DOCSLIB.ORG

An Evaluation of Nigeria – South Africa Bilateral Relations

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
An Evaluation of Nigeria – South Africa Bilateral Relations Journal of International Relations and Foreign Policy 1(1); June 2013 pp. 32-40 Ebegbulem An Evaluation of Nigeria – South Africa Bilateral Relations Joseph C. Ebegbulem Department of Political Science University of Calabar Calabar - Nigeria Abstract During the apartheid era, Nigeria amongst The paper will also look at how the presence of other independent African states fought for the many South African companies doing business liberation of their black brothers and sisters in in Nigeria has unproved trade relations between South Africa. Nigeria had no bilateral relations Nigeria and South Africa. with the government of South Africa, as the country was a pariah state in the international Key words: Bilateral, Democracy, community because of her apartheid posture. At Commission, Development, Economic Relations the dawn of democracy in South Africa and Nigeria, there was a dramatic change in Nigeria-South Africa Bilateral Relations attitude. Both countries became two African giants that will champion the repositioning of It is evident that since independence in 1960, Africa on the path of long term development and Africa has remained at the forefront of Nigeria's reduce her marginalization in the international foreign policy. This nucleus of her foreign economic relations. Today, they are regarded as policy saw the country committing herself emerging giants in the African continent. fanatically to decolonization of the African Nigeria enjoys economic dominance in the continent and eradication of racial western part of Africa while South Africa enjoys discrimination and domination. According to economic dominance in the southern part of Onouha (2008) "the first opportunity for Nigeria Africa. While Nigeria’s economy depends to implement her foreign policy on anti- heavily on the oil sector, which contributes 95 colonialism was provided by the Shapeville percent of her export revenue, South African massacre of 21st March 1960. During the economy is a diversified one, which includes incident, the white South African police manufacturing, financial and minerals, among attacked South African blacks protesting against others. This papers aims at focusing on various racial discrimination and domination." This bilateral relations that exist between both incident which led to the death of 72 blacks with nations; their roles in the establishment of many wounded "marked the beginning of NEPAD whose main objective is to eradicate Nigeria's diplomatic confrontations with South poverty in Africa and to place African countries Africa." This incidence and other ugly racial on the path of sustainable growth and incidences in South Africa saw Nigeria development; the establishment of South Africa- spearheading the call for political and economic Nigeria Bilateral Commission which aims at sanctions against the apartheid South Africa in increasing the amount of trade and investments the International Community. between South Africa and Nigeria. © American Research Institute for Policy Development 32 www.aripd.org/jirfp Journal of International Relations and Foreign Policy 1(1); June 2013 pp. 32-40 Ebegbulem Examples were the suspension of South Africa With democratic government in place in Nigeria from the Commonwealth in 1961 and the in 1999, Nigeria - South Africa relations became imposition of trade embargo under the auspices less confrontational but friendly and cordial. of the Organization of African Unity (O.A.U). Prior to 1999 South Africa had a poor political Nigeria was instrumental to the call for relationship with Nigeria. At the time, Nigeria complete isolation of South Africa by the was ruled by a military junta that was politically International Community. hostile to South Africa. This, however dramatically changed with the end of the As a result of the pressure mounted by Nigeria military government and the return of and other nations of the world, Non-government democracy in 1999. From that point on, the Organizations and influential individuals, the South African State built a strong relationship racist regime of South Africa collapsed in 1991. with the Nigerian government under the "With the obituary of apartheid in 1991, the leadership of Obasanjo and Yar'Adua. This need for change in diplomatic strategies arose." relationship was also helped by the fact that (Onuoha op. cit). The degree of the solidarity, Thabo Mbeki had formed a strong friendship support and sacrifice which the government and with Obasanjo and Yar'Adua when he was in people of Nigeria exhibited in the quest for the exile in Nigeria from 1976 to 1979 (Dubow elimination of apartheid and the enthronement 2000). of democracy and majority rule in South Africa was such that Nigeria, not minding the Nigeria and South Africa are the emerging geographical distance, became identified as a giants of Africa. Politically, both countries are frontline state. the dominant state entities in their respective sub-regions. They also have a history of At the dawn of democracy in South Africa, cooperation with, and involvement in, a range of Nigerians, especially the professionals, were continental projects like the New Partnership for part of those that started to migrate to South Africa’s Development (NEPAD). Africa. Part of the philosophy of those early migrants was to contribute to the much needed The two countries have always added their nation building in post apartheid South Africa. voices in appreciating the new commitment to African development programmes by the With a democratic and majority rule in place in developed world, and ensure that engagement South Africa in 1994, South Africa quickly with the developed world meets Africa's switched over the Pariah Status in the objective of extricating the continent from International Community with Nigeria. The underdevelopment. They have also worked military government in Nigeria with its human closely on conflict prevention and resolution, rights abuses attracted the wrath of the the establishment and operationalisation of the International Community. South Africa now African Union, and put forward a detailed became the "aggressor" as it used its position as blueprint for sustainable development for emerging African Superpower to campaign for Africa. the suspension of Nigeria from the Commonwealth and the United Nations. Bilateral Political Relations "Nigeria - South Africa confrontations reached Bilateral political relations between South its zenith in 1995 when the then South African Africa and Nigeria are strong with Nigeria President, Nelson Mandela vigorously considered as one of South Africa's important campaigned for the expulsion of Nigeria from partners on the African continent in advancing Commonwealth during the Commonwealth the vision of Africa's political and economic Summit in Auckland." renewal. © American Research Institute for Policy Development 33 www.aripd.org/jirfp Journal of International Relations and Foreign Policy 1(1); June 2013 pp. 32-40 Ebegbulem The leaders of both countries have traversed the Both countries have continuously stressed the globe spreading the idea of African renaissance imperative of ensuring that peace and stability - focusing largely on democracy, development becomes a reality in Africa. In one of their and security and seeking foreign investments to meetings in Abuja, the Heads of State Summit revive Africa's ailing economies. They have emphasized a need for an effective peer review called for greater international burden-sharing mechanism, which would be designed, owned in peacekeeping missions, campaigns for the and managed by Africans. This mechanism, the annulment of Africa's external debt, Heads of State emphasized, must be credible, championed better access for African goods transparent and all-encompassing, to entering western markets and called for Africa's demonstrate that African leaders are fully aware integration into the global economy in fairer of their responsibilities and obligations to their terms. peoples. It is noteworthy to emphasize that the It will be recalled that the former Heads of State institution of Peer Review mechanism was championed by Nigeria and South Africa. of Nigeria and South Africa, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo and Thabo Mbeki worked relentlessly Nepad: Nigeria - South Africa Initiative to lobby the rich nations of the world to focus greater attention on African problems. At the G- New Partnership for Africa's Development 8 meeting of the world's richest states in 2000, (NEPAD) is an African led strategy for both leaders argued strongly that the rich economic development and poverty eradication nations should forgive Africa's debt. Both had from the African continent. NEPAD recognizes called for technology and resource transfer from Africa's responsibility to create the conditions the West to Africa, criticizing the gap between for development by ending conflict, improving promise and delivery on the part of most economic and political governance and Western states. NEPAD, championed by Mbeki strengthening regional integration. It is based on and Obasanjo proposed a simple bargain: the the principles of good governance as basic West provides debt relief, opens its markets, requirement for peace, security and sustainable invests in Africa and supports peacekeeping political and socio-economic development. It is missions in exchange for democratic also based on African ownership and full accountability and financial probity by African utilization of African resources for leaders through a self-monitored peer review development. Nigeria and
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Kareem Olawale Bestoyin*
    Historia Actual Online, 46 (2), 2018: 43-57 ISSN: 1696-2060 OIL, POLITICS AND CONFLICTS IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF NIGERIA AND SOUTH SUDAN Kareem Olawale Bestoyin* *University of Lagos, Nigeria. E-mail: [email protected] Recibido: 3 septiembre 2017 /Revisado: 28 septiembre 2017 /Aceptado: 12 diciembre 2017 /Publicado: 15 junio 2018 Resumen: A lo largo de los años, el Áfica sub- experiencing endemic conflicts whose conse- sahariana se ha convertido en sinónimo de con- quences have been under development and flictos. De todas las causas conocidas de conflic- abject poverty. In both countries, oil and poli- tos en África, la obtención de abundantes re- tics seem to be the driving force of most of cursos parece ser el más prominente y letal. these conflicts. This paper uses secondary data Nigeria y Sudán del Sur son algunos de los mu- and qualitative methodology to appraise how chos países ricos en recursos en el África sub- the struggle for the hegemony of oil resources sahariana que han experimentado conflictos shapes and reshapes the trajectories of con- endémicos cuyas consecuencias han sido el flicts in both countries. Hence this paper de- subdesarrollo y la miserable pobreza. En ambos ploys structural functionalism as the framework países, el petróleo y las políticas parecen ser el of analysis. It infers that until the structures of hilo conductor de la mayoría de estos conflic- governance are strengthened enough to tackle tos. Este artículo utiliza metodología de análisis the developmental needs of the citizenry, nei- de datos secundarios y cualitativos para evaluar ther the amnesty programme adopted by the cómo la pugna por la hegemonía de los recur- Nigerian government nor peace agreements sos energéticos moldea las trayectorias de los adopted by the government of South Sudan can conflictos en ambos países.
    [Show full text]
  • Anchoring the African Internet Ecosystem
    Anchoring the African Internet Ecosystem Anchoring the African Internet Ecosystem: Lessons from Kenya and Nigeria’s Internet Exchange Point Growth By Michael Kende June 2020 CC BY-NC-SA 4.0 internetsociety.org 1 Anchoring the African Internet Ecosystem Table of contents 3 Executive summary 6 Background: A vision for Africa 8 Introduction: How to get there from here 13 Success stories: Kenya and Nigeria today 18 Results that stand the test of time 20 Change factors: Replicable steps toward measurable outcomes 27 Market gaps 29 Recommendations 33 Conclusions 34 Annex A: Kenya Internet Exchange Point 35 Annex B: Internet Exchange Point of Nigeria 36 Annex C: Acknowledgments 37 Annex D: Glossary of terms 38 Annex E: List of figures and tables CC BY-NC-SA 4.0 internetsociety.org 2 Anchoring the African Internet Ecosystem Executive summary In 2010, the Internet Society’s team in Africa set an The rapid pace of Internet ecosystem ambitious goal that 80% of African Internet traffic development in both Kenya and Nigeria since would be locally accessible by 2020. 2012 underscores the critical role that IXPs Internet Exchange Points (IXPs) are key to realizing and the accompanying infrastructure play in this goal in that they enable local traffic exchange and the establishment of strong and sustainable access to content. To document this role, in 2012, the Internet ecosystems. Internet Society commissioned a study to identify and quantify the significant benefits of two leading African This development produces significant day-to-day IXPs at the time: KIXP in Kenya and IXPN in Nigeria. value—the present COVID-19 crisis magnifies one such The Internet Society is pleased to publish this update benefit in the smooth accommodation of sudden of the original study.
    [Show full text]
  • Nigeria's Constitution of 1999
    PDF generated: 26 Aug 2021, 16:42 constituteproject.org Nigeria's Constitution of 1999 This complete constitution has been generated from excerpts of texts from the repository of the Comparative Constitutions Project, and distributed on constituteproject.org. constituteproject.org PDF generated: 26 Aug 2021, 16:42 Table of contents Preamble . 5 Chapter I: General Provisions . 5 Part I: Federal Republic of Nigeria . 5 Part II: Powers of the Federal Republic of Nigeria . 6 Chapter II: Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy . 13 Chapter III: Citizenship . 17 Chapter IV: Fundamental Rights . 20 Chapter V: The Legislature . 28 Part I: National Assembly . 28 A. Composition and Staff of National Assembly . 28 B. Procedure for Summoning and Dissolution of National Assembly . 29 C. Qualifications for Membership of National Assembly and Right of Attendance . 32 D. Elections to National Assembly . 35 E. Powers and Control over Public Funds . 36 Part II: House of Assembly of a State . 40 A. Composition and Staff of House of Assembly . 40 B. Procedure for Summoning and Dissolution of House of Assembly . 41 C. Qualification for Membership of House of Assembly and Right of Attendance . 43 D. Elections to a House of Assembly . 45 E. Powers and Control over Public Funds . 47 Chapter VI: The Executive . 50 Part I: Federal Executive . 50 A. The President of the Federation . 50 B. Establishment of Certain Federal Executive Bodies . 58 C. Public Revenue . 61 D. The Public Service of the Federation . 63 Part II: State Executive . 65 A. Governor of a State . 65 B. Establishment of Certain State Executive Bodies .
    [Show full text]
  • CIFORB Country Profile – Nigeria
    CIFORB Country Profile – Nigeria Demographics • Nigeria has a population of 186,053,386 (July 2016 estimate), making it Africa's largest and the world's seventh largest country by population. Almost two thirds of its population (62 per cent) are under the age of 25 years, and 43 per cent are under the age of 15. Just under half the population lives in urban areas, including over 21 million in Lagos, Africa’s largest city and one of the fastest-growing cities in the world. • Nigeria has over 250 ethnic groups, the most populous and politically influential being Hausa-Fulani 29%, Yoruba 21%, Igbo (Ibo) 18%, Ijaw 10%, Kanuri 4%, Ibibio 3.5%, Tiv 2.5%. • It also has over 500 languages, with English being the official language. Religious Affairs • The majority of Nigerians are (mostly Sunni) Muslims or (mostly Protestant) Christians, with estimates varying about which religion is larger. There is a significant number of adherents of other religions, including indigenous animistic religions. • It is difficult and perhaps not sensible to separate religious, ethnic and regional divides in Nigerian domestic politics. In simplified terms, the country can be broken down between the predominantly Hausa-Fulani and Kunari, and Muslim, northern states, the predominantly Igbo, and Christian, south-eastern states, the predominantly Yoruba, and religiously mixed, central and south-western states, and the predominantly Ogoni and Ijaw, and Christian, Niger Delta region. Or, even more simply, the ‘Muslim north’ and the ‘Christian south’ – finely balanced in terms of numbers, and thus regularly competing for ‘a winner-take-all fight for presidential power between regions.’1 Although Nigeria’s main political parties are pan-national and secular in character, they have strong regional, ethnic and religious patterns of support.
    [Show full text]
  • G U I N E a Liberia Sierra Leone
    The boundaries and names shown and the designations Mamou used on this map do not imply official endorsement or er acceptance by the United Nations. Nig K o L le n o G UINEA t l e a SIERRA Kindia LEONEFaranah Médina Dula Falaba Tabili ba o s a g Dubréka K n ie c o r M Musaia Gberia a c S Fotombu Coyah Bafodia t a e r G Kabala Banian Konta Fandié Kamakwie Koinadugu Bendugu Forécariah li Kukuna Kamalu Fadugu Se Bagbe r Madina e Bambaya g Jct. i ies NORTHERN N arc Sc Kurubonla e Karina tl it Mateboi Alikalia L Yombiro Kambia M Pendembu Bumbuna Batkanu a Bendugu b Rokupr o l e Binkolo M Mange Gbinti e Kortimaw Is. Kayima l Mambolo Makeni i Bendou Bodou Port Loko Magburaka Tefeya Yomadu Lunsar Koidu-Sefadu li Masingbi Koundou e a Lungi Pepel S n Int'l Airport or a Matotoka Yengema R el p ok m Freetown a Njaiama Ferry Masiaka Mile 91 P Njaiama- Wellington a Yele Sewafe Tongo Gandorhun o Hastings Yonibana Tungie M Koindu WESTERN Songo Bradford EAS T E R N AREA Waterloo Mongeri York Rotifunk Falla Bomi Kailahun Buedu a i Panguma Moyamba a Taiama Manowa Giehun Bauya T Boajibu Njala Dambara Pendembu Yawri Bendu Banana Is. Bay Mano Lago Bo Segbwema Daru Shenge Sembehun SOUTHE R N Gerihun Plantain Is. Sieromco Mokanje Kenema Tikonko Bumpe a Blama Gbangbatok Sew Tokpombu ro Kpetewoma o Sh Koribundu M erb Nitti ro River a o i Turtle Is. o M h Sumbuya a Sherbro I.
    [Show full text]
  • Horizontal Inequalities in Nigeria, Ghana and Côte D'ivoire
    Department of International Development, University of Oxford Horizontal Inequalities in Nigeria, Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire: Issues and Policies CRISE WORKING PAPER No. 45 By Arnim Langer, Abdul Raufu Mustapha and Frances Stewart March 2007 Centre for Research on Inequality, Human Security and Ethnicity, CRISE Queen Elizabeth House, University of Oxford, Mansfield Rd, OX1 3TB, UK Tel: +44 1865 281810; Fax: +44 1865 281801; http://www.crise.ox.ac.uk/ CRISE Working Paper No. 45 Horizontal Inequalities in Nigeria, Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire: Issues and Policies Abstract Horizontal inequalities (HIs) are inequalities among groups with common felt cultural identities. These identities follow different lines across societies and across time. They include ethnic, religious, racial, or regional affiliations. HIs are multidimensional, including inequalities in access to political, economic and social resources, as well as in cultural recognition and status. Not only does unequal access to political, economic, and social resources and inequalities of cultural status have a serious negative impact on the welfare of members of poorer groups, but the presence of severe HIs, especially where consistent across dimensions and across salient group identities, has also been shown to increase the likelihood of the emergence of violent conflict in multiethnic societies. In this paper, we analyse and discuss the prevailing HIs in the three West African countries in which CRISE has done research for the past four years: Nigeria, Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire. In addition to discussing the nature and extent of the prevailing HIs, we review a range of country-specific policy recommendations that could contribute to reducing both actual and perceived HIs in the political, economic and cultural status dimensions in each of these countries.
    [Show full text]
  • Child Poverty Crisis: a Childhood Living Below the Line in Nigeria and Uganda
    Global Majority E-Journal, Vol. 11, No. 2 (December 2020), pp. 77–88 Child Poverty Crisis: A Childhood Living Below the Line in Nigeria and Uganda Cameron Fisher Abstract This article looks at the crisis of excluded and invisible children in Nigeria and Uganda. It examines the evolution of some key indicators, including infant mortality, under-five mortality, birth registration rates, children out of school, and the percentage of employed children at primary school age. These indicators show that both countries have made some progress in reducing multidimensional child poverty, but much more remains to be done. The article also reviews government plans and programs in Nigeria and Uganda, and then discusses some recommendations and ethical concerns. I. Introduction In 1989, the United Nations General Assembly adopted the Convention of the Rights of the Child to establish the civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights of every child, no matter their race, religion or abilities.1 This Convention was a turning point in how the world was going to treat children of lesser backgrounds; establishing rights relating to disabilities, economic status and mental health; virtually stating that each child is entitled to basic needs to help them reach their fullest potential.2 Though this is an acknowledged piece of international legislation, there are still many children who fall between the cracks, including in Nigeria and Uganda. Every human on the planet is born with a name, each of them has a face, and every single one of them has a story. Whether society chooses to recognize that story is another concern.
    [Show full text]
  • 131 Nigeria-Ghana Relations from 1960 to 2010
    An International Multidisciplinary Journal, Ethiopia Vol. 5 (6), Serial No. 23, November, 2011 ISSN 1994-9057 (Print) ISSN 2070--0083 (Online) DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/afrrev.v5i6.12 Nigeria-Ghana Relations from 1960 to 2010: Roots of Convergence and Points of Departure (Pp. 131-145) Otoghile, Aiguosatile - Department of Political Science and Public Administration, University of Benin, Benin City, Nigeria Obakhedo, Neville Onebamhoi - Department of Political Science and Public Administration, University of Benin, Benin City, Nigeria E- mail: [email protected] Abstract Over the years, relationship between Nigeria and Ghana has faced dramatic twists and turns. In a restless manner the interactions between the two countries has oscillated between co-operation and mutual suspicion. Even though the two countries have so many things in common, their interactions have defied the logic of simple prediction. The paper attempts to give reasons for this trend. Concentrating on a period that covers from Nigeria’s independence to 2010, the paper discusses that relations between the two countries demonstrate the characteristic dynamism of the study of international relations. It also shows how far the ruling elite can shape the disposition of one country toward another, and concludes by demonstrating how the unstable nature of African government can affect their relations, and stresses the need for collaboration between the two countries. Copyright © IAARR 2011: www.afrrevjo.com 131 Indexed African Journals Online: www.ajol.info Vol. 5 (6), Serial No. 23, November, 2011. Pp. 131-145 Introduction The study of the relations between two countries constitute an interesting field of study for both scholars of international relations and all those interested in understanding the dynamics of international relations.
    [Show full text]
  • RP Food Security in Nigeria, Sierra Leone and Liberia
    Agricultural Innovations for Climate Change Adaptation and Food Security in Nigeria, Sierra Leone and Liberia: Empirical Evidence African Technology Policy Studies Network RESEARCH PAPER | No. 12 Ekwe Agwu Agwu Chukwudumebi Leticia Egbule Festus Onesimus Amadu Teddy Amara Morlai Emmanuel Topor Wollor Leroy W. Cegbe Agricultural Innovations for Climate Change Adaptation and Food Security in Nigeria, Sierra Leone and Liberia: Empirical Evidence Ekwe Agwu Agwu Teddy Amara Morlai University of Nigeria, Nsukka Leonard Cheshire Disability Enugu State, Nigeria Freetown, Sierra Leone Chukwudumebi Leticia Egbule Emmanuel Topor Wollor University of Nigeria, Nsukka University of Liberia Enugu State, Nigeria Monrovia, Liberia Festus Onesimus Amadu Leroy W. Cegbe Njala University University of Liberia Freetown, Sierra Leone Monrovia, Liberia. Agricultural Innovations for Climate Change Adaptation and Food Security in Nigeria, Sierra Leone and Liberia: Empirical Evidence Ekwe Agwu Agwu Teddy Amara Morlai University of Nigeria, Nsukka Leonard Cheshire Disability Enugu State, Nigeria Freetown, Sierra Leone Chukwudumebi Leticia Egbule Emmanuel Topor Wollor University of Nigeria, Nsukka University of Liberia Enugu State, Nigeria Monrovia, Liberia Festus Onesimus Amadu Leroy W. Cegbe Njala University University of Liberia Freetown, Sierra Leone Monrovia, Liberia. Table of Contents Acknowledgement 4 Abstract 5 1. Introduction 6 2. Literature Review 11 3. Methodology 23 4. Results & Discussion 29 5. Conclusions & Recommendations 44 References 46 The African Technology Policy Studies Network (ATPS) is a multi- disciplinary network of researchers, private sector actors and policy makers promoting the generation, dissemination, use and mastery of science, technology and innovation (ST&I) for African development, environmental sustainability and global inclusion. ATPS intends to achieve its mandate through research, capacity building and training, science communication/dissemination and sensitization, participatory multi-stakeholder dialogue, knowledge brokerage, and policy advocacy.
    [Show full text]
  • Interrogating British Residential Segregation in Nigeria, 1899-1919
    UCLA Ufahamu: A Journal of African Studies Title Space and Colonial Alterity: Interrogating British Residential Segregation in Nigeria, 1899-1919 Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/98q1c1d1 Journal Ufahamu: A Journal of African Studies, 41(2) ISSN 0041-5715 Author Alozie, Bright Publication Date 2020 DOI 10.5070/F7412046832 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California PART I Essays Space and Colonial Alterity: Interrogating British Residential Segregation in Nigeria, 1899-1919 Bright Alozie Abstract The policy of segregation is undoubtedly a resented feature of colo- nial rule in Africa. However, discussions of the residential racial segregation policy of the British colonial administration in Africa invariably focus on “settler colonies” of South, Central, and East Africa. British colonial West Africa hardly features in such dis- cussions since it is widely believed that these areas, which had no large-scale European settler populations, had no experience relevant to any meaningful discussion of multi-racial colonial relationships. Some studies even deny the existence of racially segregated areas in places other than the settler colonies. Despite evidence that residen- tial racial segregation formed one of the principles that facilitated the implementation of British colonial policy in Nigeria, the Nige- rian experience has not been given a fully coherent treatment. This paper examines Nigeria’s experience of officially directed residen- tial segregation. It argues that while residential segregation policies were justified along policies related to health, sanitation, and dis- ease prevention, the motive also derived from the demonstration of racial supremacy and civilization, which was the ideological justi- fication for empires in Africa.
    [Show full text]
  • Land and Maritime Boundary Between Cameroon and Nigeria (Cameroon V
    INTERNATIONAL DECISIONS EDITEDBY DAVID D. CARON Territorialand maritimeboundary delimitation-colonial arrangementestablishing conventional title- conventional title prevailing over effectivit(s absent acquiescence of title holder-single maritime boundary-equitable principles/relevant circumstancesrule-equidistant line representingan equitable result for delimitation absent relevant circumstances-interests of nonparty intervenor LANDAND MARITIMEBOUNDARY BETWEEN CAMEROON AND NIGERIA(CAMEROON V. NIGERIA; EQUATORIALGUINEA INTERVENING). At <http://www.icj-cij.org>. International Court ofJustice, October 10, 2002. On March 29, 1994, Cameroon filed an application' with the International Court ofJus- tice (ICJ) requesting that it determine the question of sovereignty over the oil-rich Bakassi Peninsula and a parcel of land in the area of Lake Chad (principally Darak and its region), both of which were in dispute between Cameroon and Nigeria. Cameroon also asked the Court to specify the land and maritime boundary between the two states, and to order an immediate and unconditional withdrawal of Nigerian troops from alleged Cameroonian ter- ritory in the disputed areas.2 As the basis of the Court'sjurisdiction, Cameroon relied on the declarations made by the parties under Article 36(2) of the ICJ Statute. In itsjudgment ofJune 11, 1998, the Court rejected Nigeria's seven preliminary objections alleging that the Court lackedjurisdiction and that Cameroon's application was inadmissible, but it reserved the remaining, eighth objection-relating to the parties' maritime boundary- for consideration at the merits stage.3 The Court's order ofJune 30, 1999, allowed Nigeria to introduce certain counterclaims, and its subsequent order of October 21,1999, unanimously authorized Equatorial Guinea to intervene in the case as a nonparty.4 On October 10, 2002, the Court ruled, by 13 votes to 3 (Judges Koroma and Rezek and Judge ad hocAjibola, chosen by Nigeria, dissenting), that sovereignty over the Bakassi Pen- insula and the Lake Chad area lay with Cameroon.
    [Show full text]
  • Nigeria-South Africa Relations from Apartheid to Post-Apartheid
    International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science (IJRISS) |Volume IV, Issue XII, December 2020|ISSN 2454-6186 Nigeria-South Africa Relations from Apartheid to Post-Apartheid Dr. Tamunopubo Big-Alabo & Dr. Emmanuel C. Mac Alex-Achinulo Department of Political and Administrative Studies, University of Port Harcourt, Rivers State, Nigeria Abstract: This study examined the relations between Nigeria and the racist government of South Africa crushed in 1991. With South Africa from the period of Apartheid to Post-Apartheid. the death of racial discrimination in 1991, the need for The study was guided by realist conflict theory by Donald amendment in diplomatic policies arose. (Onuoha, 2008). The Campbell. The study adopted ex-post research design while data level of the solidarity, backing and sacrifice which the was collected through secondary source such as textbooks, government and personages of Nigeria displayed in the journal articles, newspapers, magazines and internet materials, the data generated was analyzed through content analysis. The journey for the termination of racial discrimination and the findings of the study showed that there were some relations that enthronement of popular government and majority rule in existed between Nigeria and South Africa during the period of South Africa was with the end goal line that Nigeria, not Apartheid which includes; bilateral political relations and caring about the geographical distance, ended up bilateral economic relations. In a likely manner there have been distinguished as a forefront nation. At the commencement of breaches in relations between Nigeria and South Africa during majority rule system in South Africa, Nigerians, mainly the the post-apartheid era which now has negative impacts in the professionals, were a part of those that began to relocate to areas of political and diplomatic, socio-cultural and economic.
    [Show full text]