Hostilities Between Sudan and South Sudan a Timeline of Recent Events
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South Sudan: Opportunities and Challenges for Africa’S Newest Country
The Republic of South Sudan: Opportunities and Challenges for Africa’s Newest Country Ted Dagne Specialist in African Affairs July 1, 2011 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R41900 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress The Republic of South Sudan: Opportunities and Challenges for Africa’s Newest Country Summary In January 2011, South Sudan held a referendum to decide between unity or independence from the central government of Sudan as called for by the Comprehensive Peace Agreement that ended the country’s decades-long civil war in 2005. According to the South Sudan Referendum Commission (SSRC), 98.8% of the votes cast were in favor of separation. In February 2011, Sudanese President Omar Hassan al-Bashir officially accepted the referendum result, as did the United Nations, the African Union, the European Union, the United States, and other countries. On July 9, 2011, South Sudan is to officially declare its independence. The Obama Administration welcomed the outcome of the referendum and pledged to recognize South Sudan as an independent country in July 2011. The Administration is expected to send a high-level presidential delegation to South Sudan’s independence celebration on July 9, 2011. A new ambassador is also expected to be named to South Sudan. South Sudan faces a number of challenges in the coming years. Relations between Juba, in South Sudan, and Khartoum are poor, and there are a number of unresolved issues between them. The crisis in the disputed area of Abyei remains a contentious issue, despite a temporary agreement reached in mid-June 2011. -
Addis PEACE a 411St ME HEADS O BANJUL, 30 DECEM AFRICAN
AFRICAN UNION UNION AFRICAINE UNIÃO AFRICANA Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, P.O. Box: 3243 Tel.: (251‐11) 5513 822 Fax: (251‐11) 5519 321 Email: situationroom@africa‐union.org PEACE AND SECURITY COUNCIL 411st MEETING AT THE LEVEL OF HEADS OF STATE AND GOVERNMENT BANJUL, THE GAMBIA 30 DECEMBER 2013 PSC/AHG/3(CDXI) REPORT OF THE CHAIRPERSON OFF THE COMMISSION ON THE SITUATION IN SOUTH SUDAN PSC/AHG/3(CDXI) Page 1 REPORT OF THE CHAIRPERSON OF THE COMMISSION ON THE SITUATION IN SOUTH SUDAN I. INTRODUCTION 1. The present report is submitted in the context of the meeting of Council to be held in Banjul, The Gambia, on 30 December 2013, to deliberate on the unfolding situation in South Sudan. The conflict in South Sudan erupted on 15 December, in the context of a political challenge to the President of the Republic of South Sudan, from leading members of the ruling party, the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM). This rapidly mutated into violent confrontation and rebellion. The conflict imperils the lives and wellbeing of South Sudanese, jeopardizes the future of the young nation, and is a threat to regional peace and security. 2. The report provides a background to the current crisis, a chronology of the events of the last six months and an overview of the regional, continental and international response. The report concludes with observations on the way forward. II. BACKGROUND 3. The current conflict represents the accumulation of unresolved political disputes within the leadership of the SPLM. The leaders had disagreements on fundamental aspects of the party and country’s leadership, governance and direction. -
Conflict and Crisis in South Sudan's Equatoria
SPECIAL REPORT NO. 493 | APRIL 2021 UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE www.usip.org Conflict and Crisis in South Sudan’s Equatoria By Alan Boswell Contents Introduction ...................................3 Descent into War ..........................4 Key Actors and Interests ............ 9 Conclusion and Recommendations ...................... 16 Thomas Cirillo, leader of the Equatoria-based National Salvation Front militia, addresses the media in Rome on November 2, 2019. (Photo by Andrew Medichini/AP) Summary • In 2016, South Sudan’s war expand- Equatorians—a collection of diverse South Sudan’s transitional period. ed explosively into the country’s minority ethnic groups—are fighting • On a national level, conflict resolu- southern region, Equatoria, trig- for more autonomy, local or regional, tion should pursue shared sover- gering a major refugee crisis. Even and a remedy to what is perceived eignty among South Sudan’s con- after the 2018 peace deal, parts of as (primarily) Dinka hegemony. stituencies and regions, beyond Equatoria continue to be active hot • Equatorian elites lack the external power sharing among elites. To spots for national conflict. support to viably pursue their ob- resolve underlying grievances, the • The war in Equatoria does not fit jectives through violence. The gov- political process should be expand- neatly into the simplified narratives ernment in Juba, meanwhile, lacks ed to include consultations with of South Sudan’s war as a power the capacity and local legitimacy to local community leaders. The con- struggle for the center; nor will it be definitively stamp out the rebellion. stitutional reform process of South addressed by peacebuilding strate- Both sides should pursue a nego- Sudan’s current transitional period gies built off those precepts. -
Sudan: Oil and Gas Concession Holders
U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) BLOCKS OIL AND GAS CONCESSION HOLDERS Office of U.S. Foreign Disaster Assistance (OFDA) Original Map Courtesy of the UN Cartographic Section 1 (Unity) Greater Nile Petroleum Operating Company: -- Oil Consession information from rightsmap.com 2 (Heglig) Talisman Energy Inc. (Canada), EGYPT The boundaries and names shown and the designations used on this map do not imply official endorsement or 4 (Kailkang) Petronas Carigali (Malaysia), Sudapet (Sudan) acceptance by the United Nations. and China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC) 3 (Adar) Gulf Petroleum Corporation (Qatar), 7 (Mellut) SudapetLIBYA (Sudan) and China National Petroleum SAUDI� Corporation (CNPC) ARABIA 5a Lundin Oil AB International Petroleum Corporation (IPC) (Sweden) Petronas Carili (Malaysia) OMV Sudan Exploration GmbH (Austria) and Sudapet (Sudan) 5 (Central) TotalElFina (France) RED SEA Port Sudan 6 China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC) Sinkat NORTHERN RIVER e il NILE N NORTHERN KHARTOUM KASSALA ERITREA DARFUR CHAD Khartoum NORTHERN Al Fasher W GEZIRA KORDOFAN h i t e N GEDAREF i le B WESTERN WHITE l u e DARFUR El Obeid NILE N il WESTERN SINNAR e Ed Daein KORDOFAN SOUTHERN SOUTHERN DARFUR KORDOFAN BLUE 6 NILE UNuba U 7 UMountains U 2 U HEGLIG˚ 1 3 4 ˚UNITY ˚ADAR/YALE Malakal NORTHERN Bentiu UPPER NILE CENTRAL Akon Nimne Nasir B.A.G. UNITY AFRICAN Raga ETHIOPIA Aweil WARAB REPUBLIC 5a Wau 5b WESTERN BAHR JONGLEI AL GHAZAL Yirol Pibor SUDAN Rumbek LAKES Panyagor Bor Licensed 5 (Central) Open WESTERN Lui Lafon EASTERN Areas Controlled by Opposition Groups EQUATORIA Juba EQUATORIA Historic North-South Boundary Yambio Kapoeta Oil Pipeline BAHR AL Lokichoggio Yei Torit JEBEL ˚ Oilfield ? ? Base of Operation Lifeline Sudan (OLS) DEMOCRATIC KENYA Sites Visited REPUBLIC OF Southern City Controlled by the UGANDA Government of Sudan THE CONGO Controlled by the SPLM/A 8.1.2001 USAID/OFDA . -
Interna Tional Edition
Number 2 2014 ISSN 2196-3940 INTERNATIONAL South Sudan’s Newest War: When Two Old Men Divide a Nation Carlo Koos and Thea Gutschke A political power struggle between South Sudanese president Salva Kiir and former vice president Riek Machar resulted in violent clashes between ethnic army factions in December 2013. Since then fighting has spread across South Sudan and claimed the lives of around 10,000 people. Analysis South Sudan has experienced several insurgencies since gaining independence in 2011. Nevertheless, the current war has the potential to be more destructive to the country than previous ones because both parties – President Salva Kiir, an ethnic Dinka, and his opponent, former vice president Riek Machar, an ethnic Nuer – are instrumentalizing ethnic identities and pulling their communities into their personal feud. A number of latent issues have contributed to the current crisis. These include South Sudan’s dysfunctional political system and inadequate political leadership, the historical distrust between the Dinka and the Nuer, and the country’s unhealthy EDITION dependence on oil rents. The civilian population is carrying the cost of the conflict. More than 10,000 people have been killed and more than one million displaced since the outbreak of the latest violence. Livelihoods have been destroyed and more than 3.7 million people, approximately a third of the population, are estimated to be at risk of food insecurity. The short- and long-term economic consequences for South Sudan are harsh. Oil production has dropped by 40 percent, severely affecting the state’s budget. Trade has suffered. In the long run, political instability will jeopardize foreign direct investment in South Sudan. -
South Sudan and Sudan Back to War? a View from Juba
WWW.ENOUGHPROJECT.ORG May 2012 May South Sudan and Sudan Back to War? South Sudan and Sudan Back to Amanda Hsiao A View from Juba Juba from View A NENAD MARINKOVIC / ENOUGH PROJECT South Sudan and Sudan Back to War? A View from Juba Amanda Hsiao May 2012 COVER: Re-enforcement troops headed to the frontline in Panakuach shortly after the attack by Sudan Armed Forces Introduction The recent volatility of the Sudan-South Sudan relationship raises important questions about why peace and stability between the two countries is so tenuous. From interviews conducted in Juba, South Sudan’s leaders appear open to continued talks and to the establishment of improved relations with Khartoum, especially in response to inter- national pressure to do so. But there is a perceptible shift within the leadership in Juba toward disengagement with Sudan. The dominance of hardliners in Khartoum politics, a long history of broken agree- ments with Khartoum, Juba’s doubts about the international community’s ability to fairly mediate between South Sudan and Sudan, and a post-independence sentiment that South Sudan must assert its sovereignty in response to continued Northern aggression have all contributed to a growing feeling that negotiations with Khartoum may not be the best means of achieving Juba’s strategic interests. But Juba’s reactions to Khartoum remain sensitive to cues from the international community, a legacy of international actors’ deep involvement in the negotiation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement and support for the successful independence of South Sudan. Maintaining a positive image before the international community is still critically important to South Sudan’s leaders. -
Gabriel Tang Gatwich Chan ('Tang-Ginye')
Gabriel Tang Gatwich Chan ('Tang-Ginye') Gabriel Tang Gatwich Chan (often referred to as 'Tang-Ginye', a nickname meaning ‘long pipe’), a Nuer from Fangak county in Jonglei state, is synonymous with a brutal chapter of the history of Sudan’s 1983–2005 North–South civil war. Deadly ‘South– South’ violence resulted in some of the worst atrocities committed during the war and deepened internal rifts among Southerners that have not been resolved in the six-year interim period that began with the 2005 signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA). Wartime roles Considered one of the first generation of Southern guerrillas, Tang-Ginye began his military career in a faction of the Anyanya movement during the first civil war (1956– 1972). Suspicious of the 1972 Addis Ababa Agreement, he quickly rebelled again, joining one of the mainly Nuer militias known as Anyanya II. In 1984, together with other Anyanya II leaders such as Paulino Matiep and Gordon Kong, he formed an alliance with the government in Khartoum led at the time by Jaafar Nimeiri, hoping to create a Nuer army to fight the ‘Dinka’ Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA). He and his Jebel forces remained allied to Khartoum in 1988, when a large number of Anyanya II defected to the SPLA, under the leadership of the late John Garang. His forces were aligned with Riek Machar’s Khartoum-backed Nasir faction following the SPLA split in 1991, and then became part of the South Sudan Defense Forces (SSDF) as part of the 1997 Khartoum Agreement, with direct links to Military Intelligence in Khartoum. -
The Heglig Oil Conflict: an Exercise of Sovereignty Or an Act of Aggression?
AFRICA INSTITUTE OF SOUTH AFRICA BriefinG NO 78 AUGUST 2012 The Heglig Oil Conflict: An Exercise of Sovereignty or an Act of Aggression? Nicasius Achu Check1 and Thabani Mdlongwa2 This policy brief examines the hostile interaction between the Republic of Sudan and the Republic of South Sudan triggered by South Sudan’s invasion of the Heglig oilfield. The cumbersome nature of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) and the apparent ineffectiveness of the African Union (AU) High Implementation Panel have led to the adoption of unilateral policy positions by both parties to the disputed areas. South Sudan’s occupation of Heglig is perhaps rooted in the tardiness with which the implementation process has been carried out. Suffice it to note that the religious, sociological and political discontinuities between the north and south of Sudan presuppose the display of antagonistic cleavages which have persisted to post- colonial times. The Sudan was a colonial construct which lacked the necessary ingredients for a strong and united country. The post-colonial political elite’s marginalisation of the periphery has eroded any sense of national belonging within the Sudanese psyche. For the southerners, a sense of alienation from the centre is rooted in the history of the plundering of its natural resources and slavery by northerners and a continued policy of cultural oppression since independence. This brief provides an analytical narrative to ascertain whether South Sudan’s occupation of the Heglig oilfield was an act of aggression or an exercise of sovereignty. We conclude with some policy recommendations. Introduction had far-reaching consequences for the economy and people of Sudan and the recently independent Complications arising from the ineffective Republic of South Sudan. -
4.5 Assessment of the Environ- Mental Impacts of Conflict
SUDAN POST-CONFLICT ENVIRONMENTAL ASSESSMENT Conclusions on the role of key conflict-related issues are identified and environmental issues in conflicts over discussed in this chapter. Detailed discussion and rangeland and rain-fed agricultural land recommendations on the various environmental issues of concern (e.g. deforestation) are referred Pastoralist societies have been at the centre of local to the corresponding sector chapter. conflicts in Sudan throughout recorded history. The most significant problems have occurred and continue Definitions and impact listings to occur in the drier central regions, which are also the regions with the largest livestock populations, The following definitions are used for direct, and under the most severe environmental stress. indirect and secondary environmental impacts of conflict in Sudan: As there are many factors in play – most of which are not related to the environment – land degradation • Direct impacts are those arising directly and does not appear to be the dominant causative factor solely from military action; in local conflicts. It is, however, a very important element, which is growing in significance and is • Indirect and secondary impacts are all a critical issue for the long-term resolution of the impacts that can be credibly sourced in whole Darfur crisis. The key cause for concern is the or in part to the conflicts and the associated historical, ongoing and forecast shrinkage and war economy, excluding the direct impacts. degradation of remaining rangelands in the northern part of the Sahel belt. On this basis, UNEP has developed the following list of impacts for discussion: Much of the evidence for UNEP’s analysis is anecdotal and qualitative; it has been gathered Direct impacts include: through desk study work, satellite images and • landmines and explosive remnants of war interviews of rural societies across Sudan. -
Satellite Sentinel Project Escalation: Evidence of Saf and Spla Combat Operations Human Security Incident Reported By
Satellite Sentinel Project escalation: evidence of saf and spla combat operations human security incident reported by 23 APRIL 2012 The Satellite Sentinel Project (SSP) has confirmed through the Harvard Humanitarian Initiative’s analysis of DigitalGlobe satellite imagery that Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) has deployed a significantly increased number of combat capable air assets within range of South Sudan’s border and territory. SSP has documented evidence consistent with reported aerial bombardment in close prox- imity to a strategic bridge located in Unity State, South Sudan. SAF spokesman al-Sawarmi Khaled Saad denied Sudan’s involve- ment in the bombings. “We’re just defending our land, and we have nothing to do with what’s happening in Unity state,” he said on 16 April 2012.1 In imagery dated 15 April, SSP has identified evidence consistent with alleged looting by Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) and SPLA-aligned forces at a SAF military installation in Heglig. In imagery dated 16 April, SSP identified the presence of appar- ently razed structures in Heglig town. Although the structures were razed between February and April 2012, SSP cannot deter- mine the exact time of the razing, the actors involved, or the precise context in which the buildings were destroyed. Both Sudan and South Sudan claim sovereignty over Heglig, which South Sudan refers to as Panthou. SAF AIR CAPACITY The aircraft identified at El Obeid airbase and Kadugli airstrip may represent a significant portion of reported SAF combat- ca pable air assets. According to a recent report by the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS), SAF’s air force includes 11 Sukhoi Su-25 attack aircraft; SSP has identified 5 Sukhoi Su-25s at El Obeid on 16 April 2012. -
"These Walls Have Ears": the Chilling Effect of Surveillance in South Sudan
“THESE WALLS HAVE EARS” THE CHILLING EFFECT OF SURVEILLANCE IN SOUTH SUDAN Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 7 million people who campaign for a world where human rights are enjoyed by all. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. © Amnesty International 2021 Except where otherwise noted, content in this document is licensed under a Creative Commons Cover illustration: A South Sudanese journalist trying to tweet a news item as he is under surveillance (attribution, non-commercial, no derivatives, international 4.0) licence. and threatened by the South Sudan National Security Service and other security services. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode © Private For more information please visit the permissions page on our website: www.amnesty.org Where material is attributed to a copyright owner other than Amnesty International this material is not subject to the Creative Commons licence. First published in 2021 by Amnesty International Ltd Peter Benenson House, 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW, UK Index: AFR 65/3577/2021 Original language: English amnesty.org CONTENTS 1. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 6 2. METHODOLOGY 8 3. BACKGROUND 9 3.1 THE 2013 CONFLICT IN SOUTH SUDAN 9 3.2 THE OPPRESSED BECOME THE OPPRESSORS 10 3.3 INDEPENDENCE DID NOT DELIVER FREEDOMS 11 4. SPEAKING OUT IS RISKY 14 4.1 PERVASIVE ATMOSPHERE OF STATE SURVEILLANCE 14 4.2 ACTIVISTS AVOID TALKING OVER THE PHONE 15 4.3 NSS APPROVAL FOR EVENTS AND BILLBOARDS 16 4.4 WOMEN HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS 16 4.5 IMPACT ON MENTAL HEALTH AND LIVELIHOODS 17 4.6 REPORTS OF ISRAELI SURVEILLANCE EQUIPMENT 19 4.7 MONITORING CENTRE 22 5. -
Weapons Identified in Heglig/Panthou and Bentiu
Weapons identified in Heglig/Panthou and Bentiu At the end of March 2012 the frontline of fighting between the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) and the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) advanced northward into the oil-field town of Heglig (known as Panthou in South Sudan). Clashes continued with the SPLA taking control of the area on 10 April until the SPLA withdrew its forces on 20 April, after widespread condemnation from the international community.1 There are no reliable casualty figures, but the Heglig conflict is widely considered the most lethal exchange between the two sides since 2005. The Small Arms Survey has obtained photographic documentation of a cache of SAF weapons that was reportedly seized by the SPLA and the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) during their joint takeover of Heglig/Panthou. The cache was photographed on 15 April. By 17 April it had been nearly emptied. The stockpile contained 60 mm and 82 mm mortar bombs, 107 mm rockets, anti-tank mines, and anti-personnel mines (AP-mines), among other unidentifiable items. Prior to the SPLA’s withdraw from Heglig, SAF stepped up its bombing campaign with attacks in and around Bentiu, the capital of Unity state, on 12, 14, 15, and 23 April. The Small Arms Survey has been able to identify a rocket used in an attack on Bentiu on 15 April that struck near the World Food Programme compound there. SAF Weapons seized in Heglig/Panthou A box of AP-mines resembling the Italian manufactured TS-50 and VS-50 varieties. The VS-50 is also manufactured under license as the SPM-1 in Singapore.