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Developmentalism, Modernity, and Dependency Theory in Latin America
Developmentalism, Modernity, and Dependency Theory in Latin America Ramón Grosfoguel The Latin American dependentistas produced a knowledge that criticized the Eurocentric assumptions of the cepalistas,includingtheorthodoxMarxistandtheNorthAmericanmodern- ization theories. The dependentista school critique of stagism and develop- mentalism was an important intervention that transformed the imaginary of intellectual debates in many parts of the world. However, I will argue that many dependentistas were still caught in the developmentalism, and in some cases even the stagism, that they were trying to overcome. Moreover, although the dependentistas’ critique of stagism was important in denying the “denial of coevalness” that Johannes Fabian (1983) describes as central to Eurocentric constructions of “otherness,” some dependentistas replaced it with new forms of denial of coevalness. The first part of this article dis- cusses developmentalist ideology and what I call “feudalmania” as part of the longue durée of modernity in Latin America. The second part discusses the dependentistas’ developmentalism. The third part is a critical discussion of Fernando Henrique Cardoso’s version of dependency theory. Finally, the fourth part discusses the dependentistas’ concept of culture. Developmentalist Ideology and Feudalmania as Part of the Ideology of Modernity in Latin America There is a tendency to present the post-1945 development debates in Latin America as unprecedented. In order to distinguish continuity from dis- continuity, we must place the 1945–90 development debates in the context of the longue durée of Latin American history. The 1945–90 development Nepantla: Views from South 1:2 Copyright 2000 by Duke University Press 347 348 Nepantla debates in Latin America, although seemingly radical, in fact form part of the longue durée of the geoculture of modernity that has dominated the modern world-system since the French Revolution in the late eighteenth century. -
Communist Development and the Post-Communist Democratic Deficit
Communist Development and the Post-Communist Democratic Deficit Grigore Pop-Eleches Princeton University [email protected] Abstract: This article analyzes the post-communist regime track record in comparative perspective and reevaluates the impact of modernization on the democratic prospects in developing countries. The analysis shows that ex-communist countries were less democratic than their socio- economic development levels would have predicted, and that the development-democracy link was different than elsewhere, due to the distorted nature of communist development. The article then traces this democratic deficit to individual-level deficits in democratic attitudes and civic and political participation. Post-communist democratic prospects are further undermined by the fact that the participatory deficit is greater among the relatively pro- democratic middle class, than among the lower class, which had experienced mobilization from above under communism, but was less likely to subscribe to democratic values than lower classes in non-communist countries. After years of relative neglect,1 modernization theory has recently made an unexpected comeback as an explanation of cross-national regime patterns, as several statistically sophisticated approaches (e.g. Przeworski and Limongi 1997, Barro 1999, Boix and Stokes 2003, Epstein et al 2006) have assessed the impact of socio-economic development on the initiation and survival of democracy. The post-communist regime transformations provide an interesting testing ground for modernization -
The Rhetoric of Fidel Castro Brent C
Louisiana State University LSU Digital Commons LSU Doctoral Dissertations Graduate School 2008 From the mountains to the podium: the rhetoric of Fidel Castro Brent C. Kice Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_dissertations Part of the Communication Commons Recommended Citation Kice, Brent C., "From the mountains to the podium: the rhetoric of Fidel Castro" (2008). LSU Doctoral Dissertations. 1766. https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_dissertations/1766 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at LSU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in LSU Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized graduate school editor of LSU Digital Commons. For more information, please [email protected]. FROM THE MOUNTAINS TO THE PODIUM: THE RHETORIC OF FIDEL CASTRO A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in The Department of Communication Studies by Brent C. Kice B.A., Loyola University New Orleans, 2002 M.A., Southeastern Louisiana University, 2004 December 2008 DEDICATION To my wife, Dori, for providing me strength during this arduous journey ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank Andy King for all of his guidance, and especially his impeccable impersonations. I also wish to thank Stephanie Grey, Ruth Bowman, Renee Edwards, David Lindenfeld, and Mary Brody for their suggestions during this project. I am so thankful for the care and advice given to me by Loretta Pecchioni. -
Democratization of the Taiwanese and Korean Political Regimes: a Comparative Study
The Developing Economies, XXXV-4 (December 1997): 422–39 DEMOCRATIZATION OF THE TAIWANESE AND KOREAN POLITICAL REGIMES: A COMPARATIVE STUDY MASAHIRO WAKABAYASHI INTRODUCTION HE purpose of this paper is to compare the autocratic political regimes which carried out the industrialization of Taiwan and the Republic of Korea T (hereafter Korea) in the postwar period (leading to their eventual emer- gence as NIEs) and also to compare their respective democratization processes. In comparative political science the type of industrialization-oriented autocratic re- gime characterizing the two states is usually referred to as an authoritarian regime. While both belonged to the Western camp during the international political antago- nism of the cold war and had constitutions and parliaments characteristic of a democratic state, the two states actually excluded the masses from political partici- pation by relying on the force of the military and the political police. Both launched political democratization processes in the second half of the 1980s. In Korea this process was completed with a directly elected president coming to power after an interval of thirty years while in Taiwan the direct election of a president in March 1996 came as the finishing touch to its transition to democracy. Comparison obviously implies a large measure of commonality between the two states. Both have suffered from the division of their countries. Both became anticommunist military outposts during the cold war in Asia. In both territories, anticommunist autocratic regimes were established which carried out industrializa- tion. In both, the regimes were democratized following successful industrializa- tion. The two states thus shared commonalities in the roles they played in postwar international relations as well as in the general framework and timetable of politi- cal and economic development. -
Federal Republic, the Development of the Basic Law (Grundgesetz Political Parties, Social Programs, Security and Peace, Trends in Education, and Demographic Changes
DOCUMENT RESUME ED 309 121 SO 020 064 AUTHOR Reeve, Ines; And Others TITLE Democracy in Action: 40 Years, Federal Republic of Germany. A Practical Guide for Teachers. INSTITUTION American Association of Teachers of German. PUB DATE 88 NOTE 54p. PUB TYPE Guides - Classroom Use - Guides (For Teachers) (052) EDRS PRICE MF01/PC03 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS Curriculum Guides; *Democracy; *Democratic Values; Elementary Secondary Education; *European History; Foreign Countries; Instructional Materials; International Relations; Learning Modules; Lesson Plans; Political Attitudes; *Political Science; School Activities; *Social Studies; Social Values IDENTIFIERS *West Germany ABSTRACT This guide celebrates the 40th anniversary, in 1989, of the Federal Republic of Germany and is designed to provide an opportunity to review how firmly the principles of democracy have become established in the people and the government of West Germany today. Part 1 gives an overview of the West German democratic experience, covering such topics as the historical background of the Federal Republic, the development of the Basic Law (Grundgesetz political parties, social programs, security and peace, trends in education, and demographic changes. A time line of related political and economic events, a glossary of German political terms, And a list of 30 publications on the Federal Republic are included. Part 2, "Teaching Strategies and Getting the Word Out about German Events," contains six teaching suggestions for elementary and intermediate levels, nine instructional suggestions for advanced or high school level, a lesson plan for comparing the U.S., French, and West German constitutions, and suggestions for organizing activities concerned with the Federal Republic of Germany. The guide is illustrated with photographs, charts, and maps. -
The Hazards of Half-Measures: Perestroika and the Failure of Post-Soviet Democratization
The Hazards of Half-measures: Perestroika and the Failure of Post-Soviet Democratization M. STEVEN FISH Abstract: Perestroika was the most dramatic chapter in the political history of the world in the late twentieth century. Yet, it did not fulfill what was arguably its lofti- est promise—to lay firm foundations for lasting popular rule in Russia. The failure of democratization in post-Soviet Russia may be traced in part to two fateful short- comings in perestroika: the tepidity of Gorbachev’s economic reforms and Gor- bachev’s failure to empower popularly elected legislatures. Key words: democracy, democratization, economic reform, liberalization, national legislature, perestroika erestroika was the most dramatic chapter in the political history of the world P in the late twentieth century. For citizens of the USSR, it brought both hope and trauma. For the rest of the world, it provided liberation from the scourge of the cold war’s apocalyptic endgame scenario, which had defined international relations for four decades. Despite its momentousness, however, perestroika did not fulfill what was arguably its loftiest promise: to lay firm foundations for lasting popular rule in Russia. Mikhail Gorbachev may not have intended his reforms to lead to democ- racy, but by the time the Soviet regime unraveled in late 1991, democratization is what perestroika had brought about. At the dawn of the post-Soviet era, the three Baltic states had already forged open polities. Russia, Ukraine, Belarus, Kyrgyzstan, Georgia, Armenia, and Moldova had experienced significant democ- ratization as well. Yet, in the ensuing decade, Russia, among other post-Soviet countries, underwent a powerful political reversal. -
PERESTROIKA, GLASNOST, and INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION: a Behavior Analysis
Behavior and Social Issues, SpringfSummer 1991 t Vol. 1, Number 1 PERESTROIKA, GLASNOST, AND INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION: A Behavior Analysis Richard F. Bakos Department of Psychology Cleveland State University ABSTRACT: Gorbachev's perestroika has altered the behavioral contingencies governing the responses of the Soviet people by instituting a dominant metacontingency intended to foster economic efficiency_ The program consists cI a domestic initiative, glasnost, and an international agenda or increased cooperation and interdependence. A behavior analysis of perestroika reveals that glasnost is an environmental program designed to teach controlling and countercontrolling skills while international cooperation is designed to maintain and increase the environmental resources necessaryfor sustaining high rates of productive behavior. Perestroika is an economic policy that attempts to increase the efficiency of material production through "market socialism", the introduction of selected capitalistic economic relations within a foundation ofsocial ownership ofthe natural resources and means of production. It thus establishes one dominant metacontingency (Glenn, 1988; see introduction to this section)' with the desired cultural outcome of enhanced economic efficiency. The efficiency that is the goal of perestroika involves improved quality rather than quantity of goods, increased cost-effectiveness in production, and a reduction of resource consumption. Major political initiatives to achieve this goal include the implementation of price reforms, the alteration of the capital investment process, the development of new banking and credit systems, the utilization of emergent science and technology, the introduction of wholesale trade among suppliers, the establishment ofa uniform tax rate on profits for all. enterprises in a given industry, the imposition of direct responsibility for output on both management and labor, and the encouragement of some private enterprise and ownership. -
Gender Studies
Gender Studies Gender and Development 1. Colonial perspectives on Gender The British in India saw themselves as a force for enlightenment, especially for women. To support their claim, they pointed to the laws liberalising women’s legal position. Between 1772 and 1947 they introduced nine major reforms. including the laws forbidding female infanticide, sati and child marriage, and those raising the age of consent, allowing widow remarriage, and improving women’s inheritance rights. Official British policy was of non-interference in personal and religious matters, which inhibited the evolution of social change in written law. British policies in certain other areas present a different outlook often highlighting the colonizers’ approach to women. Liddle and Joshi have delineated three such examples: 1. The restitution of conjugal rights: This ideology was derived from Christian ecclesiastical law and was brought to India from England. Under this law a spouse can sue one’s partner if she refuses to fulfill the sexual obligations of marriage. A prison term was imposed for non-compliance. 2. Regarding prostitution, the soldiers in the army were provided with Indian prostitutes by the official military authorities. These prostitutes had to get themselves registered and carried a licensed card with them. They also had to undergo compulsory medical examination. 3. Women's suffrage that is the right of women to vote and to stand for office was granted to Indian women in a very limited sense in 1921 in Madras presidency. This franchise was given to those women and men who were educated and wealthy. This was due to efforts of Women's Indian Association (WIA). -
The Rhetorical Crisis of the Fall of the Berlin Wall
THE RHETORICAL CRISIS OF THE FALL OF THE BERLIN WALL: FORGOTTEN NARRATIVES AND POLITICAL DIRECTIONS A Dissertation by MARCO EHRL Submitted to the Office of Graduate and Professional Studies of Texas A&M University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Chair of Committee, Nathan Crick Committee Members, Alan Kluver William T. Coombs Gabriela Thornton Head of Department, J. Kevin Barge August 2018 Major Subject: Communication Copyright 2018 Marco Ehrl ABSTRACT The accidental opening of the Berlin Wall on November 9th, 1989, dismantled the political narratives of the East and the West and opened up a rhetorical arena for political narrators like the East German citizen movements, the West German press, and the West German leadership to define and exploit the political crisis and put forward favorable resolutions. With this dissertation, I trace the neglected and forgotten political directions as they reside in the narratives of the East German citizen movements, the West German press, and the West German political leadership between November 1989 and February 1990. The events surrounding November 9th, 1989, present a unique opportunity for this endeavor in that the common flows of political communication between organized East German publics, the West German press, and West German political leaders changed for a moment and with it the distribution of political legitimacy. To account for these new flows of political communication and the battle between different political crisis narrators over the rhetorical rights to reestablish political legitimacy, I develop a rhetorical model for political crisis narrative. This theoretical model integrates insights from political crisis communication theories, strategic narratives, and rhetoric. -
The Digital Divide: the Internet and Social Inequality in International Perspective
http://www.diva-portal.org This is the published version of a chapter published in The Digital Divide: The Internet and Social Inequality in International Perspective. Citation for the original published chapter: Meinrath, S., Losey, J., Lennett, B. (2013) Afterword. Internet Freedom, Nuanced Digital Divide, and the Internet Craftsman. In: Massimo Ragnedda and Glenn W. Muschert (ed.), The Digital Divide: The Internet and Social Inequality in International Perspective (pp. 309-316). London: Routledge Routledge advances in sociology N.B. When citing this work, cite the original published chapter. Permanent link to this version: http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-100423 The Digital Divide This book provides an in-depth comparative analysis of inequality and the stratification of the digital sphere. Grounded in classical sociological theories of inequality, as well as empirical evidence, this book defines “the digital divide” as the unequal access and utility of internet communications technologies and explores how it has the potential to replicate existing social inequalities, as well as create new forms of stratification. The Digital Divide examines how various demographic and socio-economic factors including income, education, age and gender, as well as infrastructure, products and services affect how the internet is used and accessed. Comprised of six parts, the first section examines theories of the digital divide, and then looks in turn at: • Highly developed nations and regions (including the USA, the EU and Japan); • Emerging large powers (Brazil, Russia, India, China); • Eastern European countries (Estonia, Romania, Serbia); • Arab and Middle Eastern nations (Egypt, Iran, Israel); • Under-studied areas (East and Central Asia, Latin America, and sub-Saharan Africa). -
Modernization Theory - and the Non-Western World
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Zapf, Wolfgang Working Paper Modernization theory - and the non-western world WZB Discussion Paper, No. P 2004-003 Provided in Cooperation with: WZB Berlin Social Science Center Suggested Citation: Zapf, Wolfgang (2004) : Modernization theory - and the non-western world, WZB Discussion Paper, No. P 2004-003, Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin für Sozialforschung (WZB), Berlin This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/50239 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu Wolfgang Zapf Modernization Theory – and the Non-Western World* Best.-Nr. P 2004-003 Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin für Sozialforschung (WZB) Juni 2004 Beim Präsidenten Emeriti Projekte * Paper presented to the conference "Comparing Processes of Modernization", University of Potsdam, December 15-21, 2003. -
International Organizations and Democratic Backsliding
The Unintended Consequences of Democracy Promotion: International Organizations and Democratic Backsliding Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Anna M. Meyerrose, M.A. Graduate Program in Political Science The Ohio State University 2019 Dissertation Committee: Alexander Thompson, Co-Advisor Irfan Nooruddin, Co-Advisor Marcus Kurtz William Minozzi Sara Watson c Copyright by Anna M. Meyerrose 2019 Abstract Since the end of the Cold War, international organizations (IOs) have engaged in unprecedented levels of democracy promotion and are widely viewed as positive forces for democracy. However, this increased emphasis on democracy has more re- cently been accompanied by rampant illiberalism and a sharp rise in cases of demo- cratic backsliding in new democracies. What explains democratic backsliding in an age of unparalleled international support for democracy? Democratic backsliding oc- curs when elected officials weaken or erode democratic institutions and results in an illiberal or diminished form of democracy, rather than autocracy. This dissertation argues that IOs commonly associated with democracy promotion can support tran- sitions to democracy but unintentionally make democratic backsliding more likely in new democracies. Specifically, I identify three interrelated mechanisms linking IOs to democratic backsliding. These organizations neglect to support democratic insti- tutions other than executives and elections; they increase relative executive power; and they limit states’ domestic policy options via requirements for membership. Lim- ited policy options stunt the development of representative institutions and make it more difficult for leaders to govern. Unable to appeal to voters based on records of effective governance or policy alternatives, executives manipulate weak institutions to maintain power, thus increasing the likelihood of backsliding.