Language Policy: Nigeria and the Role of English Language in the 21St Century
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Kareem Olawale Bestoyin*
Historia Actual Online, 46 (2), 2018: 43-57 ISSN: 1696-2060 OIL, POLITICS AND CONFLICTS IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF NIGERIA AND SOUTH SUDAN Kareem Olawale Bestoyin* *University of Lagos, Nigeria. E-mail: [email protected] Recibido: 3 septiembre 2017 /Revisado: 28 septiembre 2017 /Aceptado: 12 diciembre 2017 /Publicado: 15 junio 2018 Resumen: A lo largo de los años, el Áfica sub- experiencing endemic conflicts whose conse- sahariana se ha convertido en sinónimo de con- quences have been under development and flictos. De todas las causas conocidas de conflic- abject poverty. In both countries, oil and poli- tos en África, la obtención de abundantes re- tics seem to be the driving force of most of cursos parece ser el más prominente y letal. these conflicts. This paper uses secondary data Nigeria y Sudán del Sur son algunos de los mu- and qualitative methodology to appraise how chos países ricos en recursos en el África sub- the struggle for the hegemony of oil resources sahariana que han experimentado conflictos shapes and reshapes the trajectories of con- endémicos cuyas consecuencias han sido el flicts in both countries. Hence this paper de- subdesarrollo y la miserable pobreza. En ambos ploys structural functionalism as the framework países, el petróleo y las políticas parecen ser el of analysis. It infers that until the structures of hilo conductor de la mayoría de estos conflic- governance are strengthened enough to tackle tos. Este artículo utiliza metodología de análisis the developmental needs of the citizenry, nei- de datos secundarios y cualitativos para evaluar ther the amnesty programme adopted by the cómo la pugna por la hegemonía de los recur- Nigerian government nor peace agreements sos energéticos moldea las trayectorias de los adopted by the government of South Sudan can conflictos en ambos países. -
A Descriptive Analysis of French Teaching and the Place of Translation in Bachelor’S Curricula in Nigerian Universities
A descriptive analysis of French teaching and the place of translation in Bachelor’s curricula in Nigerian universities Gemanen Gyuse, Isabelle S. Robert & Jim J. J. Ureel University of Antwerp, Belgium Abstract Teaching French in Nigeria can help mitigate the communication barrier between Nigeria and its French-speaking neighbors. However, acquiring French and translating from English into French can present challenges to Bachelor students in Nigerian universities. This paper examines the context of teaching French studies and translation in Nigeria using the National Universities Commission Benchmark Minimum Academic Standards (NUC-BMAS) for undergraduates in the country, as well as other relevant documentary sources. Results show that French is taught at all levels of education and that translation has always been an integral part of the curriculum. Translation is not only taught to increase proficiency in French; it is a separate competence that can orient graduates towards self-employment. Further research is needed to ascertain exactly how translation is taught and how Bachelor students in Nigerian universities are translating into French. Keywords Curriculum design, French teaching, translation, Nigeria, universities Parallèles – numéro 31(2), octobre 2019 DOI:10.17462/para.2019.02.04 Gemanen Gyuse, Isabelle S. Robert & Jim J. J. Ureel A descriptive analysis of French teaching and the place of translation in Bachelor’s curricula in Nigerian universities 1. Introduction Although the emphasis in this paper is on French and translation in Nigeria, it is important to know that English is the official language of Nigeria, the country, having been colonized by the British between the 19th and 20th centuries (Araromi, 2013; Offorma, 2012). -
Breaking Boko Haram and Ramping up Recovery: US-Lake Chad Region 2013-2016
From Pariah to Partner: The US Integrated Reform Mission in Burma, 2009 to 2015 Breaking Boko Haram and Ramping Up Recovery Making Peace Possible US Engagement in the Lake Chad Region 2301 Constitution Avenue NW 2013 to 2016 Washington, DC 20037 202.457.1700 Beth Ellen Cole, Alexa Courtney, www.USIP.org Making Peace Possible Erica Kaster, and Noah Sheinbaum @usip 2 Looking for Justice ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This case study is the product of an extensive nine- month study that included a detailed literature review, stakeholder consultations in and outside of government, workshops, and a senior validation session. The project team is humbled by the commitment and sacrifices made by the men and women who serve the United States and its interests at home and abroad in some of the most challenging environments imaginable, furthering the national security objectives discussed herein. This project owes a significant debt of gratitude to all those who contributed to the case study process by recommending literature, participating in workshops, sharing reflections in interviews, and offering feedback on drafts of this docu- ment. The stories and lessons described in this document are dedicated to them. Thank you to the leadership of the United States Institute of Peace (USIP) and its Center for Applied Conflict Transformation for supporting this study. Special thanks also to the US Agency for International Development (USAID) Office of Transition Initiatives (USAID/OTI) for assisting with the production of various maps and graphics within this report. Any errors or omis- sions are the responsibility of the authors alone. ABOUT THE AUTHORS This case study was produced by a team led by Beth ABOUT THE INSTITUTE Ellen Cole, special adviser for violent extremism, conflict, and fragility at USIP, with Alexa Courtney, Erica Kaster, The United States Institute of Peace is an independent, nonpartisan and Noah Sheinbaum of Frontier Design Group. -
Anchoring the African Internet Ecosystem
Anchoring the African Internet Ecosystem Anchoring the African Internet Ecosystem: Lessons from Kenya and Nigeria’s Internet Exchange Point Growth By Michael Kende June 2020 CC BY-NC-SA 4.0 internetsociety.org 1 Anchoring the African Internet Ecosystem Table of contents 3 Executive summary 6 Background: A vision for Africa 8 Introduction: How to get there from here 13 Success stories: Kenya and Nigeria today 18 Results that stand the test of time 20 Change factors: Replicable steps toward measurable outcomes 27 Market gaps 29 Recommendations 33 Conclusions 34 Annex A: Kenya Internet Exchange Point 35 Annex B: Internet Exchange Point of Nigeria 36 Annex C: Acknowledgments 37 Annex D: Glossary of terms 38 Annex E: List of figures and tables CC BY-NC-SA 4.0 internetsociety.org 2 Anchoring the African Internet Ecosystem Executive summary In 2010, the Internet Society’s team in Africa set an The rapid pace of Internet ecosystem ambitious goal that 80% of African Internet traffic development in both Kenya and Nigeria since would be locally accessible by 2020. 2012 underscores the critical role that IXPs Internet Exchange Points (IXPs) are key to realizing and the accompanying infrastructure play in this goal in that they enable local traffic exchange and the establishment of strong and sustainable access to content. To document this role, in 2012, the Internet ecosystems. Internet Society commissioned a study to identify and quantify the significant benefits of two leading African This development produces significant day-to-day IXPs at the time: KIXP in Kenya and IXPN in Nigeria. value—the present COVID-19 crisis magnifies one such The Internet Society is pleased to publish this update benefit in the smooth accommodation of sudden of the original study. -
Nigeria's Constitution of 1999
PDF generated: 26 Aug 2021, 16:42 constituteproject.org Nigeria's Constitution of 1999 This complete constitution has been generated from excerpts of texts from the repository of the Comparative Constitutions Project, and distributed on constituteproject.org. constituteproject.org PDF generated: 26 Aug 2021, 16:42 Table of contents Preamble . 5 Chapter I: General Provisions . 5 Part I: Federal Republic of Nigeria . 5 Part II: Powers of the Federal Republic of Nigeria . 6 Chapter II: Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy . 13 Chapter III: Citizenship . 17 Chapter IV: Fundamental Rights . 20 Chapter V: The Legislature . 28 Part I: National Assembly . 28 A. Composition and Staff of National Assembly . 28 B. Procedure for Summoning and Dissolution of National Assembly . 29 C. Qualifications for Membership of National Assembly and Right of Attendance . 32 D. Elections to National Assembly . 35 E. Powers and Control over Public Funds . 36 Part II: House of Assembly of a State . 40 A. Composition and Staff of House of Assembly . 40 B. Procedure for Summoning and Dissolution of House of Assembly . 41 C. Qualification for Membership of House of Assembly and Right of Attendance . 43 D. Elections to a House of Assembly . 45 E. Powers and Control over Public Funds . 47 Chapter VI: The Executive . 50 Part I: Federal Executive . 50 A. The President of the Federation . 50 B. Establishment of Certain Federal Executive Bodies . 58 C. Public Revenue . 61 D. The Public Service of the Federation . 63 Part II: State Executive . 65 A. Governor of a State . 65 B. Establishment of Certain State Executive Bodies . -
The Effects of Xenophobia on South Africa-Nigeria Relations: Attempting a Retrospective Study
International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Invention (IJHSSI) ISSN (Online): 2319 – 7722, ISSN (Print): 2319 – 7714 www.ijhssi.org ||Volume 8 Issue 08 Ser. II || Aug. 2019 || PP 39-48 The effects of Xenophobia on South Africa-Nigeria Relations: Attempting a Retrospective Study. Bibi Farouk Ibrahim, Ph.D., Ishaka Dele, Humphrey Ukeaja Department of Political Science and International Relations University of Abuja, Abuja. Department of Political Science and International Relations University of Abuja, Abuja. Department of Political Science and International Relations University of Abuja, Abuja. Corresponding Author; Bibi Farouk Ibrahim ABSTRACT: The underlying causes of xenophobia are complex and varied. Xenophobia has to do with contemptuous of that which is foreign, especially of strangers or of people from different countries or cultures. Unemployment and mounting poverty among South Africans at the bottom of the economic ladder have provoked fears of the competition that better educated and experienced migrants can represent. South Africa’s long track-record of violence as a means of protest and the targeting of foreigners in particular; and, the documented tensions over migration policy and the scale of repatriation serve a very good explanation for its xenophobia. It was clear that while most of the attacks were directed against foreign, primarily African, migrants, that this was not the rule. Attacks were also noted against Chinese-speakers, Pakistani migrants as well as against South Africans from minority language groups (in the conflict areas). Settlements that have recently experienced the expression of ‘xenophobic’ violence have also been the site of violent and other forms of protest around other issues, most notably service delivery. -
CIFORB Country Profile – Nigeria
CIFORB Country Profile – Nigeria Demographics • Nigeria has a population of 186,053,386 (July 2016 estimate), making it Africa's largest and the world's seventh largest country by population. Almost two thirds of its population (62 per cent) are under the age of 25 years, and 43 per cent are under the age of 15. Just under half the population lives in urban areas, including over 21 million in Lagos, Africa’s largest city and one of the fastest-growing cities in the world. • Nigeria has over 250 ethnic groups, the most populous and politically influential being Hausa-Fulani 29%, Yoruba 21%, Igbo (Ibo) 18%, Ijaw 10%, Kanuri 4%, Ibibio 3.5%, Tiv 2.5%. • It also has over 500 languages, with English being the official language. Religious Affairs • The majority of Nigerians are (mostly Sunni) Muslims or (mostly Protestant) Christians, with estimates varying about which religion is larger. There is a significant number of adherents of other religions, including indigenous animistic religions. • It is difficult and perhaps not sensible to separate religious, ethnic and regional divides in Nigerian domestic politics. In simplified terms, the country can be broken down between the predominantly Hausa-Fulani and Kunari, and Muslim, northern states, the predominantly Igbo, and Christian, south-eastern states, the predominantly Yoruba, and religiously mixed, central and south-western states, and the predominantly Ogoni and Ijaw, and Christian, Niger Delta region. Or, even more simply, the ‘Muslim north’ and the ‘Christian south’ – finely balanced in terms of numbers, and thus regularly competing for ‘a winner-take-all fight for presidential power between regions.’1 Although Nigeria’s main political parties are pan-national and secular in character, they have strong regional, ethnic and religious patterns of support. -
A Retrospective Study of the Effects of Xenophobia on South Africa-Nigeria Relations
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Covenant University Repository A Retrospective Study of the effects of Xenophobia on South Africa-Nigeria Relations Oluyemi Fayomi, Felix Chidozie, Charles Ayo Abstract— The underlying causes of xenophobia are complex I. INTRODUCTION and varied. Xenophobia has to do with contemptuous of that which The perennial spate of attacks on foreign-owned shops in is foreign, especially of strangers or of people from different some South African townships raises uncomfortable countries or cultures. Unemployment and mounting poverty among South Africans at the bottom of the economic ladder have provoked questions about xenophobia in South Africa. fears of the competition that better educated and experienced This attitude generated the questions which include: To migrants can represent. South Africa’s long track-record of violence what extent can South Africa's inconsistent immigration as a means of protest and the targeting of foreigners in particular; policy be blamed for xenophobia? Do foreigners really 'steal' and, the documented tensions over migration policy and the scale of South African jobs? Do foreign-owned small businesses have repatriation serve a very good explanation for its xenophobia. It was an unfair advantage over those owned by South Africans? clear that while most of the attacks were directed against foreign, Xenophobia is becoming a prominent aspect of life in primarily African, migrants, that this was not the rule. Attacks were Africa. From Kenya to the Maghreb and across Southern also noted against Chinese-speakers, Pakistani migrants as well as Africa, discrimination against non-nationals, particularly against South Africans from minority language groups (in the conflict areas). -
The English Language and Tourism in Nigeria *
Joumal of the School Of General and BaSic Studies THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE AND TOURISM IN NIGERIA * Ngozi Anyachonkeya ABSTRACT Thispaper examines the role of English as a dynamic language in tapping and documenting the potentials and bounties of tourism in Nigeria. It argues that the English language is a potent instrument in harnessing tourism bounties of a people especially among the fifty-four member nations of the Commonwealth. In Nigeria the English language remains the most strategic language for the exploitation and marketing of tourism bounties available in the country. This is so because English is Nigeria's official language and language of unity in a multiethnic country like ours. In doing this, the paper makes a disclaimer. It is thefact that the author of thispaper is not an authority on Tourism. The burden of this paper therefore is to lay bare the indispensable role of English - a global dynamic language and language of globalization - in the i •• exploitation of tourism wealth of Nigeria, and in selling these bounties to world civilization for document. In the final analysis the paper makes the following declarations. We could practically do nothing without language. It is rather impossible that we could successfully discuss Tourism as an academic discipline in Nigeria in isolation of language, vis-a-vis, English, the arrowhead and 'DNA' of culture. In the same vein, it is rather a tragic mission to explore the bounties of Tourism in Nigeria and make same available to the global village outside the English language medium, in view of Nigeria's status as among the fifty-four member nations of the Commonwealth. -
G U I N E a Liberia Sierra Leone
The boundaries and names shown and the designations Mamou used on this map do not imply official endorsement or er acceptance by the United Nations. Nig K o L le n o G UINEA t l e a SIERRA Kindia LEONEFaranah Médina Dula Falaba Tabili ba o s a g Dubréka K n ie c o r M Musaia Gberia a c S Fotombu Coyah Bafodia t a e r G Kabala Banian Konta Fandié Kamakwie Koinadugu Bendugu Forécariah li Kukuna Kamalu Fadugu Se Bagbe r Madina e Bambaya g Jct. i ies NORTHERN N arc Sc Kurubonla e Karina tl it Mateboi Alikalia L Yombiro Kambia M Pendembu Bumbuna Batkanu a Bendugu b Rokupr o l e Binkolo M Mange Gbinti e Kortimaw Is. Kayima l Mambolo Makeni i Bendou Bodou Port Loko Magburaka Tefeya Yomadu Lunsar Koidu-Sefadu li Masingbi Koundou e a Lungi Pepel S n Int'l Airport or a Matotoka Yengema R el p ok m Freetown a Njaiama Ferry Masiaka Mile 91 P Njaiama- Wellington a Yele Sewafe Tongo Gandorhun o Hastings Yonibana Tungie M Koindu WESTERN Songo Bradford EAS T E R N AREA Waterloo Mongeri York Rotifunk Falla Bomi Kailahun Buedu a i Panguma Moyamba a Taiama Manowa Giehun Bauya T Boajibu Njala Dambara Pendembu Yawri Bendu Banana Is. Bay Mano Lago Bo Segbwema Daru Shenge Sembehun SOUTHE R N Gerihun Plantain Is. Sieromco Mokanje Kenema Tikonko Bumpe a Blama Gbangbatok Sew Tokpombu ro Kpetewoma o Sh Koribundu M erb Nitti ro River a o i Turtle Is. o M h Sumbuya a Sherbro I. -
Statement Delivered by the Director of the Regional Bureau for West And
Statement Delivered by the Director of the Regional Bureau for West and Central Africa to the March 2021 Standing Committee of UNHCR Executive Committee (80th Meeting) Madam Chairperson of the Executive Committee, Distinguished Delegates, Ladies and gentlemen, This time last year, I came before you as a new Director of the then newly constituted Regional Bureau for West and Central Africa. I, like my other colleagues in the decentralized Bureaux, was extremely hopeful for the new structures and the work that lay ahead. I told you then - as the dark clouds of the pandemic gathered - that the “The onus is now on us to deliver with speed and agility.” This remains true. As I come before you today, I can confirm that one year on, the task of constituting the Bureau is largely behind us and we can better appreciate the extent of our capacities but also the gaps that need to be addressed in order to deliver on the core objectives of the Decentralisation and Regionalisation. Having come full cycle on our management and oversight of country operations we are also much better placed today to pinpoint the capacity needs in field operations. Madam Chairperson, In the last several months, several countries in the West and Central Africa region have held presidential and parliamentary elections. The lead-up to two of these elections– in the Central African Republic and in Cote D’Ivoire – caused large numbers of people to leave their homes. In both instances, Emergency Level 1 declarations ensured the necessary preparedness and response. Emergency teams and resources were deployed to bolster the reception capacity in countries of asylum who, without exception, kept their borders open to asylum-seekers. -
Horizontal Inequalities in Nigeria, Ghana and Côte D'ivoire
Department of International Development, University of Oxford Horizontal Inequalities in Nigeria, Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire: Issues and Policies CRISE WORKING PAPER No. 45 By Arnim Langer, Abdul Raufu Mustapha and Frances Stewart March 2007 Centre for Research on Inequality, Human Security and Ethnicity, CRISE Queen Elizabeth House, University of Oxford, Mansfield Rd, OX1 3TB, UK Tel: +44 1865 281810; Fax: +44 1865 281801; http://www.crise.ox.ac.uk/ CRISE Working Paper No. 45 Horizontal Inequalities in Nigeria, Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire: Issues and Policies Abstract Horizontal inequalities (HIs) are inequalities among groups with common felt cultural identities. These identities follow different lines across societies and across time. They include ethnic, religious, racial, or regional affiliations. HIs are multidimensional, including inequalities in access to political, economic and social resources, as well as in cultural recognition and status. Not only does unequal access to political, economic, and social resources and inequalities of cultural status have a serious negative impact on the welfare of members of poorer groups, but the presence of severe HIs, especially where consistent across dimensions and across salient group identities, has also been shown to increase the likelihood of the emergence of violent conflict in multiethnic societies. In this paper, we analyse and discuss the prevailing HIs in the three West African countries in which CRISE has done research for the past four years: Nigeria, Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire. In addition to discussing the nature and extent of the prevailing HIs, we review a range of country-specific policy recommendations that could contribute to reducing both actual and perceived HIs in the political, economic and cultural status dimensions in each of these countries.