Intraparty Candidate Nomination in Tanzania
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State of Politics in Tanzania
LÄNDERBERICHT Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung e.V. TANZANIA RICHARD SHABA July 2007 State of Politics in Tanzania www.kas.de/kenia INTRODUCTION The assessment dwells on the political, eco- nomic and social situation as well on the THERE is a broad consensus that the major actors namely: the ruling and opposi- process of consolidating the transition tion political parties, civil society and the towards participatory political system media, the rise of fundamentalism factor in Tanzania over the past seventeen together with the influence of the external years has achieved remarkable suc- factor in shaping the political process. cess. Whereas once predominantly un- der a single party hegemony, Tanzania THE STATE OF THE ECONOMY AND SO- today is characterized by a plurality of CIAL SERVICES political parties. Though slow; the growth of the independent civil society Ranked 159 th out of 175 countries on the has gained momentum. Human Development Index [HDI] by the United Nations, Tanzania is one of the poor- The country has also witnessed a dramatic est countries in the world. And although transformation of the press. State-owned the economy is growing, it is still very much media outfits that had a virtual monopoly externally oriented with almost 100 percent for decades have now changed their accent of development expenditure externally fi- and become outlets for different voices, not nanced basically by donors. Internal reve- just the ruling party - a major step towards nue collection has not met the objective of promoting democratic practice. This para- collecting at least 18.5 per cent of the GDP digm shift has also helped engender a criti- growth rate. -
Election Violence in Zanzibar – Ongoing Risk of Violence in Zanzibar 15 March 2011
Country Advice Tanzania Tanzania – TZA38321 – Revolutionary State Party (CCM) – Civic United Front (CUF) – Election violence in Zanzibar – Ongoing risk of violence in Zanzibar 15 March 2011 1. Please provide a background of the major political parties in Tanzania focusing on the party in power and the CUF. The United Republic of Tanzania was formed in 1964 as a union between mainland Tanganyika and the islands of Unguja and Pemba, which together comprise Zanzibar. Since 1977, it has been ruled by the Revolutionary State Party (Chama Cha Mapinduzi or CCM). In 1992 the government legislated for multiparty democracy, and the country is now a presidential democratic republic with a multiparty system. The first multiparty national elections were held in 1995, and concurrent presidential and parliamentary elections have since been held every 5 years. The CCM has won all elections to date. The CUF, founded in 1991, constituted the main opposition party following the 1995 multiparty elections.1 At the most recent elections in October 2010, the CCM‟s Jakaua Kikwete was re-elected President with 61.7% of the vote (as compared to 80% of the vote in 2005) and the CCM secured almost 80% of the seats. Most of the opposition votes went to the Chadema party, which displaced the Civic United Front (CUF) for the first time as the official opposition. The opposition leader is Chadema‟s Chairman, Freeman Mbowe. Chadema‟s presidential candidate, Willibrod Slaa, took 27% of the vote, while CUF‟s Ibrahim Lipumba received 8%.2 Notwithstanding the CCM‟s election success, the BBC reports that Kikwete‟s “political legitimacy has been seen by some to have been somewhat dented in the 2010 elections”, given the decline in his percent of the vote, and a total election turnout of only 42%, down from 72% in 2005. -
In the High Court of the United Republic of Tanzania
IN THE HIGH COURT OF THE UNITED REPUBLIC OF TANZANIA (MAIN REGISTRY) AT PAR ES SALAAM (MAIGE, MAGOIGA AND KULITA, JJJ) MISC CIVIL CAUSE NO. 10 OF 2020 IN THE MATTER OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED REPUBLIC OF TANZANIA AND IN THE MATTER OF THE ENFORCEMENT OF ARTICLE 71(1) (f) OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED REPUBLIC OF TANZANIA 1977 (AS AMENDED FROM TIME TO TIME) AND IN THE MATTER OF THE ALLEGED CONTRAVENTION OF ARTICLE 71(1) (f) OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED REPUBLIC OF TANZANIA (AS AMENDED FROM TIME TO TIME) AND IN THE MATTER OF A PETITION TO CHALLENGE THE STATEMENT OF THE SPEAKER OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY TO RECOGNIZE MR. CECIL MWAMBE AS STILL A MEMBER OF PARLIAMENT WHILST HE HAS ALREADY CROSSED THE FLOOR FROM CHAMA CHA DEMOKRASIA NA MAENDELEO (CHADEMA) TO CHAMA CHA MAPINDUZI (CCM) AS BEING UNCONSTITUTIONAL PAUL REVOCATUS KAUNDA PETITIONER VERSUS THE SPEAKER OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY 1st RESPONDENT MR. CECIL DAVID MWAMBE 2 nd RESPONDENT THE ATTORNEY GENERAL 3 rd RESPONDENT I. MAIGE, J RULING Under article 71(1) (f) of the Constitution of the United Republic of Tanzania, 77 [Cap. 2, R.E., 2002], as amended from time to time, (herein after referred to as “the Constitution”), a member of the Parliament he who denounces his/her membership in or ceases to be a member of a political party in whose sponsorship he or she was elected into Parliament, loses, by operation of the law, a qualification of being a member of the Parliament. The second respondent was, in 2015 General Elections, elected a member of Parliament for Ndanda Constituency under the sponsorship of Chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo, (herein after referred to as “CHADEMA”). -
The Authoritarian Turn in Tanzania
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by UCL Discovery The Authoritarian Turn in Tanzania Dan Paget is a PhD candidate at the University of Oxford, where he is writing his thesis on election campaigning in sub-Saharan Africa, and in particular the uses of the rally. While living in Tanzania in 2015, he witnessed the general election campaign and the beginning of Magufuli’s presidency first-hand. Abstract Since 2015, Tanzania has taken a severe authoritarian turn, accompanied by rising civil disobedience. In the process, it has become a focal point in debates about development and dictatorship. This article unpicks what is happening in contemporary Tanzania. It contends that Tanzania is beset by a struggle over its democratic institutions, which is rooted in rising party system competition. However, this struggle is altered by past experience in Zanzibar. The lessons that both government and opposition have drawn from Zanzibar make the struggle in mainland Tanzania more authoritarian still. These dynamics amount to a new party system trajectory in Tanzania Dan Paget 2 The Tanzanian general election of 2015 seemed like a moment of great democratic promise. Opposition parties formed a pre-electoral coalition, which held. They were joined by a string of high-profile defectors from the ruling CCM (Chama cha Mapinduzi, or the Party of the Revolution). The defector-in-chief, Edward Lowassa, became the opposition coalition’s presidential candidate and he won 40 per cent of the vote, the strongest showing that an opposition candidate has ever achieved in Tanzania. -
Fadiga-Stewart Leslie Diss.Pdf (954.6Kb)
THE GENDER GAP IN AFRICAN PARTY SYSTEMS by Leslie Ann Fadiga-Stewart, B.A., M.A. A DISSERTATION IN POLITICAL SCIENCE Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Texas Tech University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Approved Dennis Patterson Chairperson of the Committee John Barkdull Glen Biglasier Ambassador Tibor Nagy, Jr. Accepted John Borrelli Dean of the Graduate School August, 2007 Copyright 2007, Leslie Ann Fadiga-Stewart Texas Tech University, Leslie Fadiga-Stewart, August 2007 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS It was a joy working with my advisor, Dr. Dennis Patterson. He provided valuable guidance and assistance and made this whole process easier because he was so supportive, understanding, and generous with his time. He saw my research project as an opportunity to learn something new and his positive attitude, infinite patience, and constant support are gifts I will share with my own students. I would also like to thank the members of my dissertation committee for their patience, feedback, and encouragement. I had the opportunity to work with Dr. Barkdull during my first year as his teaching assistant and valued the fact that he was fair, open-minded, and pushed students to think critically. I only had a chance to know Dr. Glen Biglasier for a short time, but appreciated his enthusiasm, kindness, and his suggestions along the way. It was also wonderful to have Ambassador Nagy on my committee and he provided invaluable insights from his experience from living and working in Africa. I want to offer many thanks to Dr. Susan Banducci for her support while she was at Texas Tech and Dr. -
Na Namba Ya Prem Jina La Mwanafunzi Shule Atokayo 1
ORODHA YA WANAFUNZI WALIOCHAGULIWA KUJIUNGA KIDATO CHA KWANZA MWAKA 2021 WILAYA YA TEMEKE - WASICHANA A.UFAULU MZURI ZAIDI SHULE YA SEKONDARI KILAKALA - BWENI NA NAMBA YA PREM JINA LA MWANAFUNZI SHULE ATOKAYO 1 20140978513 GIFT JUMANNE MWAMBE SACRED HEART SHULE YA SEKONDARI MSALATO - BWENI NA NAMBA YA PREM JINA LA MWANAFUNZI SHULE ATOKAYO 1 20141212460 IQRA SUPHIAN MBWANA ASSWIDDIQ 2 20141196774 HADIJA SAMNDERE ABDALLAH KIZUIANI SHULE YA SEKONDARI TABORA WAS - BWENI NA NAMBA YA PREM JINA LA MWANAFUNZI SHULE ATOKAYO 1 20140161890 JANETH JASSON RWIZA HOLY CROSS 2 20140142894 CATHERINE JACKSON MUGYABUSO HOLY CROSS 3 20140158817 MARTHA FREDRICK KIULA KAMO 4 20141283912 VANESSA ARISTIDES MSOKA JOYLAND B.UFUNDI BWENI SHULE YA SEKONDARI MTWARA UFUNDI - BWENI NA NAMBA YA PREM JINA LA MWANAFUNZI SHULE ATOKAYO 1 20140246791 PRINCESSREBECA ALOYCE MOSHA SHALOM 2 20140293569 SUZAN DIOCRES PETER MWANGAZA ENG. MED. SHULE YA SEKONDARI TANGA UFUNDI - BWENI NA NAMBA YA PREM JINA LA MWANAFUNZI SHULE ATOKAYO 1 20140271585 FATUMA IBRAHIMU NASSORO SOKOINE 2 20141282072 ALAWIA ASHIRI KIBWANGA KIBURUGWA 3 20140813416 LUCY MARTIN NDEU MGULANI C.BWENI KAWAIDA SHULE YA SEKONDARI KAZIMA - BWENI NA NAMBA YA PREM JINA LA MWANAFUNZI SHULE ATOKAYO 1 20141358656 ASHURA ISSA NGULANGWA NZASA 2 20140961580 SHUFAA HAMADI TAMBARA UKOMBOZI 3 20140801607 NAIMA RAZACK MCHALAGANYA TAIFA 4 20140437650 HALIMA HASHIMU MPEGEA RUVUMA SHULE YA SEKONDARI LOWASSA- BWENI NA NAMBA YA PREM JINA LA MWANAFUNZI SHULE ATOKAYO 1 20141303924 RAHMA ALLY KWAKWADU MBANDE SHULE YA SEKONDARI LUGOBA- -
BDP Mps Refuse Pay
The PatriotWARNING: on Sunday | www.thepatriot.co.bw Stay Home, | May Wash 03, 2020 hands with Soap & Water, Avoid crowds, Don’t Touch, Hug or KissNews 1 www.thepatriot.co.bw MAY 03, 2020 | ISSUE 372 P12.00 BDP MPs refuse pay cut COVID-19 • Tsogwane to approach MPs for salary cut • Backbenchers to reject Cabinet proposal confidentiality • ‘Cabinet donated their salaries voluntarily’ - BDP Whip Kablay BAKANG TIRO Chairman Slumber Tsogwane, who is “I haven’t received any official When reached for comment, BDP Letlhakeng-Lephephe MP said. critical [email protected] also the Vice President. It has always information with regards to us to Chief Whip Liakat Kablay who also Asked if they are to be forced to been believed that the backbenchers donate voluntarily take salary cut to forms part of the backbench, said contribute how he will respond, he ruling Botswana will easily accept a pay cut as donate to COVID-19 but if someone he is not aware of any information Kablay held that MPs have authority • Data censorship prevents stigmatisation Democratic Party (BDP) donation to the COVID-19 relief brings that up it will cause an uproar regarding MPs expected to take pay to decide what they do with their -Govt T backbench is refusing to take fund in solidarity with cabinet. within the party. As an MP I am also cuts. money. a pay cut as contribution to COVID- Sources indicated that most of affected economically,” said one BDP He said cabinet agreed on its He advised his colleagues that • Tough balancing exercise; patients’ 19 Relief Fund just weeks after the BDP backbench have found MP who preferred anonymity. -
Issued by the Britain-Tanzania Society No 124 Sept 2019
Tanzanian Affairs Issued by the Britain-Tanzania Society No 124 Sept 2019 Feathers Ruffled in CCM Plastic Bag Ban TSh 33 trillion annual budget Ben Taylor: FEATHERS RUFFLED IN CCM Two former Secretary Generals of the ruling party, CCM, Abdulrahman Kinana and Yusuf Makamba, stirred up a very public argument at the highest levels of the party in July. They wrote a letter to the Elders’ Council, an advisory body within the party, warning of the dangers that “unfounded allegations” in a tabloid newspaper pose to the party’s “unity, solidarity and tranquillity.” Selection of newspaper covers from July featuring the devloping story cover photo: President Magufuli visits the fish market in Dar-es-Salaam following the plastic bag ban (see page 5) - photo State House Politics 3 This refers to the frequent allegations by publisher, Mr Cyprian Musiba, in his newspapers and on social media, that several senior figures within the party were involved in a plot to undermine the leadership of President John Magufuli. The supposed plotters named by Mr Musiba include Kinana and Makamba, as well as former Foreign Affairs Minister, Bernard Membe, various opposition leaders, government officials and civil society activists. Mr Musiba has styled himself as a “media activist” seeking to “defend the President against a plot to sabotage him.” His publications have consistently backed President Magufuli and ferociously attacked many within the party and outside, on the basis of little or no evidence. Mr Makamba and Mr Kinana, who served as CCM’s secretary generals between 2009 to 2011 and 2012-2018 respectively, called on the party’s elders to intervene. -
Table of Contents of the Tanzania Study Lists the Various Chapters and Their Authors and Discussants
Introduction – Tanzania Institutional Diagnostic TANZANIA INSTITUTIONAL DIAGNOSTIC TANZANIA INSTITUTIONAL DIAGNOSTIC François Bourguignon, Editor Paris School of Economics Sam Wangwe, Editor DAIMA Associates September 2018 © Economic Development & Institutions 1 Introduction – Tanzania Institutional Diagnostic Institutions matter for growth and inclusive development. But despite increasing awareness of the importance of institutions on economic outcomes, there is little evidence on how positive institutional change can be achieved. The Economic Development and Institutions – EDI – research programme aims to fill this knowledge gap by working with some of the finest economic thinkers and social scientists across the globe. The programme was launched in 2015 and will run for five years. It is made up of four parallel research activities: path-finding papers, institutional diagnostic, coordinated randomised control trials, and case studies. The programme is funded by the UK Department for International Development. For more information see http://edi.opml.co.uk. © Economic Development & Institutions 2 Introduction – Tanzania Institutional Diagnostic Introduction 'Institutions matter' 'Institutions matter' became a motto among international organisations in the late 1990s, when it became clear that the so-called 'Washington Consensus' and its emphasis on markets was not generating the growth and development that was expected. The slogan could be interpreted in different ways. It sounded a note of disappointment for those liberalist reformers, sometimes jokingly called the 'marketeers', who promoted the generalised shift to market mechanisms and the pre-eminence of private actors in developing countries at the time of the development crisis of the 1980s. Giving more space to the market was perhaps a good idea from a theoretical point of view. -
Tanzania's Media Capture Challenge
Unfinished business: Tanzania’s media capture challenge RYAN POWELL Researcher and media development consultant While Tanzania has gradually moved toward political pluralism and market economics, the development of independent media has remained stunted. This chapter argues that Tanzania’s media sector suffers from a multi-faceted form of capture that is a product of government regulation, clientelism, economic pressure, and intimidation. The capture of Tanzanian media by the state and political elites takes place against the backdrop of an underfunded and discredited press ecosystem and amid power struggles in an increasingly vocal and politically diverse society. This essay is a chapter from Anya Schiffrin, ed., In the Service of Power: Media Capture and the Threat to Democracy (Washington, DC: Center for International Media Assistance, 2017) 83 In the Service of Power: Media Capture and the Threat to Democracy Introduction Media capture in transitioning societies and economies takes a variety of forms: it is driven by corporate and government influence, buyouts, and ownership monop- olies. But as the case of Tanzania demonstrates, it is also manifest in regulatory frameworks and exacerbated by ad hoc intimidation, economic circumstances, skill deficiencies, and a host of other structural conditions. Media operating in Tanzania face a range of constraints, which include diverse and overlapping forms of media capture. Due to its history, Tanzania inherited a legacy of media control by the state and elites. As a former British colony, it adopted colonial-era regulations that were then supplemented with a post-colonial socialist belief in media as subservient to a state development agenda. Since 1992, Tanzania has gradually moved toward a pluralist political system and limited capitalism, introducing privatization and market mechanisms to boost industrialization, and allowing private media owner- ship. -
AFRICA RISK CONSULTING Tanzania Monthly Briefing
AFRICA RISK CONSULTING Tanzania Monthly Briefing December 2020 Tanzania Summary 4 December 2020 President John Magufuli (2015-present) outlines his priorities for his second and final term in office during the inauguration of parliament on 13 November following the resounding win of the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) in the October general election. While Magufuli has signalled further assistance for the private sector, his delay in appointing a full cabinet has further slowed government engagement. The protracted downturn in tourism globally is putting Tanzania’s economy, and its levels of foreign exchange reserves, under strain. Tanzania fares moderately compared to its regional neighbours in the Mo Ibrahim Foundation’s annual Ibrahim Index of African Governance (IIAG). Magufuli’s second term off to a slow start President John Magufuli (2015-present) outlined his priorities for his second, and final, term in office at the inauguration of parliament on 13 November.1 Magufuli won the 28 October election with 84.4% of the popular vote, while the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) party won an overwhelming majority in the National Assembly.2 Although there were significant concerns both within Tanzania and among international observers about the level of government interference in the polls,3 the National Electoral Commission (NEC) has upheld the results and the focus has now shifted to what Magufuli’s second term in office is likely to look like. During the inauguration speech, Magufuli vowed to continue to prosecute his broadly successful anti- corruption campaign, which has seen Tanzania rise from 119th place in 2014 to 96th place in 2019 in Germany-based non-governmental organisation Transparency International’s annual Corruption Perceptions Index during his time in office.4 Magufuli also committed to work further to see the country industrialise, with a focus on job creation and infrastructure, as well as commitment to ensure that the country’s key economic indicators remain stable. -
The Weak Link the Role of Local Institutions in Accountable Natural Resource Management
OXFAM RESEARCH REPORT THE WEAK LINK THE ROLE OF LOCAL INSTITUTIONS IN ACCOUNTABLE NATURAL RESOURCE MANAGEMENT TANZANIA COVER: Open-pit gold mines like this one bring high environmental and social costs to countries like Tanzania, and need to bring in revenues that can be used to offset negative effects. Brett Eloff / Oxfam America 2 Oxfam America | The Weak Link: The Role of Local Institutions in Accountable Resource Management, Tanzania CONTENTS Executive Summary ............................................................................................. 2 1. Introduction ...................................................................................................... 8 Sociopolitical and economic overview ............................................................ 10 Format of the report…………………………………………………………………11 2. Methods and conceptual framings ................................................................. 13 3. Revenue sharing in Tanzania ........................................................................ 15 Mining ............................................................................................................ 15 Oil and gas..................................................................................................... 17 Understanding revenue-sharing policy: Mining ............................................... 19 Understanding revenue-sharing policy: Petroleum, oil and gas ...................... 26 Accountability in revenue sharing ..................................................................