DOCSLIB.ORG

4.5 Assessment of the Environ- Mental Impacts of Conflict

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
4.5 Assessment of the Environ- Mental Impacts of Conflict SUDAN POST-CONFLICT ENVIRONMENTAL ASSESSMENT Conclusions on the role of key conflict-related issues are identified and environmental issues in conflicts over discussed in this chapter. Detailed discussion and rangeland and rain-fed agricultural land recommendations on the various environmental issues of concern (e.g. deforestation) are referred Pastoralist societies have been at the centre of local to the corresponding sector chapter. conflicts in Sudan throughout recorded history. The most significant problems have occurred and continue Definitions and impact listings to occur in the drier central regions, which are also the regions with the largest livestock populations, The following definitions are used for direct, and under the most severe environmental stress. indirect and secondary environmental impacts of conflict in Sudan: As there are many factors in play – most of which are not related to the environment – land degradation • Direct impacts are those arising directly and does not appear to be the dominant causative factor solely from military action; in local conflicts. It is, however, a very important element, which is growing in significance and is • Indirect and secondary impacts are all a critical issue for the long-term resolution of the impacts that can be credibly sourced in whole Darfur crisis. The key cause for concern is the or in part to the conflicts and the associated historical, ongoing and forecast shrinkage and war economy, excluding the direct impacts. degradation of remaining rangelands in the northern part of the Sahel belt. On this basis, UNEP has developed the following list of impacts for discussion: Much of the evidence for UNEP’s analysis is anecdotal and qualitative; it has been gathered Direct impacts include: through desk study work, satellite images and • landmines and explosive remnants of war interviews of rural societies across Sudan. The (ERW); consistency and convergence of reports from a • destroyed target-related impacts; range of sources lend credibility to this analysis, • defensive works; and although further research is clearly needed, with a • targeted natural resource destruction. particular emphasis on improved quantification of the highlighted issues and moving beyond analysis Indirect and secondary impacts include: to search for viable long-term solutions. • environmental impacts related to population displacement; A conference on the topic of environmental natural resource looting and war economy degradation and conflict in Darfur was held • resource extraction; in Khartoum in 2004. The proceedings [4.20] environmental governance and information illustrated the depth of local understanding of • the issue. Given the situation observed in 2007, vacuum; and however, UNEP must conclude that this high- • funding crises, arrested development and quality awareness-raising exercise was unfortunately conservation programmes. apparently not transformed into lasting action. Direct impacts 4.5 Assessment of the environ- Landmines and explosive remnants of war mental impacts of conflict Landmines and other explosive remnants of war (ERW) are a major problem in Sudan. Thirty-two Introduction percent of the country is estimated to be affected This section approaches the linkages between [4.4], with the greatest concentration in Southern conflict and environment from the reverse Sudan (see Case Study 4.2). As many as twenty-one angle to the above analysis, by examining if and of the country’s twenty-five states may be impacted, how armed conflict has resulted in negative although the true extent of Sudan’s landmine problem or positive impacts on the environment in remains unknown, as a comprehensive survey of the Sudan. Direct impacts, indirect impacts and issue has not been undertaken to date. 88 • United Nations Environment Programme • United Nations Environment Programme • United Nations Environment Programme • 4 CONFLICT AND THE ENVIRONMENT In 1983, southern military forces sabotaged these generators powering the Jonglei canal excavator. Plans to restart the giant water project constitute a major potential flashpoint for renewed conflict The reported and registered number of landmine Apart from human casualties, another major casualties over the past five years totals 2,200, impact of landmines is impeded access to large though again, no systematic data collection and areas for people and their livestock. In Sudan, verification mechanism exists. In addition, there is access to some areas has been reduced for decades, no data at all on animal casualties from mines in as they have remained mined or suspected as such Sudan, but these are expected to be much higher since the beginning of the conflict. than the human casualty rate. The impacts of landmines on wildlife would only be significant In all but the driest areas, the result of reduced (at the ecosystem level) if individual losses affected access has been the relatively unimpeded growth of locally threatened populations of key species. vegetation. UNEP fieldwork, in the Nuba mountains in particular, revealed extensive areas of woodland The potential impacts of landmines and ERW can regrowth in suspected minefields. Such regrowth be divided into chemical and physical categories. can have a beneficial effect on the affected areas Conventional explosives, such as TNT and RDX, and associated wildlife populations, but the flow of found in artillery shells and mines are highly toxic benefits to people is usually reduced, as they cannot and slow to degrade. While they present an acute safely extract resources (e.g. water, fuelwood, fodder) toxic hazard if ingested, the toxic risk is considered from these sites. Despite the risks, however, UNEP insignificant compared to the risk of injury from teams witnessed people walking, herding cattle and explosion. gathering fuel in clearly marked minefields. • United Nations Environment Programme • United Nations Environment Programme • United Nations Environment Programme • 89 SUDAN POST-CONFLICT ENVIRONMENTAL ASSESSMENT The dumping of waste on minefields and on top of unexploded ordnance creates a major safety problem (top); unexploded ordnance is loosely stacked and scattered across the area (bottom) CS 4.2 Unexploded ordnance, minefields and deforestation at Jebel Kujur, Juba district The Jebel Kujur massif near the city of Juba in the state of Central Equatoria (Bahr el Jabal) clearly illustrates the localized but severe impacts of conflict affecting many urban centres in Southern Sudan, as well as the environmental governance challenges facing the new government. During the 1983-2005 conflict, Juba was a garrison town for the central government military, and was continuously under siege and frequently attacked by SPLA forces. The town itself still shows extensive scarring, and overgrown entrenchments, minefields and scattered unexploded ordnance are visible on the fringes. Deforestation and soil erosion are severe, particularly at Jebel Kujur, which originally supported a dense forest cover. A quarry is also operating at one end of the range. In late 2006, clean-up was ongoing, but there were still minefields and areas of stacked ordnance in the foothills of Jebel Kujur. Despite the obvious risks, cattle grazing, scrap recovery and waste dumping were routinely taking place in these areas. Plastic waste was being dumped directly on top of unexploded artillery shells and rocket-propelled grenades, creating obvious serious hazards for site users and greatly increasing the future cost of de-mining and rehabilitation. The removal of explosive remnants of war (ERW) from Jebel Kujur is a difficult but short-term activity. The greater challenges are sustainable solutions for waste management for the growing city and reforestation of the massif. 90 • United Nations Environment Programme • United Nations Environment Programme • United Nations Environment Programme • 4 CONFLICT AND THE ENVIRONMENT Destroyed target-related impacts Neither the oilfields in the south, nor the transfer pipeline to Port Sudan were ever successfully Target-related impacts refer to the effects on attacked to the extent that significant environmental the environment of direct military action on damage ensued. targets, irrespective of the method. The physical destruction of the environment from conventional UNEP concludes that the absence of vulnerable weaponry (bombs, artillery shells and mortars) industrial targets in historical conflict zones has principally takes the form of cratering, and prevented any major environmental contamination damaged or destroyed buildings, trees, and from chemical spillage, and that other target- industrial facilities. related impacts have been insignificant in environmental terms. Though cratering has been reported by de-mining staff in Southern Sudan, there is no indication Defensive works that more than a few hectares are affected at each conflict location. Similarly, the destruction of trees Major defensive works such as trench networks and by direct military action is considered negligible bunkers were noticeably absent throughout the compared to other causes of deforestation in Sudan. country, but de-mining staff in Southern Sudan No lasting environmental damage is expected either reported that limited defence works could be found from the destruction of buildings, apart from the on the outskirts of besieged garrison towns. generation of inert solid waste as rubble. Southern communities gave consistent reports of The single most significant industrial target in government forces clearing trees from the periphery conflicts to date
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Sudan: Oil and Gas Concession Holders
    U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) BLOCKS OIL AND GAS CONCESSION HOLDERS Office of U.S. Foreign Disaster Assistance (OFDA) Original Map Courtesy of the UN Cartographic Section 1 (Unity) Greater Nile Petroleum Operating Company: -- Oil Consession information from rightsmap.com 2 (Heglig) Talisman Energy Inc. (Canada), EGYPT The boundaries and names shown and the designations used on this map do not imply official endorsement or 4 (Kailkang) Petronas Carigali (Malaysia), Sudapet (Sudan) acceptance by the United Nations. and China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC) 3 (Adar) Gulf Petroleum Corporation (Qatar), 7 (Mellut) SudapetLIBYA (Sudan) and China National Petroleum SAUDI� Corporation (CNPC) ARABIA 5a Lundin Oil AB International Petroleum Corporation (IPC) (Sweden) Petronas Carili (Malaysia) OMV Sudan Exploration GmbH (Austria) and Sudapet (Sudan) 5 (Central) TotalElFina (France) RED SEA Port Sudan 6 China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC) Sinkat NORTHERN RIVER e il NILE N NORTHERN KHARTOUM KASSALA ERITREA DARFUR CHAD Khartoum NORTHERN Al Fasher W GEZIRA KORDOFAN h i t e N GEDAREF i le B WESTERN WHITE l u e DARFUR El Obeid NILE N il WESTERN SINNAR e Ed Daein KORDOFAN SOUTHERN SOUTHERN DARFUR KORDOFAN BLUE 6 NILE UNuba U 7 UMountains U 2 U HEGLIG˚ 1 3 4 ˚UNITY ˚ADAR/YALE Malakal NORTHERN Bentiu UPPER NILE CENTRAL Akon Nimne Nasir B.A.G. UNITY AFRICAN Raga ETHIOPIA Aweil WARAB REPUBLIC 5a Wau 5b WESTERN BAHR JONGLEI AL GHAZAL Yirol Pibor SUDAN Rumbek LAKES Panyagor Bor Licensed 5 (Central) Open WESTERN Lui Lafon EASTERN Areas Controlled by Opposition Groups EQUATORIA Juba EQUATORIA Historic North-South Boundary Yambio Kapoeta Oil Pipeline BAHR AL Lokichoggio Yei Torit JEBEL ˚ Oilfield ? ? Base of Operation Lifeline Sudan (OLS) DEMOCRATIC KENYA Sites Visited REPUBLIC OF Southern City Controlled by the UGANDA Government of Sudan THE CONGO Controlled by the SPLM/A 8.1.2001 USAID/OFDA .
    [Show full text]
  • Hostilities Between Sudan and South Sudan a Timeline of Recent Events
    Hostilities between Sudan and South Sudan A Timeline of Recent Events April 2012 February 11, 2012: Sudan and South Sudan sign a “non-aggression” pact during talks in Addis Ababa agreeing to “respect for each other’s sovereignty and territorial integrity” and to “refrain from launching any attack, including bombardment.” 1 March 13, 2012: Sudan and South Sudan initial two agreements in Addis Ababa that, if signed, would grant South Sudanese and Sudanese citizens certain freedoms in the other state, and commit the two states to a timeline to demarcate the agreed-upon areas of the North-South border.2 The round of talks concludes in a new “spirit of coopera- tion,” and with the announcement that the agreements would be signed in a bilateral summit attended by the two heads of states in Juba.3 March 23, 2012: Pagan Amum, South Sudan’s chief negotiator in talks with Sudan over outstanding post-independence issues, travels to Khartoum and personally delivers a letter of invitation to the President al-Bashir to join in a summit with Kiir in South Sudan. Bashir accepts the invitation.4 March 26, 2012: Clashes break out between Sudan’s and South Sudan’s armies in the disputed oil-rich area of Heglig.5 Both sides trade accusations about who instigated the violence. Southern officials accuse Khartoum of bombing southern troops in the disputed border area of Jau and of launching a ground attack on South Sudan bases south of Heglig oil field. Khartoum denies bombing Jau and accuses South Sudan of attacking Heglig with the support of Darfur rebels.
    [Show full text]
  • South Sudan and Sudan Back to War? a View from Juba
    WWW.ENOUGHPROJECT.ORG May 2012 May South Sudan and Sudan Back to War? South Sudan and Sudan Back to Amanda Hsiao A View from Juba Juba from View A NENAD MARINKOVIC / ENOUGH PROJECT South Sudan and Sudan Back to War? A View from Juba Amanda Hsiao May 2012 COVER: Re-enforcement troops headed to the frontline in Panakuach shortly after the attack by Sudan Armed Forces Introduction The recent volatility of the Sudan-South Sudan relationship raises important questions about why peace and stability between the two countries is so tenuous. From interviews conducted in Juba, South Sudan’s leaders appear open to continued talks and to the establishment of improved relations with Khartoum, especially in response to inter- national pressure to do so. But there is a perceptible shift within the leadership in Juba toward disengagement with Sudan. The dominance of hardliners in Khartoum politics, a long history of broken agree- ments with Khartoum, Juba’s doubts about the international community’s ability to fairly mediate between South Sudan and Sudan, and a post-independence sentiment that South Sudan must assert its sovereignty in response to continued Northern aggression have all contributed to a growing feeling that negotiations with Khartoum may not be the best means of achieving Juba’s strategic interests. But Juba’s reactions to Khartoum remain sensitive to cues from the international community, a legacy of international actors’ deep involvement in the negotiation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement and support for the successful independence of South Sudan. Maintaining a positive image before the international community is still critically important to South Sudan’s leaders.
    [Show full text]
  • The Heglig Oil Conflict: an Exercise of Sovereignty Or an Act of Aggression?
    AFRICA INSTITUTE OF SOUTH AFRICA BriefinG NO 78 AUGUST 2012 The Heglig Oil Conflict: An Exercise of Sovereignty or an Act of Aggression? Nicasius Achu Check1 and Thabani Mdlongwa2 This policy brief examines the hostile interaction between the Republic of Sudan and the Republic of South Sudan triggered by South Sudan’s invasion of the Heglig oilfield. The cumbersome nature of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) and the apparent ineffectiveness of the African Union (AU) High Implementation Panel have led to the adoption of unilateral policy positions by both parties to the disputed areas. South Sudan’s occupation of Heglig is perhaps rooted in the tardiness with which the implementation process has been carried out. Suffice it to note that the religious, sociological and political discontinuities between the north and south of Sudan presuppose the display of antagonistic cleavages which have persisted to post- colonial times. The Sudan was a colonial construct which lacked the necessary ingredients for a strong and united country. The post-colonial political elite’s marginalisation of the periphery has eroded any sense of national belonging within the Sudanese psyche. For the southerners, a sense of alienation from the centre is rooted in the history of the plundering of its natural resources and slavery by northerners and a continued policy of cultural oppression since independence. This brief provides an analytical narrative to ascertain whether South Sudan’s occupation of the Heglig oilfield was an act of aggression or an exercise of sovereignty. We conclude with some policy recommendations. Introduction had far-reaching consequences for the economy and people of Sudan and the recently independent Complications arising from the ineffective Republic of South Sudan.
    [Show full text]
  • Satellite Sentinel Project Escalation: Evidence of Saf and Spla Combat Operations Human Security Incident Reported By
    Satellite Sentinel Project escalation: evidence of saf and spla combat operations human security incident reported by 23 APRIL 2012 The Satellite Sentinel Project (SSP) has confirmed through the Harvard Humanitarian Initiative’s analysis of DigitalGlobe satellite imagery that Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) has deployed a significantly increased number of combat capable air assets within range of South Sudan’s border and territory. SSP has documented evidence consistent with reported aerial bombardment in close prox- imity to a strategic bridge located in Unity State, South Sudan. SAF spokesman al-Sawarmi Khaled Saad denied Sudan’s involve- ment in the bombings. “We’re just defending our land, and we have nothing to do with what’s happening in Unity state,” he said on 16 April 2012.1 In imagery dated 15 April, SSP has identified evidence consistent with alleged looting by Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) and SPLA-aligned forces at a SAF military installation in Heglig. In imagery dated 16 April, SSP identified the presence of appar- ently razed structures in Heglig town. Although the structures were razed between February and April 2012, SSP cannot deter- mine the exact time of the razing, the actors involved, or the precise context in which the buildings were destroyed. Both Sudan and South Sudan claim sovereignty over Heglig, which South Sudan refers to as Panthou. SAF AIR CAPACITY The aircraft identified at El Obeid airbase and Kadugli airstrip may represent a significant portion of reported SAF combat- ca pable air assets. According to a recent report by the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS), SAF’s air force includes 11 Sukhoi Su-25 attack aircraft; SSP has identified 5 Sukhoi Su-25s at El Obeid on 16 April 2012.
    [Show full text]
  • Weapons Identified in Heglig/Panthou and Bentiu
    Weapons identified in Heglig/Panthou and Bentiu At the end of March 2012 the frontline of fighting between the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) and the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) advanced northward into the oil-field town of Heglig (known as Panthou in South Sudan). Clashes continued with the SPLA taking control of the area on 10 April until the SPLA withdrew its forces on 20 April, after widespread condemnation from the international community.1 There are no reliable casualty figures, but the Heglig conflict is widely considered the most lethal exchange between the two sides since 2005. The Small Arms Survey has obtained photographic documentation of a cache of SAF weapons that was reportedly seized by the SPLA and the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) during their joint takeover of Heglig/Panthou. The cache was photographed on 15 April. By 17 April it had been nearly emptied. The stockpile contained 60 mm and 82 mm mortar bombs, 107 mm rockets, anti-tank mines, and anti-personnel mines (AP-mines), among other unidentifiable items. Prior to the SPLA’s withdraw from Heglig, SAF stepped up its bombing campaign with attacks in and around Bentiu, the capital of Unity state, on 12, 14, 15, and 23 April. The Small Arms Survey has been able to identify a rocket used in an attack on Bentiu on 15 April that struck near the World Food Programme compound there. SAF Weapons seized in Heglig/Panthou A box of AP-mines resembling the Italian manufactured TS-50 and VS-50 varieties. The VS-50 is also manufactured under license as the SPM-1 in Singapore.
    [Show full text]
  • Fact Sheet II the Economy of Sudan's Oil Industry
    Fact Sheet II The Economy of Sudan’s Oil Industry October 2007 Foreword This fact sheet offers basic information about the economy of Sudan’s oil industry, all taken from publicly available sources. It a living document, we will regularly issue updates on our website www.esoconline.org. Hard copies will be forwarded on request. We hope to provide a useful source of information for people who are interested in this vital industry. Sudan’s oil wealth has the potential to be a major driver of peace and equitable development. While driving of strong economic growth rates and being the principal source of income for both the National Government and the Government of Southern Sudan, it also continues to be a source of controversy. The European Coalition on Oil in Sudan (ECOS) believes that the oil industry should promote peace and respect for human rights, first of all by actively supporting the implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement. We support Sudanese civil society organizations in their advocacy towards the implementation of social and environmental standards, financial accountability, fair compensation for victims of oil operations, and multi-stakeholder consultation processes, all of which are required by the CPA, but not yet fully realised. Contents 1. Background 2. Asia Leads 3. Infrastructure 3.1 Refining 3.2 Export Facilities 4. Potential 5. Oil Reserves 6. Production 7. Costs 8. Export 9. Profits 10.Explorations and Production Sharing Agreements 11.Revenue Sharing 12.What is Wrong with the Dar Blend Crude? 13.Recent Developments 14.Final Remarks European Coalition on Oil in Sudan PO Box 19318 Tel: +31 30 23 20 562 3501 DH Utrecht E-mail: [email protected] The Netherlands www.ecosonline.org 1 1.
    [Show full text]
  • Sudan: a Political Marketplace Analysis
    Sudan: A Political Marketplace Framework Analysis ALEX DE WAAL OCCASIONAL PAPER OVERVIEW: Sudan’s Predicament NO. 19 This paper provides a succinct analysis of Sudan as a politi- AUGUST 2019 cal marketplace. It assumes a working knowledge of the basic principles of the political marketplace framework (PMF). It The World Peace Foundation, an does not offer a policy recommendation, but rather a frame- work for analyzing the Sudanese predicament so as to under- - stand the implications of different courses of action. operating foundation affiliated with the Fletcher School at Tufts Uni- The basic predicament facing Sudan’s rulers today—irrespective versity, aims to provide intellectual- of whether they are soldiers, paramilitaries, civilian technocrats leadership on issues of peace, jus or civilian politicians—is that they have neither the material re- tice and security. We believe that in sources nor the skills and reputation to manage a political mar- novative research and teaching are ketplace based on mercenarized paramilitarism and crony capi- critical to the challenges of making talism, but also do not have the means to transform it. peace around the world and should- go hand-in-hand with advocacy and The alliance of forces supporting the Declaration of Freedom and practical engagement with the tough Change (hereafter FFC), along with some army generals in the Su- est issues. To respond to organized dan Armed Forces (SAF), and the majority of African and western violence today, we not only need new nations, aspire for a transition to an institutionalized and demo- instruments and tools—we need a cratic state. According to the PMF analysis that is not in prospect.
    [Show full text]
  • The Issue of Oil and Disputed Areas in the Conflicts Between Sudan and South Sudan
    Journal of Global Peace and Conflict December 2020, Vol. 8, No. 2, pp. 12-18 ISSN: 2333-584X(Print), 2333-5858 (Online) Copyright © The Author(s). All Rights Reserved. Published by American Research Institute for Policy Development DOI: 10.15640/jgpc.v8n2a2 URL: http://=.doi.org/10.15640/jgpc.v8n2a2 The Issue of Oil and Disputed Areas in the Conflicts between Sudan and South Sudan Bithou M. Mayik1 & Erneo B. Ochi2 Abstract Utilization of oil resources and peaceful coexistence among communities bordering sisterly countries are imperative for sustainable development. The issue of oil and disputed areas in the conflicts between Sudan and South Sudan remain unabated. This paper sheds light on the causes, the socio-economic and political implications, and the possible strategies to resolve the conflicts over oil and borders between the two Sudans. Theories of social conflict, the cooperative, human needs as well as the conflict transformation and relevant literature were consulted. The major causes and implications of such conflicts in post-independent South Sudan were discussed. The paper reveals the consequential massive displacement of local inhabitants and loss of lives, reduced oil revenues, augmented political upheavals, and armed rebellions in the two Sudans. Seemingly, negotiations and litigations are some key strategies to resolve such devastating conflicts. The setting up of truths, political and reconciliation commission is highly needed to cease hostilities and resolve conflicts for sustainable socio-economic development of South Sudan and Sudan. Keywords: Conflicts, Agreements, Disagreements, Displacements, Disputes, Territories. 1. Introduction Oil is one of the key strategic esources incurring substantial economic benefits for sustainable development of the nations worldwide.
    [Show full text]
  • Sudan and South Sudan—2011-2012
    : Sudan and South Sudan—2011-2012 Disclaimer Contact the Geospatial Technologies Project geotech © Copyright 2015 Geospatial Technologies Project Program Associate Acknowledgement Acronym(List( ( SPLM% % Sudan%People’s%Liberation%Movement%% % SPLM6N% Sudan%People’s%Liberation%Movement6North%% % SPLA%% % Sudan%People’s%Liberation%Army% % SPLA6N%% Sudan%People’s%Liberation%Army6North% % JEM% % Justice%and%Equality%Movement% % SAF% % Sudanese%Armed%Forces% % PDF% % Popular%Defense%Force% % NISS% % National%Intelligence%and%Security%Services% JIU% % Joint%Integrated%Units% % AAA% % Abyei%Administrative%Area% % CPA% % Comprehensive%Peace%Agreement% % UNHCR% United%Nations%High%Commission%for%Refugees% % HHI% % Harvard%Humanitarian%Initiative Introduction( % On%9%January%2005,%the%Sudan%People’s%Liberation%Movement%(SPLM)%and%the%Government%of% Sudan%signed%a%series%of%agreements%known%as%both%the%Comprehensive%Peace%Agreement% (CPA)%and%the%Naivasha%Agreement,%the%aim%of%which%was%to%bring%an%end%to%the%second% Sudanese%civil%war.%%Among%other%features,%the%CPA%stipulated%that%South%Sudan%would%hold%a% referendum%between%9%and%15%January%2011%to%decide%the%matter%of%independence.%A% referendum%on%the%status%of%the%disputed%oil%rich%Abyei%Region%was%initially%scheduled%for%the% same%time.1% % The%referendum%resulted%in%South%Sudan%voting%to%form%an%independent%state.%Immediately% following%the%referendum,%violence%erupted%in%several%locations%throughout%Sudan%and%South% Sudan.%Fighting%occurred%in%the%Abyei%Administrative%Area%(AAA),%the%Nuba%Mountain%Region,%
    [Show full text]
  • South Sudan One Year After Independence: Opportunities and Obstacles for Africa’S Newest Country BASIC SERVICES in SOUTH SUDAN: an UNCERTAIN FUTURE Kevin Watkins
    SOUTH SUDAN ONE YEAR AFTER INDEPENDENCE: Opportunities and Obstacles for Africa’s Newest Country JUNE 2012 Acknowledgements: The Brookings Africa Growth Initiative would like to thank Dr. Riek Machar Teny, vice president of the Republic of South Sudan, and Gabriel Abraham of Deloitte, advisor to the Ministry of Cabinet Affairs in South Sudan, for their support and assistance at the early stages of this process. The Initiative is also grateful to Kirsten Gilbert and Mao-Lin Shen for their editorial assistance, as well as Brandon Routman for his research support. Cover Photo Credit: Roberto Schmidt/AFP/Getty Images CONTENTS South Sudan’s First Anniversary .......................................................................................................1 John Mukum Mbaku and Jessica Elaine Smith Basic Services in South Sudan .........................................................................................................3 Kevin Watkins Future Engagement Between South Sudan and the Republic of Sudan ..........................................7 Mwangi S. Kimenyi Efficient and Equitable Natural Resource Management ................................................................. 10 John Mukum Mbaku and Jessica Elaine Smith Managing Ethnic Diversity .............................................................................................................. 14 Julius Agbor and Olumide Taiwo Making Federalism Work in South Sudan ...................................................................................... 16 Mwangi S. Kimenyi
    [Show full text]
  • Still Waiting for the Bonanza: the Oil Business in South Sudan After 2005
    OCCASIONAL PAPER NO 156 Governance of Africa's Resources Programme October 2013 Still Waiting for the Bonanza: The Oil Business in South Sudan after 2005 Dr Leben Nelson Moro s ir a f f A l a n o ti a rn e nt f I o te tu sti n In ica . h Afr ts Sout igh l Ins loba African Perspectives. G ABOUT SAIIA The South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) has a long and proud record as South Africa’s premier research institute on international issues. It is an independent, non-government think tank whose key strategic objectives are to make effective input into public policy, and to encourage wider and more informed debate on international affairs with particular emphasis on African issues and concerns. It is both a centre for research excellence and a home for stimulating public engagement. SAIIA’s occasional papers present topical, incisive analyses, offering a variety of perspectives on key policy issues in Africa and beyond. Core public policy research themes covered by SAIIA include good governance and democracy; economic policymaking; international security and peace; and new global challenges such as food security, global governance reform and the environment. Please consult our website www.saiia.org.za for further information about SAIIA’s work. ABOUT THE GOVERNANCE OF AFRICA’S RESOURCES PROGRAMME The Governance of Africa’s Resources Programme (GARP) of the South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) is funded by the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The programme contributes to policy governing the exploitation and extraction of Africa’s natural resources by assessing existing governance regimes and suggesting alternatives to targeted stakeholders.
    [Show full text]