belief in Goddess Sri. The results illustrate the relation between Cikubang’s syncretic belief in the supernatural, their ancestral spirits, and Goddess Sri. The word cosmology is derived from the words cosmos and logos. In a general sense, cosmos is a harmoniously ordered system. The Greek origin of the word literally means order as opposed to disorder or chaos, or ornament, while metaphorically, it means the world. The word logos is also originally a Greek word meaning ‘statement,’ ‘utterance,’ ‘thought,’ ‘reason’ ‘word,’ ‘meaning,’ ‘a study,’ ‘consideration,’ ‘reason why things are as they are,’ ‘a set of principles and methods used to explain phenomena in a certain discipline,’ ‘aspects of a thing that make us understand its being,’ ‘a basis for something.’ According to Kamus Besar Bahasa Indonesia (An Extensive Dictionary of Indonesian), cosmology is defined as:

380 Sutisna, R, H.; Suganda, D.; and Dienaputra, R, D. (2021) The Social Phenomenon in Koromong Gamelan …

- A discipline of study (a branch of astronomy that investigates the origin, structure, and space-time relation of the universe); - A discipline of study on natural phenomena on the Earth, their relation with the solar system, and the relation between the solar system and the universe; - A discipline of study (a branch of metaphysics) that investigates the universe as an ordered system. The theory of Sundanese cosmology proposed is inclined toward an essential meaning of Sundaneseness. Suryalaga provides an avenue to explore, reflect upon, and apply cultural wisdom, particularly Sundanese wisdom, in the spiritual life of Sundanese people. Buana Panta Panta is a concept synthesized from the Sundanese concept of cosmology. The way to find the essential meaning of the cosmos is called Rawayan Jati. Rawayan Jati can be understood as the process of a human’s physical, psychological, and spiritual journey in the universe. The Sundanese concept of cosmology consists of four elements, namely relation among humans, between human and nature, between human and the supernatural, and human and God. Suryalaga’s study on the Sundanese cosmology is supported who stated that the life of Sundanese people in general reflects a system regulating their patterns of worshiping the Creator. These patterns are clearly structured and can be interpreted through various activities. The forms of worship follow a double, triple, or quadruple pattern. Human-human, human-nature, and human-God relationships are representations of these patterns. also explained that the understanding of the tradition of pre-modern art was situated within the mythic-spiritual-religious scope of culture. In this sense, people’s way of thinking was cosmocentric, stemming from their knowledge about their cosmos, which included the supernatural. This cosmocentric view places human as part and parcel of cosmos equal to the universe. In modern culture, view of the universe is usually anthropocentric, centered on human’s real social life. An anthropocentric view of the universe places human as the center of reality. In this view, there is a distance between human and the universe and between human and God. In gamelan koromong performance, two players are chosen to lead the ritual. The leader of the male dancers is called Saehu, and the leader of the female dancers is called Pangibuan. Saehu leads the ritual by dancing to five ritual music compositions. The opening music is called pamapag or keupat eundang. It must be underlined that the Saehu and Pangibuan play a vital role in koromong and tarawangsa rituals because it is their responsibility to lead, direct, and promote the ritual. The success of the collaboration between the Saehu and Pangibuan is measured from the success of the performance. Gamelan kromong ritual is a unique phenomenon in that there are two leaders in a “group.” In reality, dual leadership in a group usually tends to cause dissenting opinions and break the group’s unity. Gamelan koromong, however, is an example of how dual leadership can actually work. The collaboration between male and female leaders in gamelan koromong reflects the relationship between man and woman, whose union brings a new life, birth, and fertility. As described above, the Sundanese concept of cosmology serves not only as a form of knowledge about the structure of the universe but also as guidance to shed light on the ultimate destination of human life, that is, happiness and peace of eternal life in buana niskala and buanajatiniskala. This ancient Sundanese concept of cosmology is clearly reflected in the structure of koromong ritual performance in Cikubang. The belief in the existence of kahyangan, the realm where Goddess Sri and ancestral spirits dwell, is manifested through the ritual ceremony that summons the dwellers of kahyangan to descend to the human world. This study uses the theory of the Sundanese cosmology to analyze parts of the koromong structure closely related to the ritual process. The people of Cikubang Hamlet, Sukahaju Village, Rancakalong Subdistrict, Sumedang Regency embrace gamelan koromong, a unique traditional art of the hamlet. In the past, the performance of this gamelan and dance ritual had to follow strict rules and codes. The rules are still preserved today except for some aspects that have undergone changes, which are the main focus of this article.

The Function of Gamelan Koromong for Cikubang People

The gamelan koromong ritual art is performed by Cikubang people according to its primary function of seeking blessing and driving off misfortune. maintains that the surviving ancient forms of art have departed from their original function due to the change in the community. From the historical perspective, the original function of gambang koromong must be restored per the socio- cultural situation of its past supporting community. The sacredness of the function maintained in gambang koromong performance stems from the obedience to its old structure. 381 © RIGEO ● Review of International Geographical Education 11(3), SUMMER, 2021 “Surprisingly, the old function of some types of performance art is still maintained by some Indonesian people today. The sacredness of these types of performance art is reflected in the attitude of some people who refrain from performing them except when there is the occasion for it, for example, as part of a ceremony to celebrate or commemorate a change in their life cycle The description above illustrates the way the Cikubang community fulfills the function of art in the context of socio-cultural life. The people of Cikubang practice their ancient traditional customs that have been handed down to different generations since they were created. This ritual of showing gratitude cannot be separated from the people’s belief in the supernatural or transcendental. Historically, this belief has been handed down until this modern era. The people of Cikubang believe that continuing their ancient tradition can give them protection and blessings from the transcendental realm. The following description provides an overview of the function of gamelan koromong in the socio-cultural context of Cikubang. 1) Gamelan koromong is performed as part of the ritual held on 14th Mawlid. This village ritual is observed by all the people of Cikubang Hamlet. As has been since the gamelan art was created, the performance functions as part of the series of rituals to ward off natural disasters, diseases, and pests. The ritual must be performed and observed by all the hamlet people to prevent them from harmful things such as natural disasters and conditions, particularly plant diseases. Gambang koromong is usually performed inside a big house that can accommodate a large number of people. Such choice of place is related to a ritual process in which paddy bunches are removed from a goah or a place to store paddy bunches at home. 2) The ritual is the people’s expression of gratitude to God. Gamelan koromong is performed not only in the 14th Mawlid ritual but also on other occasions such as housewarming and birth rituals, provided that the dos and don’ts are observed. Non-Mawlid performances of gambang koromong are held in the host’s house.

Cikubang People’s Belief in the Transcendental

Gamelan koromong performance is a ritual usually held by the people of Cikubang to honor Dewi Sri or the Goddess of Rice. The ritual is a form of indebtedness and gratitude to God, who has bestowed upon them subsistence and livelihood. The ritual is held on every 14th Mawlid in the Islamic calendar after they have harvested their crops, mainly rice. According to an interview with the ritual is held not only as an annual ritual but also as a commemoration of the birth of Prophet Muhammad PBUH because the time of the ritual coincides with the Prophet’s birthday. The performance follows the same process regardless of whether it is held to commemorate the Prophet’s birth or to honor Goddess Sri. In her comment about the ritual phenomenon, argues that belief in the transcendental manifests in religious acts of communication between human and the transcendental. The phenomenon is also related to the sacred connection between time and space. “Sacred time is a span of time of which passing is pervaded with myths. Sacred time is the time during which events told in myths ‘happen’ as if that time were timeless and recreatable The entire procession of the ritual performance represents the relation between human and spiritual realms is based on the relation between “Sundanese” people and the religious system to which the local people adhere. underlines that such a system shares universal characteristics that typify all ancient beliefs. Ancient beliefs generally shared similar rituals, involving sacrifice, shamanism, and mantra. They evolved into institutionalized traditional rituals that could be found in any human community. The belief in the direct connection between the ritual and the human world is reflected in the ritual practiced during gamelan koromong performance in Cikubang. Gamelan koromong is led by two leaders. Saehu, the male leader, is responsible for leading the male dancers, while pangibuan, his counterpart, is responsible for leading the women dancers. The saehu leads the ritual by performing dances to the accompaniment of five ritual music compositions. The first music composition is an opening piece called (pamapag or keupat eundang) ). It must be noted that the saehu and pangibuan play an essential role in gambang koromong performance because they are the motor, director, and promotor of the performance. The success of the collaborative work of both performance leaders is determined by the success of the entire performance itself. Gambang koromong exemplifies a phenomenon in which a group or a group performance is led by two people. remarks that in the life of a dry farming community, there is usually a dualistic pattern of life, which views man and woman as a symbol of fertility, new life, or regeneration. Such a dualistic pattern pervades into myths found in food gathering and farming communities. The prevalence of this dual pattern in primordial farming communities is caused most probably by their reliance on nature, which makes their farming life

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balanced. Fertility is represented by saehu pameget and saehu istri. In reality, dual leadership in a group can usually lead to dissenting opinions that can break the group’s unity. In the case of gombong koromong performance, the two leaders can work together in harmony, symbolizing unity brings new life, birth, and fertility. At first, the success of the performance was indicated by the presence of an ancestral spirit who nyurup (possessed) the saehu or any of the other performers. Nyurup, or possession by a spirit, is also called a state of kasumpingan (being visited). The visiting spirit was believed to be that of Nyai Sri or Goddess Sri. The song keupat eundang served as a medium to summon and welcome Goddess Sri’s spirit. The ritual has changed due to the dynamic change of time. Such a supernatural element was then gradually eroded and began to be construed logically. For example, offerings, which served as gifts for Goddess Sri and ancestral spirits (karuhun), began to be viewed as a manifestation of an expression of gratitude for harvested crops and animal products. Later, offerings that had been served were given to guests who attended the ceremony. Offerings could also be viewed as a symbol that in life, we also need more things than just rice. The song Keupat Eundang is also called Pamapag song. Pamapag is a music composition that functions to welcome guests and allow them in. Mapageun in Sundanese means to receive or welcome, and the word pamapag means receptionist. Thus, the song functions as a ‘greeting’ song to welcome Goddess Sri or Nyai Sri, the guest of honor. In this opening part, the saehu begins to dance while nyambat (summoning) Goddess Sri and ancestral spirits (karuhun) by chanting the verse: “mangga nyi pohaci enggal gera ngaluuh, disuhunkeun enggal sumping.” There is no fixed standard as to the wording of the verse. When summoning, the saehu may use other wordings provided that they convey a message of invitation. The opening functions as an angkenan (invitation). The saehu summons Goddess Sri and ancestral spirits (karuhun) to the ceremony by performing some kind of praising gesture to four cardinal directions, namely east, south, west, and north. Since no one has an idea where Goddess Sri is at the time of the ceremony, summoning is performed by facing different directions. It is believed that every cardinal direction has its powerful guardian spirit and that summoning Goddess Sri by facing different directions, in turn, can combine the power from these directions and thus create perfection. Perfection in this context means the arrival of Goddess Sri, whom they consider the Goddess of Fertility. Such representation of cosmic pattern does not occur by chance. The unification of these four directions implies an immanent process, a belief in the metaphysical realm, the transcendental, which, the Cikubang people believe, are the source of life. The main movements that the Saehu performs are called badaya, which function as opening movements. The Saehu, as the male badaya dancer, performs the movements in solo for a few minutes along the duration of the keupat eundang song. Before dancing, the saehu sits facing a set of offerings, which include a full set of dress for Goddess Sri and tumpeng (rice cone), while reciting verses of mantra and performing a kind of namaskar (praising gesture) to four cardinal directions. The dance is performed to honor Goddess Sri. After this nyambat (summoning ritual) is completed, the saehu begins to dance to the keupat eundang music accompaniment. In an interview Nandang, who often performs as saehu, admitted that during kasumpingan (the state when the summoned spirits arrived), they did not feel they were themselves. They feel that they are being possessed by a visiting spirit. The movements of a dancer indicate which spirit was possessing. If a dancer shows bold, gallant, or daring movements, it is believed that he is possessed by a male spirit. On the other hand, if the dancer makes soft, flowing movements, she is possessed by a female spirit. Keupat eundang is categorized as a very sacred song. In any ritual ceremony to respect Goddess Sri, the song is always performed as a medium to summon her spirit. Like in tarawangsa, angklung, gubrag, terebangan, and gembyung, the song is always played as the core of the ritual. The ritual is deeply ingrained in the Cikubang people’s life. It is believed that failure to perform it would bring disaster to their farming system. The state in which ancestral spirits possess the dancers is called kaserepan. In a state of kaserepan, the dancers’ movements and all the rituals they perform would be affected by the visiting ancestral spirits. The word kaserepan, which is often used by Cikubang people, is another word for kasurupan (being possessed). The word kasurupan is also frequently used though in a different context. Both words refer to the same process, namely the entrance of another non-human or astral being into a human body. When being so possessed, one’s consciousness is taken over by that of the visiting being. In Cikubang, the state of being spiritually possessed is categorized into kaserepan and kasurupan. Whereas the former refers to possession by a spirit from a ‘nobler’ stratum, for example, an ancestral spirit, the latter refers to possession by an astral being from the djinn stratum. The different types of possession can be 383 © RIGEO ● Review of International Geographical Education 11(3), SUMMER, 2021 distinguished visually from the movements performed by a possessed dancer. If the dancer performs smooth, refined movements like those which dancers would usually show when not possessed, it means that the visiting spirit is that of an ancient ancestor. Conversely, if the movements are rough, irregular, and seemingly uncontrollable, the visiting spirit must belong to the djinn stratum. It needs the ability and power of a spiritual clairvoyant or shaman to control a situation caused by the latter. This difference is what distinguishes kaserepan and kasurupan in gamelan koromong performance in Cikubang. The traditional belief of gamelan koromong artists and Cikubang people in general has undergone some changes, as can be seen from the way gamelan koromong is performed at present. Before the spread of Islam, the people of Cikubang adhered to a belief in the transcendental. They believed that certain natural objects could protect them. Their form of animism was characterized in their belief in the immense power of their ancestral spirits. The introduction of Islam to Cikubang was followed by its people’s conversion to the new religion. In the process, they began to perform the teachings of Islam, including celebrating the birth of Prophet Muhammad PBUH. Despite their conversion, however, they still retained some aspects of their traditional belief in their life. Through a process of syncretism, they combined aspects of their old traditional belief and the teachings of Islam as their new religion.

The Process of Handing Down Gamelan Koromong in Cikubang

This section describes the process of handing down the art of gamelan koromong by Cikubang people, artists, cultural enthusiasts, and the local government of Sumedang to a broader scope of people. The continuing of gamelan koromong as a form of performance art is determined by three supporting factors, namely, its supporting people, the artists, and the art form itself. Until today, gambang koromong has undergone various changes in terms of its aspects of performance. underlines that due to social and historical changes and the interpretation of their supporting communities, the existing ancient performance arts have lost parts of their past complete structure. The traditional belief and world view of the Cikubang people have changed, particularly after the spread of Islam. However, gamelan koromong is still performed, although today, its performance also functions as an event to commemorate the birth of Prophet Muhammad. Since most of the Cikubang people have attained certain levels of formal education, their traditional way of thinking has also shifted toward a more modern one. Gamelan koromong is viewed as a mystic art, while Islam as a more logical and rational religion. Gamelan koromong has existed for over 300 years in Cikubang, Rancakalong. Nandang explained that the art had been handed down from one generation to another up to the fifth generation under his leadership. Nandang added that the five generations were as follows: Eyang Santing’s generation (Eyang Santing was the person who created the art of gamelan koromong in Cikubang Rancakalong); Eyang Uding’s generation (Eyang Uding was Eyang Santing’s son); Ahud’s generation (Ahud was Eyang Uding’s son-in-law); Sukatya’s generation (Sukatya was Ahud son-in-law); and Nandang’s generation (Nandang is Sukatya’s grandson). The fifth-generation successor should have been Sukatya’s son, but since Sukatya did not have any son, the art was handed down to his grandson Nandang. According to the handing down of a form of art is not only about perpetuating dance movements and the accompanying music, but also about the values and views of the life that supports that form of art. In the case of gamelan koromong, it is not only the artistic practice but also the knowledge and values contained in the art that has been passed on. Discussion about the continuance of gamelan koromong is about how the tradition is preserved by the Cikubang people, the artists who live in the hamlet, cultural enthusiasts concerned, and the Sumedang Regency government. In terms of artistic practice, gamelan koromong is preserved by regularly assembling people to practice playing the gamelan ensemble set. Learners practice different skills by playing different instruments, memorizing various tunes, especially canonical compositions always played in actual rituals. Besides learning to play the music, would-be players also learn the detailed step-by-step procedure of performing the ritual, the history of the gamelan and ritual practice, and the meanings, values, symbols, philosophy, and behind the art, including the values, symbols, philosophy, and social significance. The manner of conservation practiced in Cikubang is in line with remark that handing down a form of art should not be limited to preserving records about its artistic aspects. It should also include the understanding of its significance for the practitioners and their community, the relation among practitioners, and the relation between the art and its supporting community. Such is also what has happened in the preservation of gamelan koromong. Its preservation process also

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includes the handing down of the traditional practices, their relation with the prevailing environmental norms and belief, and the related knowledge. The process does not necessarily follow a specific learning method, regular schedule, or routine rehearsal pattern. In other words, gamelan koromong is preserved by non-formal oral means. points out that: Oral methods of preservation make it possible for a locally confined form of performance art to spread and develop into numerous formal and structural variations. There are substantial proofs that forms of performance art are usually passed on from one generation to another through oral means. They are typically taught and passed on orally by a teacher to a chosen student (usually by a father to his son). A student usually learns by seeing, listening, emulating, and practicing. Due to the oral nature of the process, there are generally no standard methods of how a form of performance art is to be performed. Performance is usually based on the interpretation of the teacher and his/her students, and further variations are therefore possible. defines cultural transmission as the process of handing down culture and its elements from one generation or community to another through the process of cultivating and learning them. Culture is also transmitted through enculturation and dissemination. The process usually takes place in families, communities, schools, and other educational institutions, associations, formal institutions, or through social media. In Cikubang, leadership is handed down hereditarily. In Cikubang, gamelan koromong is transmitted in manners, which, in discussion, are described as enculturation and dissemination. An individual successor (a son or daughter) learns the gamelan art and adjusts his/her personal attitude and way of thinking to the concepts behind the art. He/she would accept the art as part of his/her ancient tradition and continue to interact with more people to disseminate and develop the art. The transmission of gamelan koromong is also linked to that of other forms of art, including tarawangsa, which also develops in the hamlet and has been transmitted through generations in concurrent and similar manners. Hereditarily, gamelan koromong was created by a prominent community figure named Eyang Santing based on a divine inspiration he had received. According to Nandang, Eyang Santing learned gamelan koromong from a group of emissaries from Banyumas. The arrival of these emissaries was not accidental. They arrived following crop failure due to pest and weather factors. Based on Nandang’s description, it can be concluded that the people of Cikubang know Eyang Santing as the first person to learn the art of gamelan koromong. Later, Eyang Santing began to hand down his gamelan koromong knowledge and skills to his successor, and the process continues until the present generation. Eyang Santing played a vital role in making gamelan koromong part of the local folk art that has survived through several generations. At the end of Eyang Santing’s era as the firs leader of the gamelan koromong art, he passed down the art to his son Eyang Uding. Around that time, crop plants were no longer harmed by pests, and farming had become normal again. Eyang Santing died in peace because he had bequeathed bountiful precious legacies to the people of Cikubang (then still named Cikebo). Eyang Santing was buried at the top of a hill called Pasir Sapi. Until today, people still visit his grave, especially on certain consecrated days. According to Nandang there are no records mentioning the exact year in which Eyang Santing died. Eyang Uding as the first successor was a well- respected person whose ability as a customary leader made people consider him a sage. Later, the hamlet changed its name from Cikebo to Cikubang. Upon Eyang Uding’s retirement, the gamelan koromong tradition was continued by Ahud, his son-in-law. This time, the art was not bequeathed to a direct descendant because Eyang Uding’s son did not reside in Cikubang. In an interview with Nandang on 4th November 2019, a successor to the art must be domiciled in Cikubang. Thus, after Eyang Uding, the legacy was taken up by his son-in-law under consideration that the successor had to be a male. In Ahud’s period, Cikubang people assigned the name Pusaka Sekar Hanjuang to the group of people who continued practicing the gambang koromong tradition. The full name of the group was Seni Koromong Pusaka Sekar Hanjuang. During his leadership, Ahud showed to deepen his knowledge about gambang koromong and continue the customary message and legacy of his predecessors. After Ahud’s death, the leadership was continued by Sukatya, Ahud’s son-in-law. As the leader of the fourth generation, Sukatya’s developed his gamelan group further by expanding the audience. As a result, the name Pusaka Sekar Hanjuang was known by more people outside Cikubang. During Sukatya’s leadership, a number of international researchers, including Jaap Kunst, Mariko Sasaki, and Ernst Heins, came to Cikubang to inventory and document the existing data present them in a book. Gamelan koromong was performed not only on every 14 th Mawlid. The gamelan group began to receive invitations from the local government and Sumedang Cultural Board to play in local cultural events. 385 © RIGEO ● Review of International Geographical Education 11(3), SUMMER, 2021 Pusaka Sekar Hanjuang atau lengkapnya Seni Koromong Pusaka Sekar Hanjuang. Pada masa kepemimpinannya, Ahud dikenal sangat bersungguh-sungguh dalam mempelajari seni gamelan koromong demi meneruskan adat dan pesan leluhur. A significant number of graduate and undergraduate theses were written on gamelan koromong. On 14th Mawlid, students from different universities and arts schools came to Cikubant to attend the traditional ritual. It was during Sukatya’s time that the gamelan koromong group began to open itself to invitations from other places. They started to perform outside Cikubang and even outside the subdistrict for purposes other than the annual ritual. Despite many difficult challenges, Sukatya, together with a number of artists and prominent community figures, was able to maintain gamelan koromong’s existence. He even performed in Insun Medal Hall and went on in RKS FM, a radio station owned by Sumedang local government. As Nandang mentioned, Sukatya began to seriously explore gamelan koromong after she had married Ahud’s daughter. Sukatya never missed any single important day of preparation before a ritual performance. Not only did he explore the gamelan instruments and compositions, but he also studied the ritual aspects and preserved these all. During his leadership, Sukatya also modified and composed panambih songs (additional ritual songs), which were then usually played in the entertainment part following the compulsory canonical songs played in the main ritual part. After Sukatya’s death, his grandson Nandang was responsible for managing gamelan koromong until today. Like Eyang Uding, Sukatya did not pass on gamelan koromong to a direct descendant. Sukatya’s only daughter did not have a husband, so the legacy of gamelan koromong was continued by his grandson Nandang. Sukatya, the fourth ‘heir’ of the gamelan koromong art, died on 10th November 2010 from an illness. The leadership of the gamelan koromong group was continued by Nandang, his grandson. In managing affairs related to gamelan koromong, Nandang is assisted by his wife, children, nephews, nieces, sisters, and in-laws. Together, they all participate actively in the preservation of gamelan koromong. Under Nandang’s leadership, people who study gamelan koromong come not only from Cikubang but also from other places. Gamelan koromong is even studied by students of a public high school in Rancakalong. Gamelan koromong is included in the art and culture subject, and students are taught to play gamelan koromong. The syllabus also touches on ritual procedures and techniques to play gamelan music. Gamelan koromong performance even constitutes part of the school’s final examination at the end of a school year. The students, however, do not use the original but a substitute set made for learning. There are two reasons why students cannot play the original set. First, most of the old instruments have begun to wear after many years of use. Second, the original set is considered to have certain ritual values and, therefore, too sanctified to be used for non-ritual purposes. The handing down of gamelan koromong and its music and ritual practices takes place genealogically within the family line and also through individuals and communities outside genealogical line. Genealogically, gamelan koromong can be passed on to a child, brother, cousin, or a close relation from the paternal or maternal side. However, gamelan koromong can also be transmitted outside the family circle. For example, an artist from another family can also learn gamelan koromong and take part in its further preservation and transmission. This is possible because of the different senses of the word ‘family.’ In a narrow sense, family means a group of people connected by marriage and birth. Yet, in the broader sense, family can also mean people who live in an area as a community. In the case of gambang koromong, everyone involved in the practices related to gambang koromong considers themselves as members of a big family. Transmission within the family line has taken place since Eyang Santing’s era until the present generation. Transmission within the genealogical line has been an accepted tradition across generations. Nandang mentioned that at first, he did not wish to take up the responsibility of running and managing gamelan koromong as the successor. Later, however, he felt that it was important to continue the tradition, and it was the obligation of Eyang Santing’s descendants to take up the legacy. He then decided that he would do anything to maintain and perpetuate gamelan koromong, promote it through various activities, and participate in certain regional events. The traditional art of gamelan koromong is also taught to young people, including children of some community leaders. In short, any members of the community who have the desire and dedication to preserve gamelan koromong are allowed to join. Dede Wahyudi is a close relative of the late Sukatya. Despite his profession as a farmer, Dede chose to dedicate his life to the continuation of gamelan koromong even if he is not directly involved in the management of the gamelan koromong group. For him, gamelan koromong is a form of art that has noble values that can influence the community in agricultural matters.

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The genealogical succession of gamelan koromong leader in Cikubang is based not only on the knowledge and skills of a potential successor as an artist. A successor is also required to have strong religious knowledge, a good attitude, and profound wisdom. Based on an interview with Ikin a successor must be willing to teach and perpetuate the art sincerely without any desire for material gain. A successor must always be ready to teach at any time and anywhere with or without financial reward. Today, the art of gamelan koromong is also passed on not only to family members and local artists but to other people at large. The strategy of passing on the tradition through family members to the local younger generation of Sumedang is a form of participation that the present heirs of the art can give in response to the support from the Sumedang Regency government. Management structure is an important factor in the preservation of gamelan koromong. Although gamelan koromong players do not have to be organized as a formal art group or art center, they still need proper management as a group. Based on Article 73 of the Bill of the Republic of Indonesia concerning culture, padepokan (art centers) and art studios as cultural facilities and infrastructure must be given proper support. In Cikubang, the process of transferring and continuing the skills required to perform the gamelan ensemble and the ritual takes place as a continuous cycle. Law Number 5 Year 2017 concerning The Advancement of Culture also emphasize on the importance of the protection, development, engagement, and fostering of cultural human resources (people who perform activities, work, or create works in areas related to cultural objects) and of people (as individuals or as groups, social organizations, or business enterprises). In Cikubang, it is not only the skills and practice that are handed down to Cikubang people as owners of the gamelan koromong art. The cultural values inherent in the art are also an inseparable part of the cultural heritage. The transfer method involves training Cikubang children to play the music and perform the ritual. Usually, gamelan classes are held on school holidays. The ritual is taught by Nandang himself, who also teaches his students its values. Expansion of the transmission outside the family line implies that gamelan koromong belongs to the entire Cikubang community in general. Every Cikubang community member has the right to have the opportunity to learn and be an heir of the art form. Cikubang people play an important role in the preservation and continuation of gamelan koromong. The handing down of gamelan koromong to people in general also marks it as a unique traditional form of art that is different from other forms of traditional arts existing in Sumedang Regency. Gamelan koromong from Cikubang, which has its root in the genealogically transmitted tradition, has now transformed into a form of folk art that develops and is maintained by community members themselves. Today, gamelan koromong is taught to a wider scope of community and is preserved by practitioners, artists, and the overall receivers of that tradition through a process of regeneration to maintain its characteristics as a form of folk art. In the long run, maximum development and preservation of gamelan koromong cannot be achieved if its transmission is limited within the family scope. Widening the scope of transmission to the general public would potentially result in more people who can master and continue the art. Today, gamelan koromong has been continued by the younger generation in Cikubang. It is practiced not only by direct descendants of the creator but also by interested children and teenagers who wish to learn about it. Such a process of transmission can also be extended to other important aspects of gamelan koromong, particularly the rituals of ngumbah parabot and ngamandian parabot (cleaning and washing the instruments), nyekar (ritual visit to ancestor’s graves) at particular times, and the core 14th Mawlid ritual. The central roles of the saehu, pangibuan, and pangraman, which until today are still taken by the older generation, must also be handed down. In short, to successfully perpetuate and develop gamelan koromong, the transmission process must encompass all aspects of the art. The way the tradition is handed down today is different from the way it was in the past. Usually, artists of past generations did not limit themselves to only one aspect. They learn all aspects of gamelan koromong. They were able not only to play the gamelan set but also to perform as the saehu or pangramaan. The ritual aspects of cleaning and washing the instruments and other sacred heirlooms and visiting ancestors’ graves at a particular time were equally important. Passing on these rituals is important not to maintain their continuation but also to ensure the perpetuity of the essence of gamelan koromong. In the past, a performance of gamelan koromong could be recognized from its characteristics, which shared some similarities of those of the tarawangsa art. The differences lied in the instruments used and songs played. In addition, the sequence of the ritual pattern symbolized only certain meanings. According to Nandang they are not unrelated. Symbolizing man and woman, both gamelan koromong and tarawangsa 387 © RIGEO ● Review of International Geographical Education 11(3), SUMMER, 2021

developed in the Cikubang area and are performed by the same artists. The spread of gamelan koromong is not limited within the scope of familial relationship and Cikubang community. It has begun to be taught through formal education. Gamelan tarawangsa is taught at Rancakalong High School under the subject of art and culture. Rancakalong High School is the closest public school from Cikubang, separated only by the village border. Cikubang hamlet is located in Sukahayu Village, while Rancakalong High School is in Nagarawangi Village. In an interview conducted on 10 th December 2019), Dewi, who teaches art and culture at the school, explained that in the final year examination, the students have to perform gamelan koromong. The process of spreading gamelan koromong at school is not without any obstacles. As explains, the problem with teaching traditional art in an educational institution is the limitation in the part of the teachers, who usually can only teach the knowledge about traditional art. The teaching of traditional art at schools should not be limited to the relevant knowledge. It should also be about teaching the practical skills and the local values related to the particular art form taught. Traditional art, Setiawan adds, can only be taught effectively at schools and other educational institutions by selected teachers who possess not only knowledge but also practical skills to perform that art. What Dewi does as a teacher at Rancakalong High School shows that tradition can also be handed down through a formal school curriculum. Furthermore, teachers who graduated from art schools are expected to be active agents of transmission in formal institutions such as primary and middle schools so that traditional art can be passed down in a non-genealogical manner. The introduction of gamelan koromong at school can widen the scope of transmission to more young people in Sumedang in particular, and the public in general. The continuation of gambang koromong today lies in the hands of a number of stakeholders, namely the descendants of the previous masters, artists, educational institutions, private organizations, community members, researchers, and individuals, through various ways. Different methods and activities can be utilized to transfer the knowledge and skills related to gamelan koromong. It is hoped that the efforts to maintain gamelan koromong will result in the regeneration of performers, preservation of the local customs, and the transfer of important knowledge and cultural values.

Conclusion

The ritual art of gamelan koromong in Cikubang Hamlet, Sukahayu Village, Rancakalong Subdistrict, Sumedang Regency, West Java Province has a number of unique characteristics and social implications that make it different from other forms of gamelan art. The first unique characteristic is that for Cikubang people, gamelan koromong is a medium to achieve certain ritual goals, namely to protect them from illness and pests. The ritual is performed to honor Goddess Sri, who they believe is the protector of their farming system. In the course of its development, gamelan koromong has undergone some functional transformations. It is now performed in circumcision, celebration, and entertainment, and healing events. When a community member is suffering from an illness, gamelan koromong is also played as a healing ritual. In addition, following the spread of Islam to Cikubang, gamelan koromong began to be played to commemorate the birth of Prophet Muhammad PBUH. The second characteristic is related to the Cikubang people’s belief in the transcendental. The belief is so deeply rooted among Cikubang people that all matters concerning the local customs are settled through rituals. The ritual was then fashioned in such a way that it began to be performed annually on every 14th Mawlid in the Islamic calendar. Gambang koromong ritual attracts local, regional, national, and even international tourists. The issuance of a regional regulation established the status of gamelan koromong ritual as an enticing tourist attraction in Sumedang Regency. The continuance of the ritual is maintained through a process of transmission that involves Cikubang people themselves, practicing artists, cultural enthusiasts, and the Sumedang Regency government. The combined efforts of these stakeholders have made it possible for gamelan koromong to survive. Until today, gamelan koromong is still played at certain times following the tradition of Cikubang people’s ancestors.

388 Sutisna, R, H.; Suganda, D.; and Dienaputra, R, D. (2021) The Social Phenomenon in Koromong Gamelan …

Figure 1: Property of ritual

Source: Rony Hidayat Sutisna

Figure 2: Dancing of ritual

Source: Rony Hidayat Sutisna

Figure 3: Property of Gamelan Koromong Art

Source: Rony Hidayat Sutisna

Figure 4: Saehu, begining of ritual

Source: Rony Hidayat Sutisna Acknowledgement This research was funded by Ministry of Research and Higher Education of the Republic of Indonesia through Dissertation Doctoral Program in 2019.

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