Nigeria's Peace Keeping Role in Darfur
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Kareem Olawale Bestoyin*
Historia Actual Online, 46 (2), 2018: 43-57 ISSN: 1696-2060 OIL, POLITICS AND CONFLICTS IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF NIGERIA AND SOUTH SUDAN Kareem Olawale Bestoyin* *University of Lagos, Nigeria. E-mail: [email protected] Recibido: 3 septiembre 2017 /Revisado: 28 septiembre 2017 /Aceptado: 12 diciembre 2017 /Publicado: 15 junio 2018 Resumen: A lo largo de los años, el Áfica sub- experiencing endemic conflicts whose conse- sahariana se ha convertido en sinónimo de con- quences have been under development and flictos. De todas las causas conocidas de conflic- abject poverty. In both countries, oil and poli- tos en África, la obtención de abundantes re- tics seem to be the driving force of most of cursos parece ser el más prominente y letal. these conflicts. This paper uses secondary data Nigeria y Sudán del Sur son algunos de los mu- and qualitative methodology to appraise how chos países ricos en recursos en el África sub- the struggle for the hegemony of oil resources sahariana que han experimentado conflictos shapes and reshapes the trajectories of con- endémicos cuyas consecuencias han sido el flicts in both countries. Hence this paper de- subdesarrollo y la miserable pobreza. En ambos ploys structural functionalism as the framework países, el petróleo y las políticas parecen ser el of analysis. It infers that until the structures of hilo conductor de la mayoría de estos conflic- governance are strengthened enough to tackle tos. Este artículo utiliza metodología de análisis the developmental needs of the citizenry, nei- de datos secundarios y cualitativos para evaluar ther the amnesty programme adopted by the cómo la pugna por la hegemonía de los recur- Nigerian government nor peace agreements sos energéticos moldea las trayectorias de los adopted by the government of South Sudan can conflictos en ambos países. -
Anchoring the African Internet Ecosystem
Anchoring the African Internet Ecosystem Anchoring the African Internet Ecosystem: Lessons from Kenya and Nigeria’s Internet Exchange Point Growth By Michael Kende June 2020 CC BY-NC-SA 4.0 internetsociety.org 1 Anchoring the African Internet Ecosystem Table of contents 3 Executive summary 6 Background: A vision for Africa 8 Introduction: How to get there from here 13 Success stories: Kenya and Nigeria today 18 Results that stand the test of time 20 Change factors: Replicable steps toward measurable outcomes 27 Market gaps 29 Recommendations 33 Conclusions 34 Annex A: Kenya Internet Exchange Point 35 Annex B: Internet Exchange Point of Nigeria 36 Annex C: Acknowledgments 37 Annex D: Glossary of terms 38 Annex E: List of figures and tables CC BY-NC-SA 4.0 internetsociety.org 2 Anchoring the African Internet Ecosystem Executive summary In 2010, the Internet Society’s team in Africa set an The rapid pace of Internet ecosystem ambitious goal that 80% of African Internet traffic development in both Kenya and Nigeria since would be locally accessible by 2020. 2012 underscores the critical role that IXPs Internet Exchange Points (IXPs) are key to realizing and the accompanying infrastructure play in this goal in that they enable local traffic exchange and the establishment of strong and sustainable access to content. To document this role, in 2012, the Internet ecosystems. Internet Society commissioned a study to identify and quantify the significant benefits of two leading African This development produces significant day-to-day IXPs at the time: KIXP in Kenya and IXPN in Nigeria. value—the present COVID-19 crisis magnifies one such The Internet Society is pleased to publish this update benefit in the smooth accommodation of sudden of the original study. -
Nigeria's Constitution of 1999
PDF generated: 26 Aug 2021, 16:42 constituteproject.org Nigeria's Constitution of 1999 This complete constitution has been generated from excerpts of texts from the repository of the Comparative Constitutions Project, and distributed on constituteproject.org. constituteproject.org PDF generated: 26 Aug 2021, 16:42 Table of contents Preamble . 5 Chapter I: General Provisions . 5 Part I: Federal Republic of Nigeria . 5 Part II: Powers of the Federal Republic of Nigeria . 6 Chapter II: Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy . 13 Chapter III: Citizenship . 17 Chapter IV: Fundamental Rights . 20 Chapter V: The Legislature . 28 Part I: National Assembly . 28 A. Composition and Staff of National Assembly . 28 B. Procedure for Summoning and Dissolution of National Assembly . 29 C. Qualifications for Membership of National Assembly and Right of Attendance . 32 D. Elections to National Assembly . 35 E. Powers and Control over Public Funds . 36 Part II: House of Assembly of a State . 40 A. Composition and Staff of House of Assembly . 40 B. Procedure for Summoning and Dissolution of House of Assembly . 41 C. Qualification for Membership of House of Assembly and Right of Attendance . 43 D. Elections to a House of Assembly . 45 E. Powers and Control over Public Funds . 47 Chapter VI: The Executive . 50 Part I: Federal Executive . 50 A. The President of the Federation . 50 B. Establishment of Certain Federal Executive Bodies . 58 C. Public Revenue . 61 D. The Public Service of the Federation . 63 Part II: State Executive . 65 A. Governor of a State . 65 B. Establishment of Certain State Executive Bodies . -
The Fall of Al-Bashir: Mapping Contestation Forces in Sudan
Bawader, 12th April 2019 The Fall of al-Bashir: Mapping Contestation Forces in Sudan → Magdi El-Gizouli Protests in Khartoum calling for regime change © EPA-EFE/STR What is the Sudanese Professionals Association (SPA) anyway, perplexed commentators and news anchors on Sudan’s government-aligned television channels asked repetitively as if bound by a spell? An anchor on the BBC Arabic Channel described the SPA as “mysterious” and “bewildering”. Most were asking about the apparently unfathomable body that has taken the Sudanese political scene by surprise since December 2018 when the ongoing wave of popular protests against President Omar al-Bashir’s 30-year authoritarian rule began. The initial spark of protests came from Atbara, a dusty town pressed between the Nile and the desert some 350km north of the capital, Khartoum. A crowd of school pupils, market labourers and university students raged against the government in response to an abrupt tripling of the price of bread as a result of the government’s removal of wheat subsidies. Protestors in several towns across the country set fire to the headquarters of the ruling National Congress Party (NCP) and stormed local government offices and Zakat Chamber1 storehouses taking food items in a show of popular sovereignty. Territorial separation and economic freefall Since the independence of South Sudan in 2011, Sudan’s economy has been experiencing a freefall as the bulk of its oil and government revenues withered away almost overnight. Currency depreciation, hyperinflation and dwindling foreign currency reserves coupled with the rise in the prices of good and a banking crisis with severe cash supply shortages, have all contributed to the economic crisis. -
CIFORB Country Profile – Nigeria
CIFORB Country Profile – Nigeria Demographics • Nigeria has a population of 186,053,386 (July 2016 estimate), making it Africa's largest and the world's seventh largest country by population. Almost two thirds of its population (62 per cent) are under the age of 25 years, and 43 per cent are under the age of 15. Just under half the population lives in urban areas, including over 21 million in Lagos, Africa’s largest city and one of the fastest-growing cities in the world. • Nigeria has over 250 ethnic groups, the most populous and politically influential being Hausa-Fulani 29%, Yoruba 21%, Igbo (Ibo) 18%, Ijaw 10%, Kanuri 4%, Ibibio 3.5%, Tiv 2.5%. • It also has over 500 languages, with English being the official language. Religious Affairs • The majority of Nigerians are (mostly Sunni) Muslims or (mostly Protestant) Christians, with estimates varying about which religion is larger. There is a significant number of adherents of other religions, including indigenous animistic religions. • It is difficult and perhaps not sensible to separate religious, ethnic and regional divides in Nigerian domestic politics. In simplified terms, the country can be broken down between the predominantly Hausa-Fulani and Kunari, and Muslim, northern states, the predominantly Igbo, and Christian, south-eastern states, the predominantly Yoruba, and religiously mixed, central and south-western states, and the predominantly Ogoni and Ijaw, and Christian, Niger Delta region. Or, even more simply, the ‘Muslim north’ and the ‘Christian south’ – finely balanced in terms of numbers, and thus regularly competing for ‘a winner-take-all fight for presidential power between regions.’1 Although Nigeria’s main political parties are pan-national and secular in character, they have strong regional, ethnic and religious patterns of support. -
G U I N E a Liberia Sierra Leone
The boundaries and names shown and the designations Mamou used on this map do not imply official endorsement or er acceptance by the United Nations. Nig K o L le n o G UINEA t l e a SIERRA Kindia LEONEFaranah Médina Dula Falaba Tabili ba o s a g Dubréka K n ie c o r M Musaia Gberia a c S Fotombu Coyah Bafodia t a e r G Kabala Banian Konta Fandié Kamakwie Koinadugu Bendugu Forécariah li Kukuna Kamalu Fadugu Se Bagbe r Madina e Bambaya g Jct. i ies NORTHERN N arc Sc Kurubonla e Karina tl it Mateboi Alikalia L Yombiro Kambia M Pendembu Bumbuna Batkanu a Bendugu b Rokupr o l e Binkolo M Mange Gbinti e Kortimaw Is. Kayima l Mambolo Makeni i Bendou Bodou Port Loko Magburaka Tefeya Yomadu Lunsar Koidu-Sefadu li Masingbi Koundou e a Lungi Pepel S n Int'l Airport or a Matotoka Yengema R el p ok m Freetown a Njaiama Ferry Masiaka Mile 91 P Njaiama- Wellington a Yele Sewafe Tongo Gandorhun o Hastings Yonibana Tungie M Koindu WESTERN Songo Bradford EAS T E R N AREA Waterloo Mongeri York Rotifunk Falla Bomi Kailahun Buedu a i Panguma Moyamba a Taiama Manowa Giehun Bauya T Boajibu Njala Dambara Pendembu Yawri Bendu Banana Is. Bay Mano Lago Bo Segbwema Daru Shenge Sembehun SOUTHE R N Gerihun Plantain Is. Sieromco Mokanje Kenema Tikonko Bumpe a Blama Gbangbatok Sew Tokpombu ro Kpetewoma o Sh Koribundu M erb Nitti ro River a o i Turtle Is. o M h Sumbuya a Sherbro I. -
Horizontal Inequalities in Nigeria, Ghana and Côte D'ivoire
Department of International Development, University of Oxford Horizontal Inequalities in Nigeria, Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire: Issues and Policies CRISE WORKING PAPER No. 45 By Arnim Langer, Abdul Raufu Mustapha and Frances Stewart March 2007 Centre for Research on Inequality, Human Security and Ethnicity, CRISE Queen Elizabeth House, University of Oxford, Mansfield Rd, OX1 3TB, UK Tel: +44 1865 281810; Fax: +44 1865 281801; http://www.crise.ox.ac.uk/ CRISE Working Paper No. 45 Horizontal Inequalities in Nigeria, Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire: Issues and Policies Abstract Horizontal inequalities (HIs) are inequalities among groups with common felt cultural identities. These identities follow different lines across societies and across time. They include ethnic, religious, racial, or regional affiliations. HIs are multidimensional, including inequalities in access to political, economic and social resources, as well as in cultural recognition and status. Not only does unequal access to political, economic, and social resources and inequalities of cultural status have a serious negative impact on the welfare of members of poorer groups, but the presence of severe HIs, especially where consistent across dimensions and across salient group identities, has also been shown to increase the likelihood of the emergence of violent conflict in multiethnic societies. In this paper, we analyse and discuss the prevailing HIs in the three West African countries in which CRISE has done research for the past four years: Nigeria, Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire. In addition to discussing the nature and extent of the prevailing HIs, we review a range of country-specific policy recommendations that could contribute to reducing both actual and perceived HIs in the political, economic and cultural status dimensions in each of these countries. -
Country Report Sudan at a Glance: 2003-04
Country Report June 2003 Sudan Sudan at a glance: 2003-04 OVERVIEW The peace process between the government and the leading southern rebel force, the Sudan People’s Liberation Army, will be kept alive by international pressure, although little of substance will be agreed in the short term. A ceasefire remains in effect until the end of June, while talks have been suspended until July. A US presidential report to Congress on the commitment of the Sudanese government to peace avoided calling for sanctions, signalling US support for ongoing dialogue. A significant rise in oil exports and a recovery in non-oil exports in 2003 are expected to ensure strong real GDP growth of 5.9%, slowing marginally to 5.3% in 2004. The current-account deficit, however, will widen over the forecast period to US$1.74bn by end-2004 (9.6% of GDP). Key changes from last month Political outlook • With halting progress in the peace talks, the political outlook is dependent upon the continued commitment to negotiations. Many obstacles remain, not least the role of the opposition groups not included in the talks and the growing unrest in the west of the country. Economic policy outlook • The government will not veer from its commitment to IMF-led policies, although expenditure may stray beyond agreed limits. Economic policy will continue to centre on balancing the budget through subsidy cutting and raising taxes. These measures, combined with a revised oil price forecast, will result in a reduced budget deficit of SD5.5bn (US$21.1m; 0.1% of GDP) in 2003, which will then widen in 2004 to SD33bn. -
2002-04-07 ASSOCIATE PARLIAMENTARY GROUP On
ASSOCIATE PARLIAMENTARY GROUP ON SUDAN Visit to Sudan 7th - 12th April 2002 Facilitated by Christian Aid, Oxfam GB, Save the Children, Tearfund, and the British Embassy, Khartoum ASSOCIATE PARLIAMENTARY GROUP ON SUDAN Visit to Sudan 7th - 12th April 2002 Facilitated by Christian Aid, Oxfam GB, Save the Children, Tearfund, and the British Embassy, Khartoum Associate Parliamentary Group on Sudan 1 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS We visited Sudan between April 6th and 13th 2002 under the auspices of the Associate Parliamentary Group for Sudan accompanied by HM Ambassador to Sudan Richard Makepeace, Dan Silvey of Christian Aid and the Group co-ordinator Colin Robertson. Our grateful thanks go to Colin and Dan for their superb organisation, tolerance and patience, to Christian Aid, Oxfam GB, Save the Children and Tearfund for their financial and logistical support, and to Ambassador Makepeace for his unfailing courtesy, deep knowledge of the current situation and crucial introductions. Our visit to southern Sudan could not have gone ahead without the hospitality and support of Susan from Unicef in Rumbek and Julie from Tearfund at Maluakon. As well as being grateful to them and their organisations we are enormously impressed by their courage and commitment to helping people in such difficult and challenging circumstances. Thanks to the efforts of these and many others we were able to pack a huge number of meetings and discussions into a few days, across several hundred miles of the largest country in Africa. The primary purpose of our visit was to listen and learn. Everyone talked to us of peace, and of their ideas about the sort of political settlement needed to ensure that such a peace would be sustainable, with every part of the country developed for the benefit of all of its people. -
Sudan Liberation Army-Abdul Wahid (SLA-AW)
Sudan Liberation Army-Abdul Wahid (SLA-AW) Origins/composition The SLA was formed in 2001 by an alliance of Fur and Zaghawa. From the start, the two had markedly different agendas. The Fur leaders of the SLA supported the democratic, decentralized ‘New Sudan’ advocated by the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) and envisaged their rebellion as being essentially anti-government. Most Zaghawa wanted to organize not against the government but against the Arab militias with whom they were in competition in North Darfur, including over the lucrative camel trade. By the end of 2002, tensions were running deep. In mid-2004, the Zaghawa attacked the Fur heartland, Jebel Marra. Since then the movement has split into a dozen factions, largely along tribal lines. All attempts to reunify it have failed. Leadership Abdul Wahid Mohamed al Nur, the original chairman of the SLA, is a Khartoum- educated lawyer who since the beginning of the insurgency has spent more time outside Darfur than inside. Increasingly contested by his own commanders because of his erratic, micromanaging style of leadership and failure to establish institutions, Abdul Wahid settled in Paris when the Abuja peace talks ended in 2006. Despite France’s support, he refused to engage in internationally-sponsored peace talks and often refused even to meet high-level visitors—including prominent members of his own tribe who had travelled from Sudan for the sole purpose of engaging with him. Abdul Wahid remained in Paris until the end of 2010, when he moved to Nairobi and began shuttling between Kenya and Uganda. Although his departure from Paris was depicted as a move to engage SLA commanders in consultations to reorganize the movement, it was in reality prompted by a French government decision not to renew his residency. -
Explaining the Darfur Peace Agreement – May 2006
Explaining the Darfur Peace Agreement – May 2006 An open letter to those members of the movements who are still reluctant to sign from the African Union moderators We are writing this open letter to our dear friends and colleagues in the Sudan Liberation Movement/Army and Justice and Equality Movement, who are hesitating to support the Darfur Peace Agreement that was presented by the African Union Mediation to the Parties on 25 April, and which was enhanced with the support of the United States, United Kingdom, Canada and the European Union, and signed by Dr. Magzoub el Khalifa on behalf of the Government of Sudan and Mr. Minni Arkoy Minawi on behalf of the Sudan Liberation Movement/Army, on 5 May. Although we are members of the Mediation Team in Abuja, we are writing this as individuals who are deeply concerned with the situation in Darfur and committed to bringing about peace. We are concentrating on the actual paragraphs of the Darfur Peace Agreement, explaining its provisions, rather than exploring the wider political context and choices facing the leaders of the Movements. We believe that the Darfur Peace Agreement represents a good deal for the Movements and for the people of Darfur. It is not perfect and it does not meet all the aspirations of the Movements. But it is a very strong deal in each of three main areas: power-sharing, wealth-sharing and security arrangements. And the Darfur Peace Agreement has stronger guarantees for implementation than any other peace agreement in this African continent. In this open letter, let us explain some of the most important provisions of the Darfur Peace Agreement. -
Oil and Conflict in Sudan
Sudan Update - Raising the stakes - Oil and conflict in Sudan SUDAN UPDATE Raising the stakes: Oil and conflict in Sudan 1 Sudan Update - Raising the stakes - Oil and conflict in Sudan Reports: Oil Raising the stakes: Oil and conflict in Sudan 1 - Introduction OIL BOOM? On 30 August 1999, Sudan filled its first tanker-load of oil. A gigantic pipeline snaking up from oilfields over 1600 kilometres into the African hinterland was at last disgorging 100,000 barrels a day of crude oil at a nearly-completed marine terminal near Port Sudan, on the Red Sea. It offered fulfilment of countless promises of oil wealth that had been repeated to the Sudanese people by their rulers over the last quarter of a century. Billions of dollars had been invested, first in exploration, then pipeline, refinery and terminal construction. Now Sudan, Africa's largest country, could join OPEC and hold its head up as an oil exporter alongside Saudi Arabia and Libya, said Sudan's government ministers. Their critics replied that if it did join OPEC it would be politically insignificant alongside the major producers. Better parallels would be with the repression, sabotage, corruption and pollution encountered in Burma, Colombia or the Niger Delta. Just three weeks later, on 20 September 1999, opponents of Sudan's military regime blew a hole in the newly-completed pipeline. The explosion took place just outside the town of Atbara, the centre of Sudan's railway industry, on the river Nile above Khartoum. The location is important because - if one believed the oil companies or the government - it was so unlikely.