Democratisation's Third Wave and the Challenges of Democratic Deepening

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Democratisation's Third Wave and the Challenges of Democratic Deepening Good Governance, Aid Modalities and Poverty Reduction: Linkages to the Millennium Development Goals and Implications for Irish Aid Research project (RP-05-GG) of the Advisory Board for Irish Aid Working Paper 1 Democratisation’s Third Wave and the Challenges of Democratic Deepening: Assessing International Democracy Assistance and Lessons Learned Lise Rakner (Chr. Michelsen Institute), Alina Rocha Menocal (ODI) and Verena Fritz (ODI) August 2007 Disclaimer and acknowledgements The views presented in this paper are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Advisory Board for Irish Aid or those of any of the organisations in the research consortium implementing the project. The authors thank Bill Morton of the North-South Institute for comments on a previous draft, and Tammie O’Neil and Jo Adcock (ODI) for excellent editorial assistance. Responsibility for the content of published version remains with the authors. Overseas Development Institute 111 Westminster Bridge Road London SE1 7JD, UK Tel: +44 (0)20 7922 0300 Fax: +44 (0)20 7922 0399 www.odi.org.uk ii Contents Executive summary ...........................................................................................................v 1. Introduction....................................................................................................................1 1.1 The emergence of democracy assistance............................................................................... 1 1.2 Democracy assistance and the broader ‘good governance’ agenda ...................................... 1 1.3 Democracy assistance and ‘fragile states’ .............................................................................. 2 1.4 Assessing democratic developments and democracy assistance .......................................... 3 2. Understanding democracy: A review of key debates.................................................6 2.1 Defining democracy: Minimalist vs. more substantive definitions............................................ 6 2.1.1 Minimalist definitions of democracy .................................................................................. 6 2.1.2 More substantive definitions of democracy....................................................................... 6 2.2 The ‘Third Wave’ of democratisation....................................................................................... 7 2.2.1 Understanding the different stages of democratisation .................................................... 7 2.2.2 Transitions to democracy: Why and how do they happen? .............................................. 8 2.2.3 Democratic consolidation: An elusive goal? ................................................................... 11 2.3 Democratic reforms on the African continent: Three trajectories .......................................... 15 2.3.1 Consolidating democracies in sub-Saharan Africa ......................................................... 17 2.3.2 Democratic processes ‘stuck in transition’...................................................................... 18 2.3.3 Political meltdown ........................................................................................................... 19 2.4 Explaining democratic trajectories......................................................................................... 21 2.4.1 The interplay between formal structures and informal power relations .......................... 21 2.4.2 Declining economies and weak private sectors.............................................................. 22 2.4.3 The role of external actors .............................................................................................. 22 3. Democracy assistance: Lessons learned and remaining challenges.....................23 3.1 Overview of actors and approaches...................................................................................... 23 3.1.1 US vs. European approaches to democracy assistance ................................................ 23 3.1.2 Democracy promotion: For what?................................................................................... 25 3.1.3 Measuring the effects of democracy assistance............................................................. 27 3.2 Forms of democracy assistance............................................................................................ 28 3.2.1 Electoral assistance........................................................................................................ 28 3.2.2 Assistance to political parties.......................................................................................... 32 3.2.3 Justice sector assistance................................................................................................ 35 3.2.4 Assistance to civil society ...............................................................................................38 3.2.5 Assistance to media........................................................................................................ 43 4. Democracy assistance: Lessons and implications ..................................................47 4.1 Key lessons and implications for democracy assistance ...................................................... 47 References .......................................................................................................................52 iii List of acronyms APRM Africa Peer Review Mechanism AU African Union CCM Chama Cha Mapinduzi (Tanzanian ruling party) CIDA Canadian International Development Agency CSO Civil society organisation CUF Civic United Front (Tanzania) DANIDA Danish International Development Agency DFID UK Department for International Development DPP Democratic Progressive Party (Malawi) EISA Electoral Institute of Southern Africa FDC Forum for Democratic Change (Uganda) GTZ German Agency for Technical Co-operation HIPC Heavily Indebted Poor Countries IDEA International Institute of Elections and Democracy Assistance IFES International Foundation for Election Systems INGO International Non-governmental organisation IRI International Republican Institute JLOS Justice Law and Order Sector (Uganda) MDB Multilateral development bank MDC Movement for Democratic Change (Zimbabwe) NDI National Democratic Institute NEC National Executive Committee (Tanzania) NED National Endowment for Democracy NEPAD New Partnership for Africa’s Development NGO Non-governmental organisation NIMD Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy NRM National Resistance Movement (Uganda) OAS Organisation of American States ODA Official development assistance OSCE Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe PRSP Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper SAPS Structural Adjustment Programmes Sida Swedish International Development Co-operation Agency TPLF-EPRDF Tigray People’s Liberation Front-Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (Ethiopia) UDF United Democratic Front (Malawi) UPC Uganda Peoples Congress ZANU PF Zimbabwe African National Union (Patriotic Front) iv Executive summary This study focuses on democratisation and democracy assistance in the developing world. It provides an overview of the democratisation processes that have swept across the developing world since the 1980s and explores some of the main challenges facing many of these incipient democratic regimes. Moving from theory to practice, the paper also analyses some of the most important forms of democracy assistance that donors have undertaken to support democratisation processes over the past two decades. The report is divided into four main chapters. Chapter 1 defines the parameters of this study and situates democratisation processes and democratisation support in the wider context of governance changes and donor policy choices. Democratisation evolved from a trickle into a wave in the developing world with the end of the Cold War. Democratisation assistance has become a substantial element in the development agenda of many donors, especially the US and a number of European bilateral agencies. Post 9/11, new challenges have emerged. While donors have been increasingly engaged in state-building and democratisation efforts in ‘fragile states’, this report focuses on states in the developing world more generally and, hence, does not provide specific guidance on these more ‘extreme’ environments. Chapter 2 reviews the academic literature on the Third Wave of democratisation and explores the specific democratisation trajectories found in African countries, namely democratic consolidation, democratic processes ‘stuck in transition’ and ‘political meltdown’. The chapter covers fundamental conceptual debates about democratic transitions and the challenges of democratic consolidation. It analyses the emergence of ‘hybrid regimes’ – political systems where a formal transition to democracy has taken place but where authoritarian practices and (informal) institutions continue to persist. Chapter 3 examines why and how donors have sought to support democratisation processes. It provides an overview of some of the main approaches that donors have taken to democracy promotion, the main actors and institutions involved, and the objectives that such assistance has sought to achieve. In particular, the chapter compares US and European approaches to democracy assistance and discusses five key avenues of democratisation assistance: support to i) elections, ii) political parties, iii) judicial reform, iv) civil society, and v) the media. It also identifies the various
Recommended publications
  • State of Politics in Tanzania
    LÄNDERBERICHT Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung e.V. TANZANIA RICHARD SHABA July 2007 State of Politics in Tanzania www.kas.de/kenia INTRODUCTION The assessment dwells on the political, eco- nomic and social situation as well on the THERE is a broad consensus that the major actors namely: the ruling and opposi- process of consolidating the transition tion political parties, civil society and the towards participatory political system media, the rise of fundamentalism factor in Tanzania over the past seventeen together with the influence of the external years has achieved remarkable suc- factor in shaping the political process. cess. Whereas once predominantly un- der a single party hegemony, Tanzania THE STATE OF THE ECONOMY AND SO- today is characterized by a plurality of CIAL SERVICES political parties. Though slow; the growth of the independent civil society Ranked 159 th out of 175 countries on the has gained momentum. Human Development Index [HDI] by the United Nations, Tanzania is one of the poor- The country has also witnessed a dramatic est countries in the world. And although transformation of the press. State-owned the economy is growing, it is still very much media outfits that had a virtual monopoly externally oriented with almost 100 percent for decades have now changed their accent of development expenditure externally fi- and become outlets for different voices, not nanced basically by donors. Internal reve- just the ruling party - a major step towards nue collection has not met the objective of promoting democratic practice. This para- collecting at least 18.5 per cent of the GDP digm shift has also helped engender a criti- growth rate.
    [Show full text]
  • ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
    APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions.
    [Show full text]
  • Election Violence in Zanzibar – Ongoing Risk of Violence in Zanzibar 15 March 2011
    Country Advice Tanzania Tanzania – TZA38321 – Revolutionary State Party (CCM) – Civic United Front (CUF) – Election violence in Zanzibar – Ongoing risk of violence in Zanzibar 15 March 2011 1. Please provide a background of the major political parties in Tanzania focusing on the party in power and the CUF. The United Republic of Tanzania was formed in 1964 as a union between mainland Tanganyika and the islands of Unguja and Pemba, which together comprise Zanzibar. Since 1977, it has been ruled by the Revolutionary State Party (Chama Cha Mapinduzi or CCM). In 1992 the government legislated for multiparty democracy, and the country is now a presidential democratic republic with a multiparty system. The first multiparty national elections were held in 1995, and concurrent presidential and parliamentary elections have since been held every 5 years. The CCM has won all elections to date. The CUF, founded in 1991, constituted the main opposition party following the 1995 multiparty elections.1 At the most recent elections in October 2010, the CCM‟s Jakaua Kikwete was re-elected President with 61.7% of the vote (as compared to 80% of the vote in 2005) and the CCM secured almost 80% of the seats. Most of the opposition votes went to the Chadema party, which displaced the Civic United Front (CUF) for the first time as the official opposition. The opposition leader is Chadema‟s Chairman, Freeman Mbowe. Chadema‟s presidential candidate, Willibrod Slaa, took 27% of the vote, while CUF‟s Ibrahim Lipumba received 8%.2 Notwithstanding the CCM‟s election success, the BBC reports that Kikwete‟s “political legitimacy has been seen by some to have been somewhat dented in the 2010 elections”, given the decline in his percent of the vote, and a total election turnout of only 42%, down from 72% in 2005.
    [Show full text]
  • International Organizations and Democratic Backsliding
    The Unintended Consequences of Democracy Promotion: International Organizations and Democratic Backsliding Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Anna M. Meyerrose, M.A. Graduate Program in Political Science The Ohio State University 2019 Dissertation Committee: Alexander Thompson, Co-Advisor Irfan Nooruddin, Co-Advisor Marcus Kurtz William Minozzi Sara Watson c Copyright by Anna M. Meyerrose 2019 Abstract Since the end of the Cold War, international organizations (IOs) have engaged in unprecedented levels of democracy promotion and are widely viewed as positive forces for democracy. However, this increased emphasis on democracy has more re- cently been accompanied by rampant illiberalism and a sharp rise in cases of demo- cratic backsliding in new democracies. What explains democratic backsliding in an age of unparalleled international support for democracy? Democratic backsliding oc- curs when elected officials weaken or erode democratic institutions and results in an illiberal or diminished form of democracy, rather than autocracy. This dissertation argues that IOs commonly associated with democracy promotion can support tran- sitions to democracy but unintentionally make democratic backsliding more likely in new democracies. Specifically, I identify three interrelated mechanisms linking IOs to democratic backsliding. These organizations neglect to support democratic insti- tutions other than executives and elections; they increase relative executive power; and they limit states’ domestic policy options via requirements for membership. Lim- ited policy options stunt the development of representative institutions and make it more difficult for leaders to govern. Unable to appeal to voters based on records of effective governance or policy alternatives, executives manipulate weak institutions to maintain power, thus increasing the likelihood of backsliding.
    [Show full text]
  • Democratisation's Third Wave and the Challenges of Democratic Deepening
    Good Governance, Aid Modalities and Poverty Reduction: Linkages to the Millennium Development Goals and Implications for Irish Aid Research project (RP-05-GG) of the Advisory Board for Irish Aid Working Paper 1 Democratisation’s Third Wave and the Challenges of Democratic Deepening: Assessing International Democracy Assistance and Lessons Learned Lise Rakner (Chr. Michelsen Institute), Alina Rocha Menocal (ODI) and Verena Fritz (ODI) August 2007 Disclaimer and acknowledgements The views presented in this paper are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Advisory Board for Irish Aid or those of any of the organisations in the research consortium implementing the project. The authors thank Bill Morton of the North-South Institute for comments on a previous draft, and Tammie O’Neil and Jo Adcock (ODI) for excellent editorial assistance. Responsibility for the content of published version remains with the authors. Overseas Development Institute 111 Westminster Bridge Road London SE1 7JD, UK Tel: +44 (0)20 7922 0300 Fax: +44 (0)20 7922 0399 www.odi.org.uk ii Contents Executive summary ...........................................................................................................v 1. Introduction....................................................................................................................1 1.1 The emergence of democracy assistance............................................................................... 1 1.2 Democracy assistance and the broader ‘good governance’ agenda .....................................
    [Show full text]
  • Or an Agency of Political Domination? Reassessing the Future of the Tanzanian Union
    IJGR 13_2-07-Kjil TronvollF 7/6/06 10:35 AM Page 223 International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 13: 223–241, 2006. 223 © Koninklijke Brill NV. Printed in the Netherlands. Bridging Divided Identities – or an Agency of Political Domination? Reassessing the Future of the Tanzanian Union KJETIL TRONVOLL* 1. Introduction Tanzania is often portrayed as an African success story of state and nation-building, surrounded by neighbouring countries which have been ridden by conflicts and grave human rights violations during the post-colonial period. The successive Tanzanian governments have, by most observers, been characterised as fairly benign and accountable, although the radical ujamaa policy has in retrospect been increasingly criticised.1 Despite this weakness of an indigenous brand of African socialism, the ‘father of the nation’, Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, has left a legacy of political toler- ance and nationhood on line with few other African independence leaders. This is in particular noteworthy considering the fact that Tanzania is a political Union, estab- lished in 1964 by the two independent, sovereign states of Tanganyika and Zanzibar. The success of the Tanzanian polity is partly based on developing and formulating a national political discourse, where ethnic or parochial sentiments have been muted. This legacy of Nyerere has seemingly forged a vibrant and all-embracing Tanzanian identity. Or, this is how it was perceived until the fall of the single-party doctrine in the early 1990s. The introduction of a multiparty democratic system in Tanzania in 1992, and thus the broadening of civil and political rights in the country, has inspired a renewed interest in the Union.
    [Show full text]
  • Office of the Registrar of Political Parties
    OFFICE OF THE REGISTRAR OF POLITICAL PARTIES A LIST OF FULLY REGISTERED POLITICAL PARTIES AS AT 31st JULY, 2020 www.orpp.go.tz NO Registration Name of the Party and Date Two National Leaders of the Party Leaders Position Physical Address, Postal . No. of Permanent Registration and Office Status Address, Telephone, Fax and email His Excel. Dr. John Pombe Magufuli Chairperson 1. No. 0000001 Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM) Dr. Bashiru Ally Kakurwa Secretary General 0754 022915 [email protected] 01st July, 1992 Head Quarters Kuu Street, Dodoma P.O. Box 50 Dodoma Tel +255 26 2322982 Fax: +255 26 2322965 Website: www.ccm.or.tz Email: [email protected] Lumumba Street P.O. Box 9151 Dar-es Salaam Sub-Head Quarters Tel. +255 22 2182200 Fax: +255 22 2185245 Kisiwandui Karume Road, Unguja Sub-Head Quarters P.O Box 875 Zanzibar Fax +255 24 2239342 0773 789820 Admin. Mr. Professor Ibrahim Haruna Chairperson 0684 625442 2. No. 0000002 The Civic United Front (CUF- Lipumba [email protected] Chama cha Wananchi) in vacant Secretary General 0772 444828 short CUF [email protected] Mtendeni Street 21st January, 1993 Mjini Magharibi, Unguja P.O. Box 2124 Head Quarters Zanzibar Plot No. 98 Block A Buguruni Pandya 1 Sub-Head Quarters P.O. Box 10979 Dar es Salaam Tell. +255 22 861009 Fax. +255 22 861010 0783 588280 DSG BARA Hon. Freeman Aikael Mbowe Chairperson 0784 779944 3. No. 0000003 Chama cha Demokrasia na Hon. John John Mnyika Secretary General 0784 222222 Maendeleo (CHADEMA) House No. 170 Ufipa Street, Kinondoni P.O. Box 31191 21st January, 1993 Head Quarters Dar es Salaam Tel: +255 22 2668866 Web: www.
    [Show full text]
  • Tanzania: Recent Governance Trends and 2020 Elections in Brief
    Tanzania: Recent Governance Trends and 2020 Elections In Brief Updated October 26, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R46579 Tanzania: Recent Governance Trends and 2020 Elections In Brief Contents Introduction ..................................................................................................................................... 1 President Magufuli .......................................................................................................................... 1 Governance Trends Under Magufuli ......................................................................................... 2 Limits on Organized Political Rights and Political Party Activity...................................... 2 Restrictions on Expression, the Press, and Independent Research ..................................... 4 Curtailing the Independence of Civil Society ..................................................................... 5 The Government’s Human Rights Record and Rhetoric........................................................... 5 Elections: Recent Trends and 2020 General Elections .................................................................... 6 October 2020 Elections ............................................................................................................. 8 U.S. Relations and Congressional Responses ................................................................................. 9 U.S. Governance Programs .....................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Tanzania Page 1 of 7
    Tanzania Page 1 of 7 Published on Freedom House (https://freedomhouse.org) Home > Tanzania Tanzania Country: Tanzania Year: 2016 Freedom Status: Partly Free Political Rights: 3 Civil Liberties: 4 Aggregate Score: 60 Freedom Rating: 3.5 Overview: In October, Tanzania held its most competitive elections since its transition to multiparty rule in the early 1990s. John Magufuli, the candidate of the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) party, won the presidential election with 58 percent of the vote. The runner-up, Chama Cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (CHADEMA) candidate Edward Lowassa—a former prime minister who had been considered a front-runner for the CCM nomination and who had defected to the opposition after losing the ruling party’s primary nomination—claimed electoral malfeasance and rejected the results. International observers generally assessed the conduct of the elections on Tanzania’s mainland positively. Magufuli was inaugurated in November, succeeding President Jakaya Kikwete of the CCM; Magufuli’s running mate, Samia Suluhu Hassan, became the country's first- ever female vice president. Meanwhile, the CCM lost some seats in the parliamentary polls, as opposition parties, many of which had coordinated parliamentary and presidential candidates through a unified coalition, gained their largest representation in parliament yet. Later in November, parliament approved Majaliwa Kassim Majaliwa, a former junior minister and relative unknown, as the country’s new prime minister. However, simultaneous elections on the semi-autonomous archipelago of Zanzibar sparked controversy. Polls conducted ahead of the vote had predicted a contentious election for Zanzibar’s president and a potential victory for Maalim Seif Sharif Hamad of the opposition Civic United Front (CUF).
    [Show full text]
  • “What Do We Know About Democratic Consolidation?”
    The American Political Science Association APSA Volume 12, No. 2 Comparative Democratization May 2014 In This Issue CD QUALIT Y OF GOVERNMENT AND DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION “What Do We Bo Rothstein, University of Gothenburg Know about Democratic hat is a consolidated democracy and why is it sometimes difficult to achieve? One way to get a better understanding of this is to look Consolidation?” at the opposite. What should count as a failed consolidation of a democratization process could be debated. Yet, it may be safe to argue that when 1 Editorial Board Note W political conflicts (a natural ingredient in any democracy) escalate into full blown civil wars, Benjamin Smith and Staffan I. Lindberg consolidation has failed. Two such cases will be discussed here, namely the outbreak of the 1 Quality of Government and civil wars in former Yugoslavia in 1991and the Spanish Civil War in 1936. Democratic Consolidation Bo Rothstein The civil war in former Yugoslavia has been thoroughly analyzed from a great many 1 The Constitutional Foundations of Democratic Consolidation perspectives and this is not the place to give a complete explanation of this tragic conflict. José Antonio Cheibub Instead, I want call attention to an often overlooked causal factor in analyses of conflicts like 2 Why Democracy Scholars Need to Learn More about State this, namely, what takes place at the “output side” of the political system. My starting point Building Sheri Berman is an argument put forward by Michael Ignatieff, according to which in many respects this conflict was unlikely to happen. Firstly, he argues that the central government’s policy from 2 State Firewalls and Democratic Deepening the 1960s to replace the various national identities with a Yugoslav identity was not without Agnes Cornell, Marcia Grimes, and Victor Lapuente success.
    [Show full text]
  • Codebook: Government Composition, 1960-2019
    Codebook: Government Composition, 1960-2019 Codebook: SUPPLEMENT TO THE COMPARATIVE POLITICAL DATA SET – GOVERNMENT COMPOSITION 1960-2019 Klaus Armingeon, Sarah Engler and Lucas Leemann The Supplement to the Comparative Political Data Set provides detailed information on party composition, reshuffles, duration, reason for termination and on the type of government for 36 democratic OECD and/or EU-member countries. The data begins in 1959 for the 23 countries formerly included in the CPDS I, respectively, in 1966 for Malta, in 1976 for Cyprus, in 1990 for Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Hungary, Romania and Slovakia, in 1991 for Poland, in 1992 for Estonia and Lithuania, in 1993 for Latvia and Slovenia and in 2000 for Croatia. In order to obtain information on both the change of ideological composition and the following gap between the new an old cabinet, the supplement contains alternative data for the year 1959. The government variables in the main Comparative Political Data Set are based upon the data presented in this supplement. When using data from this data set, please quote both the data set and, where appropriate, the original source. Please quote this data set as: Klaus Armingeon, Sarah Engler and Lucas Leemann. 2021. Supplement to the Comparative Political Data Set – Government Composition 1960-2019. Zurich: Institute of Political Science, University of Zurich. These (former) assistants have made major contributions to the dataset, without which CPDS would not exist. In chronological and descending order: Angela Odermatt, Virginia Wenger, Fiona Wiedemeier, Christian Isler, Laura Knöpfel, Sarah Engler, David Weisstanner, Panajotis Potolidis, Marlène Gerber, Philipp Leimgruber, Michelle Beyeler, and Sarah Menegal.
    [Show full text]
  • Intraparty Candidate Nomination in Tanzania
    Intraparty Candidate Nomination in Tanzania www.fes-tanzania.org 1 Intraparty Candidate Nomination in Tanzania Intraparty Candidate Nomination in Tanzania A Gender Analysis July 2020 By Consolata Sulley University of Dar es Salaam 2 Intraparty Candidate Nomination in Tanzania Contents Abbreviations....................................................................................................................... ii Acknowledgments............................................................................................................... iii 1. Introduction............................................................................................................... 1 2. Study Methodology................................................................................................... 4 3. National legal and institutional framework.................................................................. 5 4. Party rules and women representation...................................................................... 8 4.1. Anatomy of political parties and women representation................................. 9 4.2. Candidacy requirements................................................................................ 10 4.3. Screening, voting and final nomination.......................................................... 12 5. Conclusion and way forward..................................................................................... 14 Bibliograpy..........................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]