DOCSLIB.ORG

Fadiga-Stewart Leslie Diss.Pdf (954.6Kb)

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Fadiga-Stewart Leslie Diss.Pdf (954.6Kb) THE GENDER GAP IN AFRICAN PARTY SYSTEMS by Leslie Ann Fadiga-Stewart, B.A., M.A. A DISSERTATION IN POLITICAL SCIENCE Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Texas Tech University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Approved Dennis Patterson Chairperson of the Committee John Barkdull Glen Biglasier Ambassador Tibor Nagy, Jr. Accepted John Borrelli Dean of the Graduate School August, 2007 Copyright 2007, Leslie Ann Fadiga-Stewart Texas Tech University, Leslie Fadiga-Stewart, August 2007 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS It was a joy working with my advisor, Dr. Dennis Patterson. He provided valuable guidance and assistance and made this whole process easier because he was so supportive, understanding, and generous with his time. He saw my research project as an opportunity to learn something new and his positive attitude, infinite patience, and constant support are gifts I will share with my own students. I would also like to thank the members of my dissertation committee for their patience, feedback, and encouragement. I had the opportunity to work with Dr. Barkdull during my first year as his teaching assistant and valued the fact that he was fair, open-minded, and pushed students to think critically. I only had a chance to know Dr. Glen Biglasier for a short time, but appreciated his enthusiasm, kindness, and his suggestions along the way. It was also wonderful to have Ambassador Nagy on my committee and he provided invaluable insights from his experience from living and working in Africa. I want to offer many thanks to Dr. Susan Banducci for her support while she was at Texas Tech and Dr. Ed Steinhart for generously sharing his time and his love of Africa over several cups of coffee. I cannot say enough kind words about the faculty and staff associated with the Teaching, Learning, and Technology Center (TLTC) that I worked with when I was a fellow in the TEACH program. Dr. Debra Laverie, Suzanne Tapp, Dr. Marjean Purinton, Dr. Andrea McCourt, Dr. Alan Reifman, and my co-mentors, Dr. Charlotte Dunham and Dr. Ginny Felstehausen always had a warm smile and words of encouragement. I also want to acknowledge how much I appreciated the financial ii Texas Tech University, Leslie Fadiga-Stewart, August 2007 support I received such as the summer dissertation research award from the Graduate School as well as my assistantship from the Political Science department. It is also great that the Afrobarometer Network has made the Afrobarometer survey series available and many will learn more about Africa and African people thanks to their efforts. Lastly, I would like to thank the support of friends and family both near and far. I will miss the conversations I shared with Gamal Gasim, a common interest in gender and politics with Nathan Mitchell, and an easy smile from Jangsup Choi and I wish all of them the best in the future. I would like to thank my family and friends in Colorado, in particular, Selaam Bueyne, Rebekah, Anne, and Sarah Wells, who are like rays of sunshine and made my world brighter. Although they were miles away, I have missed Yaay, Papa, Babacar, the rest of the Fadiga and Diaw families, Saiba Fainke, and Abdoulaye Niang and I really appreciated their encouragement and support while I was in Senegal. Nothing has meant more to me than the love and encouragement I received from my husband, Mohamadou. I am proud of everything he has done for me and feel truly blessed because he has been so supportive from the very beginning. A very special thank you to our son, Mamadou, and our daughter, Binta, for making sure I had a good dose of laughter and plenty of hugs each day. I am so excited about everything that is ahead for both of them. May our children follow our lead and may all of our hard work together as a family continue to bring many blessings in the future. iii Texas Tech University, Leslie Fadiga-Stewart, August 2007 TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ii ABSTRACT vi LIST OF TABLES viii LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS x CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION 1 The Gender Gap in Party Identification 3 The Gender Gap in Partisan Support 7 II. THE GENDER GAP IN COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE 16 Party Politics in Africa 16 The Gender Gap 22 Conclusion 49 III. DATA AND METHODS 54 Variables and Operationalization 55 Outline of the Dissertation 60 IV. WHEN MEN AND WOMEN SUPPORT DIFFERENT PARTIES: THE INCONSISTENT CONTRASTIVE PATTERN 63 Introduction 63 Botswana 64 Mali 72 iv Texas Tech University, Leslie Fadiga-Stewart, August 2007 V. WHEN WOMEN PROVIDE LESS SUPPORT ACROSS ALL PARTIES: THE INCONSISTENT SINGULAR PATTERN 94 Introduction 94 Nigeria 95 Tanzania 106 VI. THE GENDER GAP PATTERNS IN COUNTRIES OF LOST DOMINANCE 126 Introduction 126 Kenya 127 Senegal 142 VII. THE GENDER GAP IN AFRICAN PARTY SYSTEMS 168 Introduction 168 Summary and Discussion 168 Implications 177 Future Research 179 REFERENCES 181 v Texas Tech University, Leslie Fadiga-Stewart, August 2007 ABSTRACT Over the last couple of decades, an extensive body of literature has emerged on the political gender gap, which explores attitudinal and behavioral differences between men and women. While this literature has concentrated primarily on advanced industrialized countries in Western Europe and the United States, it is unclear how emerging democracies such as African countries are different in terms of the gender gap and which factors explain differences between men and women in Sub-Saharan Africa. This study extends the current literature by exploring the gender gap in the African context. Specifically, it is interested in two aspects of the political gender gap in Africa. First, it seeks to uncover if men and women are different in terms of party identification and second, to determine if there are gender differences in partisan support, that is, whether men and women have preferences for different political parties. Using survey data from the Afrobarometer series, this study maps the gender gap in party identification across sixteen different African countries. A multivariate analysis was also conducted to test competing explanations related to partisan support in six different African countries: Botswana, Kenya, Mali, Nigeria, Senegal, and Tanzania. The results show there was a gender gap in party identification but the size of the gender gap varied depending on whether countries had a high, average, or low level of party identification. In addition, the results established that a gender gap in partisan support was evident in six African countries defined by the difference in political support for ruling parties and opposition parties. These countries manifested two different gender vi Texas Tech University, Leslie Fadiga-Stewart, August 2007 gap patterns: an inconsistent contrastive gender gap and an inconsistent singular gender gap. Examining the gender gap in an often-neglected comparative context will add to our understanding of this political phenomenon in new democracies and highlights the future research opportunities in other geographical regions on the gender gap and other related topics. vii Texas Tech University, Leslie Fadiga-Stewart, August 2007 LIST OF TABLES 1.1 Gender Gap in Party Identification 11 1.2 Partisan Gender Gap among High Party Identifiers 12 1.3 Partisan Gender Gap among Average Party Identifiers 13 1.4 Partisan Gender Gap among Low Party Identifiers 15 3.1 Gender Gap Pattern I 61 3.2 Gender Gap Pattern II 62 4.1 Support Characteristics of Botswana’s Political Parties 85 4.2 Inconsistent Contrastive Gender Gap Pattern in Botswana 86 4.3 The Gender Gap and Party Support in Botswana 87 4.4 Explaining Partisanship in Botswana 88 4.5 Support Characteristics of Mali’s Political Parties 89 4.6 Inconsistent Contrastive Gender Gap Pattern in Mali 90 4.7 The Gender Gap and Party Support in Mali 91 4.8 Explaining Partisanship for Malian Men 92 4.9 Explaining Partisanship for Malian Women 93 5.1 Support Characteristics of Nigeria’s Political Parties 117 5.2 Inconsistent Singular Gender Gap Pattern in Nigeria 118 5.3 The Gender Gap and Party Support in Nigeria 119 5.4 Explaining Partisanship for Nigerian Men 120 5.5 Support Characteristics of Tanzania’s Political Parties 121 viii Texas Tech University, Leslie Fadiga-Stewart, August 2007 5.6 Inconsistent Singular Gender Gap Pattern in Tanzania 122 5.7 The Gender Gap and Party Support in Tanzania 123 5.8 Explaining Partisanship for Tanzanian Men 124 5.9 Explaining Partisanship for Tanzanian Women 125 6.1 Support Characteristics of Kenya’s Political Parties 158 6.2 Weak Inconsistent Singular Gender Gap Pattern in Kenya 159 6.3 The Gender Gap and Party Support in Kenya 160 6.4 Explaining Partisanship for Kenyan Men 161 6.5 Explaining Partisanship for Kenyan Women 162 6.6 Support Characteristics of Senegal’s Political Parties 163 6.7 Weak Inconsistent Contrastive Gender Gap Pattern in Senegal 164 6.8 The Gender Gap and Party Support in Senegal 165 6.9 Explaining Partisanship for Senegalese Men 166 6.10 Explaining Partisanship for Senegalese Women 167 ix Texas Tech University, Leslie Fadiga-Stewart, August 2007 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AD Alliance for Democracy (Nigeria) ADEMA Alliance pour la D émocratie au Mali ADN Action for Développement National (Senegal) ADP Alliance pour la Démocratie et Progrès (Mali) AFORD Alliance for Democracy (Malawi) AFP Alliance des Forces de Progrès (Senegal) AJ/PADS And Jëf /Parti Africain pour la Démocratie et le Socialisme (Senegal) ANC African National Congress (South Africa) ANPP All Nigeria People’s Party APP All People’s Party (Nigeria) ASP Afro-Shirazi Party (Tanzania/Zanzibar)
Load more

Recommended publications
  • State of Politics in Tanzania
    LÄNDERBERICHT Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung e.V. TANZANIA RICHARD SHABA July 2007 State of Politics in Tanzania www.kas.de/kenia INTRODUCTION The assessment dwells on the political, eco- nomic and social situation as well on the THERE is a broad consensus that the major actors namely: the ruling and opposi- process of consolidating the transition tion political parties, civil society and the towards participatory political system media, the rise of fundamentalism factor in Tanzania over the past seventeen together with the influence of the external years has achieved remarkable suc- factor in shaping the political process. cess. Whereas once predominantly un- der a single party hegemony, Tanzania THE STATE OF THE ECONOMY AND SO- today is characterized by a plurality of CIAL SERVICES political parties. Though slow; the growth of the independent civil society Ranked 159 th out of 175 countries on the has gained momentum. Human Development Index [HDI] by the United Nations, Tanzania is one of the poor- The country has also witnessed a dramatic est countries in the world. And although transformation of the press. State-owned the economy is growing, it is still very much media outfits that had a virtual monopoly externally oriented with almost 100 percent for decades have now changed their accent of development expenditure externally fi- and become outlets for different voices, not nanced basically by donors. Internal reve- just the ruling party - a major step towards nue collection has not met the objective of promoting democratic practice. This para- collecting at least 18.5 per cent of the GDP digm shift has also helped engender a criti- growth rate.
    [Show full text]
  • National Development Plan 11 Volume 1 April 2017 – March 2023
    National Development Plan 11 Volume 1 April 2017 – March 2023 ISBN: 978-99968-465-2-6 TABLE OF CONTENTS TABLE OF CONTENTS ........................................................................................................................................................ I LIST OF TABLES ................................................................................................................................................................ V LIST OF CHARTS AND FIGURES ................................................................................................................................... VI LIST OF MAPS ................................................................................................................................................................. VII LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS .......................................................................................................... VIII FOREWORD .................................................................................................................................................................... XIII INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................................................................. XV CHAPTER 1 ......................................................................................................................................................................... 1 COUNTRY AND PEOPLE ................................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • The Authoritarian Turn in Tanzania
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by UCL Discovery The Authoritarian Turn in Tanzania Dan Paget is a PhD candidate at the University of Oxford, where he is writing his thesis on election campaigning in sub-Saharan Africa, and in particular the uses of the rally. While living in Tanzania in 2015, he witnessed the general election campaign and the beginning of Magufuli’s presidency first-hand. Abstract Since 2015, Tanzania has taken a severe authoritarian turn, accompanied by rising civil disobedience. In the process, it has become a focal point in debates about development and dictatorship. This article unpicks what is happening in contemporary Tanzania. It contends that Tanzania is beset by a struggle over its democratic institutions, which is rooted in rising party system competition. However, this struggle is altered by past experience in Zanzibar. The lessons that both government and opposition have drawn from Zanzibar make the struggle in mainland Tanzania more authoritarian still. These dynamics amount to a new party system trajectory in Tanzania Dan Paget 2 The Tanzanian general election of 2015 seemed like a moment of great democratic promise. Opposition parties formed a pre-electoral coalition, which held. They were joined by a string of high-profile defectors from the ruling CCM (Chama cha Mapinduzi, or the Party of the Revolution). The defector-in-chief, Edward Lowassa, became the opposition coalition’s presidential candidate and he won 40 per cent of the vote, the strongest showing that an opposition candidate has ever achieved in Tanzania.
    [Show full text]
  • Election Update 2004 Botswana
    ELECTION UPDATE 2004 BOTSWANA number 3 17 January 2005 contents Introduction 1 Free and Fair Elections 2 How the International Press Saw the October Poll 2 New Cabinet 3 Botswana Election Audit 4 Election Results 7 Opposition Party Unity in the Making 16 Parliament Adjourns 18 References 19 Compiled by Sechele Sechele EISA Editorial Team Jackie Kalley, Khabele Matlosa, Denis Kadima Published with the assistance of NORAD and OSISA Introduction executive secretary of the Section 65A of the Constitution Independent Electoral of Botswana in 1997 (see Botswana has now been Commission of Botswana Constitution Amendment Act independent for more than 38 (IEC), Mr Gabriel Seeletso. No.18 of 1997); which also years, with one party at the provides for the composition of helm – the Botswana In an interview in his office and the Commission. Democratic Party (BDP). a week after having a week- Elections are held every five long meeting with the The Commission consists of a years in this land-locked, Independent Electoral chairperson (Justice Judge diamond-rich and peaceful state Commission of Botswana; John. Mosojane), deputy and they are always declared Seeletso has expressed chairman (Private Attorney free and fair. The 30 October complete satisfaction with the Omphemetsee Motumisi), and 2004 general elections in performance of his staff and the five other members appointed Botswana were no exception. Commission in correctly and by the Judicial Service competently conducting the Commission from a list of For purposes of this update on 2004 general elections. persons recommended by the the aftermath of the elections, The Independent Electoral All Party Conference.
    [Show full text]
  • BDP Mps Refuse Pay
    The PatriotWARNING: on Sunday | www.thepatriot.co.bw Stay Home, | May Wash 03, 2020 hands with Soap & Water, Avoid crowds, Don’t Touch, Hug or KissNews 1 www.thepatriot.co.bw MAY 03, 2020 | ISSUE 372 P12.00 BDP MPs refuse pay cut COVID-19 • Tsogwane to approach MPs for salary cut • Backbenchers to reject Cabinet proposal confidentiality • ‘Cabinet donated their salaries voluntarily’ - BDP Whip Kablay BAKANG TIRO Chairman Slumber Tsogwane, who is “I haven’t received any official When reached for comment, BDP Letlhakeng-Lephephe MP said. critical [email protected] also the Vice President. It has always information with regards to us to Chief Whip Liakat Kablay who also Asked if they are to be forced to been believed that the backbenchers donate voluntarily take salary cut to forms part of the backbench, said contribute how he will respond, he ruling Botswana will easily accept a pay cut as donate to COVID-19 but if someone he is not aware of any information Kablay held that MPs have authority • Data censorship prevents stigmatisation Democratic Party (BDP) donation to the COVID-19 relief brings that up it will cause an uproar regarding MPs expected to take pay to decide what they do with their -Govt T backbench is refusing to take fund in solidarity with cabinet. within the party. As an MP I am also cuts. money. a pay cut as contribution to COVID- Sources indicated that most of affected economically,” said one BDP He said cabinet agreed on its He advised his colleagues that • Tough balancing exercise; patients’ 19 Relief Fund just weeks after the BDP backbench have found MP who preferred anonymity.
    [Show full text]
  • ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I Would
    ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to record and extend my indebtedness, sincerest gratitude and thanks to the following people: * Mr G J Bradshaw and Ms A Nel Weldrick for their professional assistance, guidance and patience throughout the course of this study. * My colleagues, Ms M M Khumalo, Mr I M Biyela and Mr L P Mafokoane for their guidance and inspiration which made the completion of this study possible. " Dr A A M Rossouw for the advice he provided during our lengthy interview and to Ms L Snodgrass, the Conflict Management Programme Co-ordinator. " Mrs Sue Jefferys (UPE) for typing and editing this work. " Unibank, Edu-Loan (C J de Swardt) and Vodakom for their financial assistance throughout this work. " My friends and neighbours who were always available when I needed them, and who assisted me through some very frustrating times. " And last and by no means least my wife, Nelisiwe and my three children, Mpendulo, Gabisile and Ntuthuko for their unconditional love, support and encouragement throughout the course of this study. Even though they were not practically involved in what I was doing, their support was always strong and motivating. DEDICATION To my late father, Enock Vumbu and my brother Gcina Esau. We Must always look to the future. Tomorrow is the time that gives a man or a country just one more chance. Tomorrow is the most important think in life. It comes into us very clean (Author unknow) ALPHABETICAL LISTING OF ABBREVIATIONS/ ACRONYMS USED ANC = African National Congress AZAPO = Azanian African Peoples
    [Show full text]
  • AFRICA RISK CONSULTING Tanzania Monthly Briefing
    AFRICA RISK CONSULTING Tanzania Monthly Briefing December 2020 Tanzania Summary 4 December 2020 President John Magufuli (2015-present) outlines his priorities for his second and final term in office during the inauguration of parliament on 13 November following the resounding win of the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) in the October general election. While Magufuli has signalled further assistance for the private sector, his delay in appointing a full cabinet has further slowed government engagement. The protracted downturn in tourism globally is putting Tanzania’s economy, and its levels of foreign exchange reserves, under strain. Tanzania fares moderately compared to its regional neighbours in the Mo Ibrahim Foundation’s annual Ibrahim Index of African Governance (IIAG). Magufuli’s second term off to a slow start President John Magufuli (2015-present) outlined his priorities for his second, and final, term in office at the inauguration of parliament on 13 November.1 Magufuli won the 28 October election with 84.4% of the popular vote, while the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) party won an overwhelming majority in the National Assembly.2 Although there were significant concerns both within Tanzania and among international observers about the level of government interference in the polls,3 the National Electoral Commission (NEC) has upheld the results and the focus has now shifted to what Magufuli’s second term in office is likely to look like. During the inauguration speech, Magufuli vowed to continue to prosecute his broadly successful anti- corruption campaign, which has seen Tanzania rise from 119th place in 2014 to 96th place in 2019 in Germany-based non-governmental organisation Transparency International’s annual Corruption Perceptions Index during his time in office.4 Magufuli also committed to work further to see the country industrialise, with a focus on job creation and infrastructure, as well as commitment to ensure that the country’s key economic indicators remain stable.
    [Show full text]
  • 2019 GENERAL ELECTIONS REPORT II Keireng A
    REPORT TO THE MINISTER FOR PRESIDENTIAL AFFAIRS, GOVERNANCE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION ON THE 2019 GENERAL ELECTIONS 2019 GENERAL ELECTIONS I REPORT Honourable Justice Abednego B. Tafa Mr. John Carr-Hartley Members of CHAIRMAN DEPUTY CHAIRMAN The Independent Electoral Commission Mrs. Agnes Setlhogile Mrs. Shaboyo Motsamai Dr. Molefe Phirinyane COMMISSIONER COMMISSIONER COMMISSIONER Mrs. Martha J. Sayed Vacant COMMISSIONER COMMISSIONER 2019 GENERAL ELECTIONS REPORT II Keireng A. Zuze Doreen L. Serumula SECRETARY DEPUTY SECRETARY Executive Management of the Secretariat Keolebogile M. Tshitlho Dintle S. Rapoo SENIOR MANAGER MANAGER CORPORATE SERVICES ELECTIONS AFFAIRS & FIELD OPERATIONS Obakeng B. Tlhaodi Uwoga H. Mandiwana CHIEF STATE COUNSEL MANAGER HUMAN RESOURCE & ADMINISTRATION 2019 GENERAL ELECTIONS REPORT III Strategic Foundations ........................................................................................................................... I Members of The Independent Electoral Commission ................................................ II Executive Management of the Secretariat........................................................................... III Letter to The Minister for Presidential Affairs, Governance and Public Administration ............................................................................................................... 1 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS.................................................................................................................. 2 ACRONYMS ...............................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Abbreviations and Acronyms: the Case of Tlhalosi Ya Medi Ya Setswana Joyce T
    Abbreviations and Acronyms: The Case of Tlhalosi ya Medi ya Setswana Joyce T. Mathangwane, Department of English, Faculty of Humanities, University of Botswana, Gaborone, Botswana ([email protected]) Abstract: This paper looks at how abbreviations and acronyms are treated in African language dictionaries in general compared to selected mainstream English dictionaries. Specifically, the study looks at their treatment in T.J. Otlogetswe's (2012) Tlhalosi ya Medi ya Setswana dictionary. Altogether, a survey of twenty selected dictionaries was carried out examining the treatment of abbreviations and acronyms in these dictionaries. Ten of these dictionaries are mainstream English dictionaries and the remaining ten are dictionaries of varied African languages spoken in the Southern African region e.g. Shona, Ndebele, Venda, Setswana and Northern Sotho. The study addresses four questions: (a) whether African lexicographers include abbreviations and acronyms in their dictionaries as is practice in mainstream English dictionaries; (b) if so, how these have been treated; (c) what linguistic features are highlighted in these entries, if any; and, (d) what recommen- dation the study makes for the way forward. The results showed that in most of the African dictionaries in the survey, unlike in main- stream English dictionaries, abbreviations and acronyms are not included despite the fact that many of them are coined and used by native speakers of these languages. An exception is Otlogetswe (2012) with a list of 25 abbreviations and acronyms. The paper recommends that African lexicog- raphers include abbreviations and acronyms as part of their lexicon because these lexical items are coined by the communities making them part of the vocabulary of the language.
    [Show full text]
  • The Weak Link the Role of Local Institutions in Accountable Natural Resource Management
    OXFAM RESEARCH REPORT THE WEAK LINK THE ROLE OF LOCAL INSTITUTIONS IN ACCOUNTABLE NATURAL RESOURCE MANAGEMENT TANZANIA COVER: Open-pit gold mines like this one bring high environmental and social costs to countries like Tanzania, and need to bring in revenues that can be used to offset negative effects. Brett Eloff / Oxfam America 2 Oxfam America | The Weak Link: The Role of Local Institutions in Accountable Resource Management, Tanzania CONTENTS Executive Summary ............................................................................................. 2 1. Introduction ...................................................................................................... 8 Sociopolitical and economic overview ............................................................ 10 Format of the report…………………………………………………………………11 2. Methods and conceptual framings ................................................................. 13 3. Revenue sharing in Tanzania ........................................................................ 15 Mining ............................................................................................................ 15 Oil and gas..................................................................................................... 17 Understanding revenue-sharing policy: Mining ............................................... 19 Understanding revenue-sharing policy: Petroleum, oil and gas ...................... 26 Accountability in revenue sharing ..................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Social Cleavages and Political Parties in Botswana: an Account of A
    Social Cleavages and Political Parties in Botswana: An account of a Pre- dominant Party System By: Batlang Seabo Submitted to Central European University Department of Political Science In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Supervisor: Zsolt Enyedi Budapest, Hungary CEU eTD Collection (2013) Abstract While the socio-economic history and political parties of Botswana reveal a social structure that can be analyzed in terms of cleavages, parties are cleavage related only up to a limited extent. The Botswana Democratic Party has more support in the north region than in the south while the Botswana National Front has more support in the south than in the north. The BDP is more popular among the unemployed than the employed people while the BCP is more a party of the employed than the unemployed. The BDP is supported more in the rural areas than in the urban areas while the BNF and the BCP receive more support in urban areas than their support in rural areas. The BPP is the least cleavage related party due to its small regional confinement. Support for the BDP tends to cut across the cleavages and this shows the extent to which the party is embedded in the society which results in a dominant party system. There seems to be no strong evidence in favor of ethno-linguistic cleavage and generational voting due to similar degree of support received by parties from the groups. The findings of this work raise important questions for future research on this area especially the social groups that are likely to share similar social characteristics to constitute a cleavage.
    [Show full text]
  • Consequences of Party System Institutionalizaiton in Sub-Saharan Africa
    CONSEQUENCES OF PARTY SYSTEM INSTITUTIONALIZAITON IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA BY SUSAN M. BARTLETT Submitted to the graduate degree program in Political Science and the Graduate Faculty of the University of Kansas in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts. Chairperson: Hannah E. Britton Robert Rohrschneider John Kennedy Date Defended: August 25, 2014 The Thesis Committee for SUSAN M. BARTLETT certifies that this is the approved version of the following thesis: CONSEQUENCES OF PARTY SYSTEM INSTITUTIONALIZATION IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA Chairperson: Hannah E. Britton Date approved: August 25, 2014 ii Abstract Intrastate conflict plagues many countries within sub-Saharan Africa. A significant portion of research asserts that conflict in this region results from high levels of ethnic heterogeneity or weak national institutions that cannot quell violence. Another line of qualitative research highlights the role of political parties in inciting conflict. In this thesis, these two strands of research are merged by quantitatively testing classic theories on the stabilizing effect of highly institutionalized party systems. In order to test this theory an original party system institutionalization index was created using extensive Afrobarometer survey data. This index served as the independent variable in a series of negative binomial statistical models that tested its correlations with various levels of social conflict, all of which fall short of war. I found that in a sample of thirty sub-Saharan states from 1990-2013 increases in party system institutionalization are statistically correlated with a lower incidence of intrastate conflict. Small sample size and missing data restrict the fully generalizability of these findings and thus leave room for future research to test the theory more robustly.
    [Show full text]