South Sudan: Keeping Faith with the IGAD Peace Process
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South Sudan: Opportunities and Challenges for Africa’S Newest Country
The Republic of South Sudan: Opportunities and Challenges for Africa’s Newest Country Ted Dagne Specialist in African Affairs July 1, 2011 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R41900 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress The Republic of South Sudan: Opportunities and Challenges for Africa’s Newest Country Summary In January 2011, South Sudan held a referendum to decide between unity or independence from the central government of Sudan as called for by the Comprehensive Peace Agreement that ended the country’s decades-long civil war in 2005. According to the South Sudan Referendum Commission (SSRC), 98.8% of the votes cast were in favor of separation. In February 2011, Sudanese President Omar Hassan al-Bashir officially accepted the referendum result, as did the United Nations, the African Union, the European Union, the United States, and other countries. On July 9, 2011, South Sudan is to officially declare its independence. The Obama Administration welcomed the outcome of the referendum and pledged to recognize South Sudan as an independent country in July 2011. The Administration is expected to send a high-level presidential delegation to South Sudan’s independence celebration on July 9, 2011. A new ambassador is also expected to be named to South Sudan. South Sudan faces a number of challenges in the coming years. Relations between Juba, in South Sudan, and Khartoum are poor, and there are a number of unresolved issues between them. The crisis in the disputed area of Abyei remains a contentious issue, despite a temporary agreement reached in mid-June 2011. -
Addis PEACE a 411St ME HEADS O BANJUL, 30 DECEM AFRICAN
AFRICAN UNION UNION AFRICAINE UNIÃO AFRICANA Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, P.O. Box: 3243 Tel.: (251‐11) 5513 822 Fax: (251‐11) 5519 321 Email: situationroom@africa‐union.org PEACE AND SECURITY COUNCIL 411st MEETING AT THE LEVEL OF HEADS OF STATE AND GOVERNMENT BANJUL, THE GAMBIA 30 DECEMBER 2013 PSC/AHG/3(CDXI) REPORT OF THE CHAIRPERSON OFF THE COMMISSION ON THE SITUATION IN SOUTH SUDAN PSC/AHG/3(CDXI) Page 1 REPORT OF THE CHAIRPERSON OF THE COMMISSION ON THE SITUATION IN SOUTH SUDAN I. INTRODUCTION 1. The present report is submitted in the context of the meeting of Council to be held in Banjul, The Gambia, on 30 December 2013, to deliberate on the unfolding situation in South Sudan. The conflict in South Sudan erupted on 15 December, in the context of a political challenge to the President of the Republic of South Sudan, from leading members of the ruling party, the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM). This rapidly mutated into violent confrontation and rebellion. The conflict imperils the lives and wellbeing of South Sudanese, jeopardizes the future of the young nation, and is a threat to regional peace and security. 2. The report provides a background to the current crisis, a chronology of the events of the last six months and an overview of the regional, continental and international response. The report concludes with observations on the way forward. II. BACKGROUND 3. The current conflict represents the accumulation of unresolved political disputes within the leadership of the SPLM. The leaders had disagreements on fundamental aspects of the party and country’s leadership, governance and direction. -
Taming the Intractable Inter-Ethnic Conflict in the Ilemi Triangle
International Journal of Innovative Research and Knowledge Volume-3 Issue-7, July-2018 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF INNOVATIVE RESEARCH AND KNOWLEDGE ISSN-2213-1356 www.ijirk.com TAMING THE INTRACTABLE INTER-ETHNIC CONFLICT IN THE ILEMI TRIANGLE PETERLINUS OUMA ODOTE, PHD Abstract This article provides an overview of the historical trends of conflict in the Ilemi triangle, exploring the issues, the nature, context and dynamics of these conflicts. The author endeavours to deepen the understanding of the trends of conflict. A consideration on the discourse on the historical development is given attention. The article’s core is conflict between the five ethnic communities that straddle this disputed triangle namely: the Didinga and Toposa from South Sudan; the Nyangatom, who move around South Sudan and Ethiopia; the Dassenach, who have settled East of the Triangle in Ethiopia; and the Turkana in Kenya. The article delineates different factors that promote conflict in this triangle and how these have impacted on pastoralism as a way of livelihood for the five communities. Lastly, the article discusses the possible ways to deal with the intractable conflict in the Ilemi Triangle. Introduction Ilemi triangle is an arid hilly terrain bordering Kenya, South Sudan and Ethiopia, that has hit the headlines and catapulted onto the international centre stage for the wrong reasons in the recent past. Retrospectively, the three countries have been harshly criticized for failure to contain conflict among ethnic communities that straddle this contested area. Perhaps there is no better place that depicts the opinion that the strong do what they will and the weak suffer what they must than the Ilemi does. -
Conflict and Crisis in South Sudan's Equatoria
SPECIAL REPORT NO. 493 | APRIL 2021 UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE www.usip.org Conflict and Crisis in South Sudan’s Equatoria By Alan Boswell Contents Introduction ...................................3 Descent into War ..........................4 Key Actors and Interests ............ 9 Conclusion and Recommendations ...................... 16 Thomas Cirillo, leader of the Equatoria-based National Salvation Front militia, addresses the media in Rome on November 2, 2019. (Photo by Andrew Medichini/AP) Summary • In 2016, South Sudan’s war expand- Equatorians—a collection of diverse South Sudan’s transitional period. ed explosively into the country’s minority ethnic groups—are fighting • On a national level, conflict resolu- southern region, Equatoria, trig- for more autonomy, local or regional, tion should pursue shared sover- gering a major refugee crisis. Even and a remedy to what is perceived eignty among South Sudan’s con- after the 2018 peace deal, parts of as (primarily) Dinka hegemony. stituencies and regions, beyond Equatoria continue to be active hot • Equatorian elites lack the external power sharing among elites. To spots for national conflict. support to viably pursue their ob- resolve underlying grievances, the • The war in Equatoria does not fit jectives through violence. The gov- political process should be expand- neatly into the simplified narratives ernment in Juba, meanwhile, lacks ed to include consultations with of South Sudan’s war as a power the capacity and local legitimacy to local community leaders. The con- struggle for the center; nor will it be definitively stamp out the rebellion. stitutional reform process of South addressed by peacebuilding strate- Both sides should pursue a nego- Sudan’s current transitional period gies built off those precepts. -
Delimitation of the Elastic Ilemi Triangle: Pastoral Conflicts and Official Indifference in the Horn of Africa
Delimitation Of The Elastic Ilemi Triangle: Pastoral Conflicts and Official Indifference in the Horn Of Africa NENE MBURU ABSTRACT This article observes that although scholars have addressed the problem of the inherited colonial boundaries in Africa, there are lacunae in our knowledge of the complexity of demarcating the Kenya-Sudan-Ethiopia tri-junctional point known as the Ilemi Triangle. Apart from being a gateway to an area of Sudan rich in unexplored oil reserves, Ilemi is only significant for its dry season pastures that support communities of different countries. By analyzing why, until recently, the Ilemi has been ‘unwanted’ and hence not economically developed by any regional government, the article aims to historically elucidate differences of perception and significance of the area between the authorities and the local herders. On the one hand, the forage-rich pastures of Ilemi have been the casus belli (cause for war) among transhumant communities of Sudan, Ethiopia, Uganda, and Kenya, and an enigma to colonial surveyors who could not determine their ‘ownership’ and extent. On the other hand, failure to administer the region in the last century reflects the lack of attractiveness to the authorities that have not agreed on security and grazing arrangements for the benefit of their respective nomadic populations. This article places the disputed ‘triangle’ of conflict into historical, anthropological, sociological and political context. The closing reflections assess the future of the dispute in view of the current initiative by the USA to end the 19-year-old civil war in Sudan and promote the country’s relationship with her neighbors particularly Uganda, Kenya, and Ethiopia. -
P0249-P0262.Pdf
THE CONDOR VOLUME 57 SEPTEMBER-OCTOBER. 19.55 NUMBER 5 A SYSTEMATIC REVISION AND NATURAL HISTORY OF THE SHINING SUNBIRD OF AFRICA By JOHN G. WILLIAMS The ,Shining Sunbird (Cinnyris habessinicus Hemprich and Ehrenberg) has a com- paratively restricted distribution in the northeastern part of the Ethiopian region. It occurs sporadically from the northern districts of Kenya Colony and northeastern Uganda northward to Saudi Arabia, but it apparently is absent from the highlands of Ethiopia (Abyssinia) above 5000 feet. The adult male is one of the most brightly col- ored African sunbirds, the upper parts and throat being brilliant metallic green, often with a golden sheen on the mantle, and the crown violet or blue. Across the breast is a bright red band, varying in width, depth of color, and brilliance in the various races, bordered on each side by yellow pectoral tufts; the abdomen is black. The female is drab gray or brown and exhibits a well-marked color cline, the most southerly birds being pale and those to the northward becoming gradually darker and terminating with the blackish-brown female of the most northerly subspecies. In the present study I am retaining, with some reluctance, the genus Cinnyris for the speciesunder review. I agree in the main with Delacour’s treatment of the group in his paper ( 1944) “A Review of the Family Nectariniidae (Sunbirds) ” and admit that the genus Nectarinia, in its old, restricted sense, based upon the length of the central pair of rectrices in the adult male, is derived from a number of different stocks and is ur+ sound. -
Country Report Sudan at a Glance: 2003-04
Country Report June 2003 Sudan Sudan at a glance: 2003-04 OVERVIEW The peace process between the government and the leading southern rebel force, the Sudan People’s Liberation Army, will be kept alive by international pressure, although little of substance will be agreed in the short term. A ceasefire remains in effect until the end of June, while talks have been suspended until July. A US presidential report to Congress on the commitment of the Sudanese government to peace avoided calling for sanctions, signalling US support for ongoing dialogue. A significant rise in oil exports and a recovery in non-oil exports in 2003 are expected to ensure strong real GDP growth of 5.9%, slowing marginally to 5.3% in 2004. The current-account deficit, however, will widen over the forecast period to US$1.74bn by end-2004 (9.6% of GDP). Key changes from last month Political outlook • With halting progress in the peace talks, the political outlook is dependent upon the continued commitment to negotiations. Many obstacles remain, not least the role of the opposition groups not included in the talks and the growing unrest in the west of the country. Economic policy outlook • The government will not veer from its commitment to IMF-led policies, although expenditure may stray beyond agreed limits. Economic policy will continue to centre on balancing the budget through subsidy cutting and raising taxes. These measures, combined with a revised oil price forecast, will result in a reduced budget deficit of SD5.5bn (US$21.1m; 0.1% of GDP) in 2003, which will then widen in 2004 to SD33bn. -
Interna Tional Edition
Number 2 2014 ISSN 2196-3940 INTERNATIONAL South Sudan’s Newest War: When Two Old Men Divide a Nation Carlo Koos and Thea Gutschke A political power struggle between South Sudanese president Salva Kiir and former vice president Riek Machar resulted in violent clashes between ethnic army factions in December 2013. Since then fighting has spread across South Sudan and claimed the lives of around 10,000 people. Analysis South Sudan has experienced several insurgencies since gaining independence in 2011. Nevertheless, the current war has the potential to be more destructive to the country than previous ones because both parties – President Salva Kiir, an ethnic Dinka, and his opponent, former vice president Riek Machar, an ethnic Nuer – are instrumentalizing ethnic identities and pulling their communities into their personal feud. A number of latent issues have contributed to the current crisis. These include South Sudan’s dysfunctional political system and inadequate political leadership, the historical distrust between the Dinka and the Nuer, and the country’s unhealthy EDITION dependence on oil rents. The civilian population is carrying the cost of the conflict. More than 10,000 people have been killed and more than one million displaced since the outbreak of the latest violence. Livelihoods have been destroyed and more than 3.7 million people, approximately a third of the population, are estimated to be at risk of food insecurity. The short- and long-term economic consequences for South Sudan are harsh. Oil production has dropped by 40 percent, severely affecting the state’s budget. Trade has suffered. In the long run, political instability will jeopardize foreign direct investment in South Sudan. -
Hostilities Between Sudan and South Sudan a Timeline of Recent Events
Hostilities between Sudan and South Sudan A Timeline of Recent Events April 2012 February 11, 2012: Sudan and South Sudan sign a “non-aggression” pact during talks in Addis Ababa agreeing to “respect for each other’s sovereignty and territorial integrity” and to “refrain from launching any attack, including bombardment.” 1 March 13, 2012: Sudan and South Sudan initial two agreements in Addis Ababa that, if signed, would grant South Sudanese and Sudanese citizens certain freedoms in the other state, and commit the two states to a timeline to demarcate the agreed-upon areas of the North-South border.2 The round of talks concludes in a new “spirit of coopera- tion,” and with the announcement that the agreements would be signed in a bilateral summit attended by the two heads of states in Juba.3 March 23, 2012: Pagan Amum, South Sudan’s chief negotiator in talks with Sudan over outstanding post-independence issues, travels to Khartoum and personally delivers a letter of invitation to the President al-Bashir to join in a summit with Kiir in South Sudan. Bashir accepts the invitation.4 March 26, 2012: Clashes break out between Sudan’s and South Sudan’s armies in the disputed oil-rich area of Heglig.5 Both sides trade accusations about who instigated the violence. Southern officials accuse Khartoum of bombing southern troops in the disputed border area of Jau and of launching a ground attack on South Sudan bases south of Heglig oil field. Khartoum denies bombing Jau and accuses South Sudan of attacking Heglig with the support of Darfur rebels. -
Land and Conflict in the Ilemi Triangle of East Africa
Land and Conflict in the Ilemi Triangle of East Africa By Maurice N. Amutabi Abstract Insecurity among the nations of the Horn of Africa is often concentrated in the nomadic pastoralist areas. Why? Is the pastoralist economy, which revolves around livestock, raiding and counter-raiding to blame for the violence? Why are rebel movements in the Horn, such the Lord‟s Resistance Army (LRA) in Uganda, the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) in Ethiopia, several warlords in Somalia, etc, situated in nomadic pastoralist areas? Is the nomadic lifestyle to blame for lack of commitment to the ideals of any one nation? Why have the countries in the Horn failed to absorb and incorporate nomadic pastoralists in their structures and institutions, forty years after independence? Utilizing a political economy approach, this article seeks to answer these questions, and more. This article is both a historical and philosophical interrogation of questions of nationhood and nationalism vis-à-vis the transient or mobile nature that these nomadic pastoralist “nations” apparently represent. It scrutinizes the absence of physical and emotional belonging and attachment that is often displayed by these peoples through their actions, often seen as unpatriotic, such as raiding, banditry, rustling and killing for cattle. The article assesses the place of transient and migratory ethnic groups in the nation-state, especially their lack of fixed abodes in any one nation-state and how this plays out in the countries of the region. I pay special attention to cross-border migratory ethnic groups that inhabit the semi-desert areas of the Sudan- Kenya-Ethiopia-Somalia borderlines as case studies. -
2002-04-07 ASSOCIATE PARLIAMENTARY GROUP On
ASSOCIATE PARLIAMENTARY GROUP ON SUDAN Visit to Sudan 7th - 12th April 2002 Facilitated by Christian Aid, Oxfam GB, Save the Children, Tearfund, and the British Embassy, Khartoum ASSOCIATE PARLIAMENTARY GROUP ON SUDAN Visit to Sudan 7th - 12th April 2002 Facilitated by Christian Aid, Oxfam GB, Save the Children, Tearfund, and the British Embassy, Khartoum Associate Parliamentary Group on Sudan 1 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS We visited Sudan between April 6th and 13th 2002 under the auspices of the Associate Parliamentary Group for Sudan accompanied by HM Ambassador to Sudan Richard Makepeace, Dan Silvey of Christian Aid and the Group co-ordinator Colin Robertson. Our grateful thanks go to Colin and Dan for their superb organisation, tolerance and patience, to Christian Aid, Oxfam GB, Save the Children and Tearfund for their financial and logistical support, and to Ambassador Makepeace for his unfailing courtesy, deep knowledge of the current situation and crucial introductions. Our visit to southern Sudan could not have gone ahead without the hospitality and support of Susan from Unicef in Rumbek and Julie from Tearfund at Maluakon. As well as being grateful to them and their organisations we are enormously impressed by their courage and commitment to helping people in such difficult and challenging circumstances. Thanks to the efforts of these and many others we were able to pack a huge number of meetings and discussions into a few days, across several hundred miles of the largest country in Africa. The primary purpose of our visit was to listen and learn. Everyone talked to us of peace, and of their ideas about the sort of political settlement needed to ensure that such a peace would be sustainable, with every part of the country developed for the benefit of all of its people. -
The Turkana Grazing Factor in Kenya-South Sudan Ilemi Triangle Border Dispute
International Journal of Innovative Research and Advanced Studies (IJIRAS) ISSN: 2394-4404 Volume 6 Issue 8, August 2019 The Turkana Grazing Factor In Kenya-South Sudan Ilemi Triangle Border Dispute James Kiprono Kibon PhD Candidate, Department of International Relations, United States International University-Africa , Nairobi, Kenya Abstract: This article examines the place of the customary grazing grounds of the Turkana, which was one of the most salient factors in the making of what is today the Kenya- South Sudan boundary. It is argued in this article that while the making of the Kenya-South Sudan boundary was driven by British colonial interests, the issue of the customary grazing grounds of the Turkana was major consideration in the actual demarcation. The Kenya-South Sudan boundary was the outcome of a deliberate effort to delimit the customary grazing grounds of the Turkana in the Ilemi area between 1914 and 1950. The northward evolution of the Kenya-South Sudan border from the Uganda Line reflected in the series of boundary adjustments gave birth to the disputed Ilemi Triangle border. The boundary changes were majorly driven by the quest to determine the northern extent of the customary grazing grounds of the Turkana, based on the provision of a second alternative boundary option by 1914 Uganda Order in Council. It is argued in this article that unlike other Africa’s colonial boundaries, the Kenya-South Sudan boundary was conceived with the objective of placing all the customary grazing grounds of the Turkana in Uganda and Kenya. This article therefore, argues that just as Turkana grazing grounds was key crucial factor in the emergence of the Kenya-South Sudan boundary, it is also central to the Ilemi Triangle border dispute.