Tanzania General Elections, 31 October 2010
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State of Politics in Tanzania
LÄNDERBERICHT Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung e.V. TANZANIA RICHARD SHABA July 2007 State of Politics in Tanzania www.kas.de/kenia INTRODUCTION The assessment dwells on the political, eco- nomic and social situation as well on the THERE is a broad consensus that the major actors namely: the ruling and opposi- process of consolidating the transition tion political parties, civil society and the towards participatory political system media, the rise of fundamentalism factor in Tanzania over the past seventeen together with the influence of the external years has achieved remarkable suc- factor in shaping the political process. cess. Whereas once predominantly un- der a single party hegemony, Tanzania THE STATE OF THE ECONOMY AND SO- today is characterized by a plurality of CIAL SERVICES political parties. Though slow; the growth of the independent civil society Ranked 159 th out of 175 countries on the has gained momentum. Human Development Index [HDI] by the United Nations, Tanzania is one of the poor- The country has also witnessed a dramatic est countries in the world. And although transformation of the press. State-owned the economy is growing, it is still very much media outfits that had a virtual monopoly externally oriented with almost 100 percent for decades have now changed their accent of development expenditure externally fi- and become outlets for different voices, not nanced basically by donors. Internal reve- just the ruling party - a major step towards nue collection has not met the objective of promoting democratic practice. This para- collecting at least 18.5 per cent of the GDP digm shift has also helped engender a criti- growth rate. -
Election Violence in Zanzibar – Ongoing Risk of Violence in Zanzibar 15 March 2011
Country Advice Tanzania Tanzania – TZA38321 – Revolutionary State Party (CCM) – Civic United Front (CUF) – Election violence in Zanzibar – Ongoing risk of violence in Zanzibar 15 March 2011 1. Please provide a background of the major political parties in Tanzania focusing on the party in power and the CUF. The United Republic of Tanzania was formed in 1964 as a union between mainland Tanganyika and the islands of Unguja and Pemba, which together comprise Zanzibar. Since 1977, it has been ruled by the Revolutionary State Party (Chama Cha Mapinduzi or CCM). In 1992 the government legislated for multiparty democracy, and the country is now a presidential democratic republic with a multiparty system. The first multiparty national elections were held in 1995, and concurrent presidential and parliamentary elections have since been held every 5 years. The CCM has won all elections to date. The CUF, founded in 1991, constituted the main opposition party following the 1995 multiparty elections.1 At the most recent elections in October 2010, the CCM‟s Jakaua Kikwete was re-elected President with 61.7% of the vote (as compared to 80% of the vote in 2005) and the CCM secured almost 80% of the seats. Most of the opposition votes went to the Chadema party, which displaced the Civic United Front (CUF) for the first time as the official opposition. The opposition leader is Chadema‟s Chairman, Freeman Mbowe. Chadema‟s presidential candidate, Willibrod Slaa, took 27% of the vote, while CUF‟s Ibrahim Lipumba received 8%.2 Notwithstanding the CCM‟s election success, the BBC reports that Kikwete‟s “political legitimacy has been seen by some to have been somewhat dented in the 2010 elections”, given the decline in his percent of the vote, and a total election turnout of only 42%, down from 72% in 2005. -
The Authoritarian Turn in Tanzania
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by UCL Discovery The Authoritarian Turn in Tanzania Dan Paget is a PhD candidate at the University of Oxford, where he is writing his thesis on election campaigning in sub-Saharan Africa, and in particular the uses of the rally. While living in Tanzania in 2015, he witnessed the general election campaign and the beginning of Magufuli’s presidency first-hand. Abstract Since 2015, Tanzania has taken a severe authoritarian turn, accompanied by rising civil disobedience. In the process, it has become a focal point in debates about development and dictatorship. This article unpicks what is happening in contemporary Tanzania. It contends that Tanzania is beset by a struggle over its democratic institutions, which is rooted in rising party system competition. However, this struggle is altered by past experience in Zanzibar. The lessons that both government and opposition have drawn from Zanzibar make the struggle in mainland Tanzania more authoritarian still. These dynamics amount to a new party system trajectory in Tanzania Dan Paget 2 The Tanzanian general election of 2015 seemed like a moment of great democratic promise. Opposition parties formed a pre-electoral coalition, which held. They were joined by a string of high-profile defectors from the ruling CCM (Chama cha Mapinduzi, or the Party of the Revolution). The defector-in-chief, Edward Lowassa, became the opposition coalition’s presidential candidate and he won 40 per cent of the vote, the strongest showing that an opposition candidate has ever achieved in Tanzania. -
Fadiga-Stewart Leslie Diss.Pdf (954.6Kb)
THE GENDER GAP IN AFRICAN PARTY SYSTEMS by Leslie Ann Fadiga-Stewart, B.A., M.A. A DISSERTATION IN POLITICAL SCIENCE Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Texas Tech University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Approved Dennis Patterson Chairperson of the Committee John Barkdull Glen Biglasier Ambassador Tibor Nagy, Jr. Accepted John Borrelli Dean of the Graduate School August, 2007 Copyright 2007, Leslie Ann Fadiga-Stewart Texas Tech University, Leslie Fadiga-Stewart, August 2007 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS It was a joy working with my advisor, Dr. Dennis Patterson. He provided valuable guidance and assistance and made this whole process easier because he was so supportive, understanding, and generous with his time. He saw my research project as an opportunity to learn something new and his positive attitude, infinite patience, and constant support are gifts I will share with my own students. I would also like to thank the members of my dissertation committee for their patience, feedback, and encouragement. I had the opportunity to work with Dr. Barkdull during my first year as his teaching assistant and valued the fact that he was fair, open-minded, and pushed students to think critically. I only had a chance to know Dr. Glen Biglasier for a short time, but appreciated his enthusiasm, kindness, and his suggestions along the way. It was also wonderful to have Ambassador Nagy on my committee and he provided invaluable insights from his experience from living and working in Africa. I want to offer many thanks to Dr. Susan Banducci for her support while she was at Texas Tech and Dr. -
BDP Mps Refuse Pay
The PatriotWARNING: on Sunday | www.thepatriot.co.bw Stay Home, | May Wash 03, 2020 hands with Soap & Water, Avoid crowds, Don’t Touch, Hug or KissNews 1 www.thepatriot.co.bw MAY 03, 2020 | ISSUE 372 P12.00 BDP MPs refuse pay cut COVID-19 • Tsogwane to approach MPs for salary cut • Backbenchers to reject Cabinet proposal confidentiality • ‘Cabinet donated their salaries voluntarily’ - BDP Whip Kablay BAKANG TIRO Chairman Slumber Tsogwane, who is “I haven’t received any official When reached for comment, BDP Letlhakeng-Lephephe MP said. critical [email protected] also the Vice President. It has always information with regards to us to Chief Whip Liakat Kablay who also Asked if they are to be forced to been believed that the backbenchers donate voluntarily take salary cut to forms part of the backbench, said contribute how he will respond, he ruling Botswana will easily accept a pay cut as donate to COVID-19 but if someone he is not aware of any information Kablay held that MPs have authority • Data censorship prevents stigmatisation Democratic Party (BDP) donation to the COVID-19 relief brings that up it will cause an uproar regarding MPs expected to take pay to decide what they do with their -Govt T backbench is refusing to take fund in solidarity with cabinet. within the party. As an MP I am also cuts. money. a pay cut as contribution to COVID- Sources indicated that most of affected economically,” said one BDP He said cabinet agreed on its He advised his colleagues that • Tough balancing exercise; patients’ 19 Relief Fund just weeks after the BDP backbench have found MP who preferred anonymity. -
AFRICA RISK CONSULTING Tanzania Monthly Briefing
AFRICA RISK CONSULTING Tanzania Monthly Briefing December 2020 Tanzania Summary 4 December 2020 President John Magufuli (2015-present) outlines his priorities for his second and final term in office during the inauguration of parliament on 13 November following the resounding win of the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) in the October general election. While Magufuli has signalled further assistance for the private sector, his delay in appointing a full cabinet has further slowed government engagement. The protracted downturn in tourism globally is putting Tanzania’s economy, and its levels of foreign exchange reserves, under strain. Tanzania fares moderately compared to its regional neighbours in the Mo Ibrahim Foundation’s annual Ibrahim Index of African Governance (IIAG). Magufuli’s second term off to a slow start President John Magufuli (2015-present) outlined his priorities for his second, and final, term in office at the inauguration of parliament on 13 November.1 Magufuli won the 28 October election with 84.4% of the popular vote, while the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) party won an overwhelming majority in the National Assembly.2 Although there were significant concerns both within Tanzania and among international observers about the level of government interference in the polls,3 the National Electoral Commission (NEC) has upheld the results and the focus has now shifted to what Magufuli’s second term in office is likely to look like. During the inauguration speech, Magufuli vowed to continue to prosecute his broadly successful anti- corruption campaign, which has seen Tanzania rise from 119th place in 2014 to 96th place in 2019 in Germany-based non-governmental organisation Transparency International’s annual Corruption Perceptions Index during his time in office.4 Magufuli also committed to work further to see the country industrialise, with a focus on job creation and infrastructure, as well as commitment to ensure that the country’s key economic indicators remain stable. -
The Weak Link the Role of Local Institutions in Accountable Natural Resource Management
OXFAM RESEARCH REPORT THE WEAK LINK THE ROLE OF LOCAL INSTITUTIONS IN ACCOUNTABLE NATURAL RESOURCE MANAGEMENT TANZANIA COVER: Open-pit gold mines like this one bring high environmental and social costs to countries like Tanzania, and need to bring in revenues that can be used to offset negative effects. Brett Eloff / Oxfam America 2 Oxfam America | The Weak Link: The Role of Local Institutions in Accountable Resource Management, Tanzania CONTENTS Executive Summary ............................................................................................. 2 1. Introduction ...................................................................................................... 8 Sociopolitical and economic overview ............................................................ 10 Format of the report…………………………………………………………………11 2. Methods and conceptual framings ................................................................. 13 3. Revenue sharing in Tanzania ........................................................................ 15 Mining ............................................................................................................ 15 Oil and gas..................................................................................................... 17 Understanding revenue-sharing policy: Mining ............................................... 19 Understanding revenue-sharing policy: Petroleum, oil and gas ...................... 26 Accountability in revenue sharing .................................................................. -
Afrika Gündemi (Kasim 2010)
ANKARA ÜNİVERSİTESİ AFRİKA ÇALIŞMALARI ARAŞTIRMA VE UYGULAMA MERKEZİ AFRİKA GÜNDEMİ (KASIM 2010) SİYASET Libya’da AB-Afrika Zirvesi Düzenlendi Tanzanya Seçimlerinin Sonuçları Açıklandı Gine’de Başkanlık Seçimlerinin İkinci Turu Tamamlandı Nijer’de Anayasa Referandumunda Evet Oyu Çıktı Fildişi Sahilleri’nde Başkanlık Seçiminin 2. Turu Yapıldı Burkina Faso’da Seçimler Yapıldı Mısır’da Parlamento Seçimlerinin İlk Turu Tamamlandı Somali’de Yeni Kurulan Hükümet Güvenoyu Aldı Arap Birliği Sudan’ı Ziyaret Etti Ruanda Devlet Başkanı Kagame Kongo Cumhuriyeti’ni Ziyaret Etti Lula’nın Son Afrika Turu Madagaskar’da Darbe Girişimi Bastırıldı Gambiya İran İle Diplomatik İlişkilerini Kesti NATO Moritanya’ya Destek Kararı Aldı Cezayir, İran İle Batı Arasında Arabuluculuk Yapamaya Başladı İran’dan Nijerya’ya Yapılan Yasadışı Silah Sevkiyatı İle İlgili Tartışmalar Sürüyor Fransa’da 3 Afrikalı Lider Sebepsiz Zenginleşmeden Dolayı Soruşturuluyor Fransa, Kamerun Devlet Başkanı Biya’ya Yolsuzluk Suçlamasında Bulundu Orta Afrika Cumhuriyeti’nde Seçim Hazırlıkları Sürüyor Moyo Kentine Saldıran Güney Sudan Ordusu On Dört Kişiyi Kaçırdı Al-Shabab’a Katılmak İçin Yola Çıkan Altı Kenyalı Tutuklandı Mısır’da Kıptilerle Polis Arasında Çatışma Çıktı Zambiya’daki Çinli Maden Yöneticileri Kefaletle Serbest Bırakıldı 1 Ankara Üniversitesi AFRİKA ÇALIŞMALARI ARAŞTIRMA VE UYGULAMA MERKEZİ Kuleli Sokak No:42 Gaziosmanpaşa / ANKARA Telefon:448 05 21 Fax:448 05 89 ANKARA ÜNİVERSİTESİ AFRİKA ÇALIŞMALARI ARAŞTIRMA VE UYGULAMA MERKEZİ KASIM 2010 EKONOMİ -
Or an Agency of Political Domination? Reassessing the Future of the Tanzanian Union
IJGR 13_2-07-Kjil TronvollF 7/6/06 10:35 AM Page 223 International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 13: 223–241, 2006. 223 © Koninklijke Brill NV. Printed in the Netherlands. Bridging Divided Identities – or an Agency of Political Domination? Reassessing the Future of the Tanzanian Union KJETIL TRONVOLL* 1. Introduction Tanzania is often portrayed as an African success story of state and nation-building, surrounded by neighbouring countries which have been ridden by conflicts and grave human rights violations during the post-colonial period. The successive Tanzanian governments have, by most observers, been characterised as fairly benign and accountable, although the radical ujamaa policy has in retrospect been increasingly criticised.1 Despite this weakness of an indigenous brand of African socialism, the ‘father of the nation’, Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, has left a legacy of political toler- ance and nationhood on line with few other African independence leaders. This is in particular noteworthy considering the fact that Tanzania is a political Union, estab- lished in 1964 by the two independent, sovereign states of Tanganyika and Zanzibar. The success of the Tanzanian polity is partly based on developing and formulating a national political discourse, where ethnic or parochial sentiments have been muted. This legacy of Nyerere has seemingly forged a vibrant and all-embracing Tanzanian identity. Or, this is how it was perceived until the fall of the single-party doctrine in the early 1990s. The introduction of a multiparty democratic system in Tanzania in 1992, and thus the broadening of civil and political rights in the country, has inspired a renewed interest in the Union. -
Tanzania: Recent Governance Trends and 2020 Elections in Brief
Tanzania: Recent Governance Trends and 2020 Elections In Brief Updated October 26, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R46579 Tanzania: Recent Governance Trends and 2020 Elections In Brief Contents Introduction ..................................................................................................................................... 1 President Magufuli .......................................................................................................................... 1 Governance Trends Under Magufuli ......................................................................................... 2 Limits on Organized Political Rights and Political Party Activity...................................... 2 Restrictions on Expression, the Press, and Independent Research ..................................... 4 Curtailing the Independence of Civil Society ..................................................................... 5 The Government’s Human Rights Record and Rhetoric........................................................... 5 Elections: Recent Trends and 2020 General Elections .................................................................... 6 October 2020 Elections ............................................................................................................. 8 U.S. Relations and Congressional Responses ................................................................................. 9 U.S. Governance Programs ..................................................................................................... -
Office of the Registrar of Political Parties
OFFICE OF THE REGISTRAR OF POLITICAL PARTIES A LIST OF FULLY REGISTERED POLITICAL PARTIES AS AT 31st JULY, 2020 www.orpp.go.tz NO Registration Name of the Party and Date Two National Leaders of the Party Leaders Position Physical Address, Postal . No. of Permanent Registration and Office Status Address, Telephone, Fax and email His Excel. Dr. John Pombe Magufuli Chairperson 1. No. 0000001 Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM) Dr. Bashiru Ally Kakurwa Secretary General 0754 022915 [email protected] 01st July, 1992 Head Quarters Kuu Street, Dodoma P.O. Box 50 Dodoma Tel +255 26 2322982 Fax: +255 26 2322965 Website: www.ccm.or.tz Email: [email protected] Lumumba Street P.O. Box 9151 Dar-es Salaam Sub-Head Quarters Tel. +255 22 2182200 Fax: +255 22 2185245 Kisiwandui Karume Road, Unguja Sub-Head Quarters P.O Box 875 Zanzibar Fax +255 24 2239342 0773 789820 Admin. Mr. Professor Ibrahim Haruna Chairperson 0684 625442 2. No. 0000002 The Civic United Front (CUF- Lipumba [email protected] Chama cha Wananchi) in vacant Secretary General 0772 444828 short CUF [email protected] Mtendeni Street 21st January, 1993 Mjini Magharibi, Unguja P.O. Box 2124 Head Quarters Zanzibar Plot No. 98 Block A Buguruni Pandya 1 Sub-Head Quarters P.O. Box 10979 Dar es Salaam Tell. +255 22 861009 Fax. +255 22 861010 0783 588280 DSG BARA Hon. Freeman Aikael Mbowe Chairperson 0784 779944 3. No. 0000003 Chama cha Demokrasia na Hon. John John Mnyika Secretary General 0784 222222 Maendeleo (CHADEMA) House No. 170 Ufipa Street, Kinondoni P.O. Box 31191 21st January, 1993 Head Quarters Dar es Salaam Tel: +255 22 2668866 Web: www. -
Tanzania: Recent Governance Trends and 2020 Elections in Brief
Tanzania: Recent Governance Trends and 2020 Elections In Brief Updated October 26, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R46579 Tanzania: Recent Governance Trends and 2020 Elections In Brief Contents Introduction ..................................................................................................................................... 1 President Magufuli .......................................................................................................................... 1 Governance Trends Under Magufuli ......................................................................................... 2 Limits on Organized Political Rights and Political Party Activity...................................... 2 Restrictions on Expression, the Press, and Independent Research ..................................... 4 Curtailing the Independence of Civil Society ..................................................................... 5 The Government’s Human Rights Record and Rhetoric........................................................... 5 Elections: Recent Trends and 2020 General Elections .................................................................... 6 October 2020 Elections ............................................................................................................. 8 U.S. Relations and Congressional Responses ................................................................................. 9 U.S. Governance Programs .....................................................................................................