Implications of the 2011-13 Syrian Uprising for the Middle Eastern Regional Security Complex
Total Page：16
File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Policy Notes for the Trump Notes Administration the Washington Institute for Near East Policy ■ 2018 ■ Pn55
TRANSITION 2017 POLICYPOLICY NOTES FOR THE TRUMP NOTES ADMINISTRATION THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY ■ 2018 ■ PN55 TUNISIAN FOREIGN FIGHTERS IN IRAQ AND SYRIA AARON Y. ZELIN Tunisia should really open its embassy in Raqqa, not Damascus. That’s where its people are. —ABU KHALED, AN ISLAMIC STATE SPY1 THE PAST FEW YEARS have seen rising interest in foreign fighting as a general phenomenon and in fighters joining jihadist groups in particular. Tunisians figure disproportionately among the foreign jihadist cohort, yet their ubiquity is somewhat confounding. Why Tunisians? This study aims to bring clarity to this question by examining Tunisia’s foreign fighter networks mobilized to Syria and Iraq since 2011, when insurgencies shook those two countries amid the broader Arab Spring uprisings. ©2018 THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY ■ NO. 30 ■ JANUARY 2017 AARON Y. ZELIN Along with seeking to determine what motivated Evolution of Tunisian Participation these individuals, it endeavors to reconcile estimated in the Iraq Jihad numbers of Tunisians who actually traveled, who were killed in theater, and who returned home. The find- Although the involvement of Tunisians in foreign jihad ings are based on a wide range of sources in multiple campaigns predates the 2003 Iraq war, that conflict languages as well as data sets created by the author inspired a new generation of recruits whose effects since 2011. Another way of framing the discussion will lasted into the aftermath of the Tunisian revolution. center on Tunisians who participated in the jihad fol- These individuals fought in groups such as Abu Musab lowing the 2003 U.S. -
Volume XIII, Issue 21 October 30, 2015
VOLUME XIII, ISSUE 21 u OCTOBER 30, 2015 IN THIS ISSUE: BRIEFS ............................................................................................................................1 THE SWARM: TERRORIST INCIDENTS IN FRANCE By Timothy Holman .........................................................................................................3 CAUGHT BETWEEN RUSSIA, THE UNITED STATES AND TURKEY, Cars continue to burn SYRIAN KURDS FACE DILEMMA after a suicide attack By Wladimir van Wilgenburg .........................................................................................5 by the Islamic State in Beirut. THE EVOLUTION OF SUNNI JIHADISM IN LEBANON SINCE 2011 By Patrick Hoover .............................................................................................................8 Terrorism Monitor is a publication of The Jamestown Foundation. BANGLADESH ATTACKS SHOW INCREASING ISLAMIC STATE The Terrorism Monitor is INFLUENCE designed to be read by policy- makers and other specialists James Brandon yet be accessible to the general public. The opinions expressed within are solely those of the In the last six weeks, Bangladesh has been hit by a near-unprecedented series of Islamist authors and do not necessarily militant attacks targeting foreigners and local Shi’a Muslims. On September 28, an reflect those of The Jamestown Italian NGO worker, who was residing in the country, was shot and killed by attackers Foundation. on a moped as he was jogging near the diplomatic area of capital city Dhaka (Daily Star [Dhaka], September -
Kurdish Political and Civil Movements in Syria and the Question of Representation Dr Mohamad Hasan December 2020
Kurdish Political and Civil Movements in Syria and the Question of Representation Dr Mohamad Hasan December 2020 KurdishLegitimacy Political and and Citizenship Civil Movements in inthe Syria Arab World This publication is also available in Arabic under the title: ُ ف الحركات السياسية والمدنية الكردية ي� سوريا وإشكالية التمثيل This publication was made possible by a grant from Carnegie Corporation of New York. The statements made and views expressed are solely the responsibility of the author. For questions and communication please email: [email protected] Cover photo: A group of Syrian Kurds celebrate Newroz 2007 in Afrin, source: www.tirejafrin.com The views and opinions expressed in this publication are those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE). This document is issued on the understanding that if any extract is used, the author and the LSE Conflict Research Programme should be credited, with the name and date of the publication. All rights reserved © LSE 2020. About Legitimacy and Citizenship in the Arab World Legitimacy and Citizenship in the Arab World is a project within the Civil Society and Conflict Research Unit at the London School of Economics. The project looks into the gap in understanding legitimacy between external policy-makers, who are more likely to hold a procedural notion of legitimacy, and local citizens who have a more substantive conception, based on their lived experiences. Moreover, external policymakers often assume that conflicts in the Arab world are caused by deep- seated divisions usually expressed in terms of exclusive identities. -
The Political Analysis of the Syrian Crisis and the Zero-Problem Policy with Syria
THE POLITICAL ANALYSIS OF THE SYRIAN CRISIS AND THE ZERO-PROBLEM POLICY WITH SYRIA A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES OF MIDDLE EAST TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY BY ŞENOL ARSLANTAŞ IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE IN THE DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS DECEMBER 2013 Approval of the Graduate School of Social Sciences Prof.Dr. Meliha B. ALTUNIŞIK Director I certify that this thesis satisfies all the requirements as a thesis for the degree of Master of Science. Prof. Dr. Hüseyin BAĞCI Head of Department This is to certify that we have read this thesis and that in our opinion it is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Science. Prof. Dr. Süha BÖLÜKBAŞIOĞLU Supervisor Examining Committee Members Prof. Dr. İlhan UZGEL (ANKARA UNIV, IR) Prof. Dr. Süha BÖLÜKBAŞIOĞLU (METU, IR) Assoc. Prof. Dr. Özlem TÜR (METU, IR) I hereby declare that all information in this document has been obtained and presented in accordance with academic rules and ethical conduct. I also declare that, as required by these rules and conduct, I have fully cited and referenced all material and results that are not original to this work. Name, Last name: Şenol ARSLANTAŞ Signature : iii ABSTRACT THE POLITICAL ANALYSIS OF THE SYRIAN CRISES AND THE ZERO-PROBLEM POLICY WITH SYRIA Arslantaş, Şenol M.Sc., Department of International Relations Supervisor: Prof. Dr. Süha Bölükbaşıoğlu December 2013, 118 pages This thesis aims to analyze both the evolution of Turkish-Syrian relations during the period of the AKP governments and the emergence of the Syrian revolt in March 2010. -
30Th January–25Th February 2013
Security Trends NCCI’s Security Trends Analysis providesSecurity internal advice for TrendsAnalysis NCCI members only and should not be forwarded outside your 30th January–25th February 2013 By organization. If forwarded internally, care must be taken to ensure that it is not passed Analysis on to any third parties. [Type text] The NCCI Security Trends Analysis is provided to member NGOs once a month as an informational and advisory report on possible trends, threats and incidents based on information received from NGOs, the media, international organizations and official sources. Every reasonable effort is made to ensure the accuracy of the information contained in this analysis. NCCI collates information from reliable sources. Where a source is in doubt, NCCI seeks to corroborate that information. There may be an occasion when some information is included and its accuracy cannot be guaranteed. This typically occurs with an emerging or developing situation when it is considered in the best interests of NCCI’s member organisations to be made aware of any available information. We thank you in advance for NOT disseminating this document and ensuring that it is ONLY circulated between members within your organisation General information is available to members at the NCCI website, www.ncciraq.org Please do not hesitate to contact us at [email protected] 2 | NCCI | We thank you for not disseminating this document and ensuring that it is only circulated between members within your organization Table of Contents Mukhtar Militia is -
Kurdistan Rising? Considerations for Kurds, Their Neighbors, and the Region
KURDISTAN RISING? CONSIDERATIONS FOR KURDS, THEIR NEIGHBORS, AND THE REGION Michael Rubin AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE Kurdistan Rising? Considerations for Kurds, Their Neighbors, and the Region Michael Rubin June 2016 American Enterprise Institute © 2016 by the American Enterprise Institute. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be used or reproduced in any man- ner whatsoever without permission in writing from the American Enterprise Institute except in the case of brief quotations embodied in news articles, critical articles, or reviews. The views expressed in the publications of the American Enterprise Institute are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the staff, advisory panels, officers, or trustees of AEI. American Enterprise Institute 1150 17th St. NW Washington, DC 20036 www.aei.org. Cover image: Grand Millennium Sualimani Hotel in Sulaymaniyah, Kurdistan, by Diyar Muhammed, Wikimedia Commons, Creative Commons. Contents Executive Summary 1 1. Who Are the Kurds? 5 2. Is This Kurdistan’s Moment? 19 3. What Do the Kurds Want? 27 4. What Form of Government Will Kurdistan Embrace? 56 5. Would Kurdistan Have a Viable Economy? 64 6. Would Kurdistan Be a State of Law? 91 7. What Services Would Kurdistan Provide Its Citizens? 101 8. Could Kurdistan Defend Itself Militarily and Diplomatically? 107 9. Does the United States Have a Coherent Kurdistan Policy? 119 Notes 125 Acknowledgments 137 About the Author 139 iii Executive Summary wo decades ago, most US officials would have been hard-pressed Tto place Kurdistan on a map, let alone consider Kurds as allies. Today, Kurds have largely won over Washington. -
Contextualizing Hezbollah's Operation in Arsal on the Lebanon-Syria Border
ontextualizing Hezbollah’s Operation in Arsal on the CLebanon-Syria Border Introduction A delicate timing: Prime Minister Saad Hariri’s visit to Washington, DC Mapping the tenuous Lebanese Armed Forces–Hezbollah relationship Redrawing the demographic equation in northeastern Lebanon Connecting the dots: Arsal, Qusayr, and al-Zabadani and the issue of strategic depth Conclusion Dhu Al-Qidah - Dhu Al-Hijjah 1438 32 August - September 2017 2 © KFCRIS, 2017 ISSN: 1658-6972 Issue No. 32 - 27/08/2017 L.D. No: 1438/2868 Dhu Al-Qidah - Dhu Al-Hijjah 1438 - August - September 2017 Dhu Al-Qidah - Dhu Al-Hijjah 1438 - August - September 2017 3 Dhu Al-Qidah - Dhu Al-Hijjah 1438 - August - September 2017 Dhu Al-Qidah - Dhu Al-Hijjah 1438 - August - September 2017 4 Introduction On July 21, 2017, Lebanese Hezbollah fighters certainly reverberated in Beirut. Hariri’s visit initiated an assault across the Qalamoun thus provides a glimpse into the prospects for Mountains near Arsal in northern Lebanon’s seemingly rockier American-Lebanese ties in the Baalbek-Hermel governorate. Soon joined by not-too-distant future, as Hezbollah’s political the Syrian air force, the offensive was aimed integration and military grip continue, at the at rooting out pockets of entrenched fighters expense of a weakened Lebanese Armed Forces affiliated with the former Syrian al-Qaeda branch, (LAF). Jabhat al-Nusra, which was relabeled in 2016 as Under the Barack Obama administration, the Jabhat Fateh al-Sham (JFS). LAF was among the top six foreign recipients Just one week after the onset of the operation, of American military aid. -
Streets Songs from the Syrian Protests
Orient-Institut Studies 2 (2013) Simon Dubois Streets songs from the Syrian protests <1> Since March 2011, the Syrian uprising has created spaces for popular expression that were restricted during the preceding four decades of dictatorship. Numerous productions of texts, poems, caricatures, and songs began to appear on social media sites, and activists then gathered them onto networks providing local alternative information. These networks included websites, blogs, YouTube channels, Facebook and Twitter accounts. They often contained sections titled "Art of the Revolution" or the like, which listed the cultural production of the protests. <2> This article is part of a study conducted online via networks (for instance, F.N.N,1 Deir Press2) and websites or YouTube channels that focused on the revolution©s music, such as "Music from the great or Dndne Indesasye.4 An initial survey of protest 3,( موسيقى الثورة العربية الكبرى) "Arab revolution songs, conducted between October 2011 and March 2012, revealed a vast production of protest music. This research presents some of the results of a global analysis carried out on a collection of material composed exclusively of demonstration chants, which represented cultural production in the service of protest. Videos of the demonstrations that frequently accompany these chants have a special status, since they are evidence that the protest rallies really took place, a fact that was repeatedly denied by the regime at the beginning of the protest movement. <3> In this research, demonstration chants are determined by two criteria. First, there must be interaction between the public and the singer; that is to say, the audience has to be active, repeating some lyrics that constitute the chorus. -
Defending Damascus, Betraying Beirut: Hezbollah's Communication
Defending Damascus, Betraying Beirut: Hezbollah’s Communication Strategies in the Syrian Civil War Research Thesis Presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for graduation with research distinction in International Studies in the undergraduate colleges of The Ohio State University by Maxwell Scurlock The Ohio State University April 2017 Project Advisor: Professor Jeffrey Lewis, International Studies Table of Contents Part 1 – Background Information and Historical Context Introduction – 1 1. Historical and Contextual Background – 6 a. Shi‘ism in Historical Context – 9 b. French Mandatory Period, 1920-1945 – 10 c. Independence to Black September, 1945-1970 – 14 d. The Early Years of the Lebanese Civil War and the Emergence of Hezbollah, 1970-1982 – 17 e. Hezbollah’s Formation – 21 f. Hezbollah’s Early Ideological Framework – 23 g. Syrian and Israeli Occupations of Lebanon, 1982-2005 – 24 h. Political Turmoil, 2006 Lebanon War, and 2008 Lebanese Political Crisis – 29 i. Hezbollah’s 2009 Manifesto – 31 j. The Syrian Civil War – 32 k. Sunni Islamists in Lebanon and Syria – 34 l. Lebanese Christians – 37 Part 2 – Analysis of Hezbollah’s Communications 2. Theoretical Approach to Hezbollah’s Communications – 40 3. Hezbollah in Syria – 44 a. Hezbollah’s Participation in Syria – April 30th, 2013 – 44 b. The Campaign for al-Qusayr, Part One – May 9th, 2013 – 48 c. The Campaign for al-Qusayr, Part Two – May 25th, 2013 – 50 4. Hezbollah’s Responses to Terrorism – 54 a. An Attack in al-Dahieh – August 16th, 2013 – 54 b. The Bombing of Iran’s Embassy – November 19th, 2013 – 56 5. Further Crises – 62 a. The Assassination of Hezbollah Commander Hassan al-Laqqis – December 3rd, 2013 – 62 b. -
Iran's Foreign and Defense Policies
Iran’s Foreign and Defense Policies Updated May 8, 2019 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R44017 SUMMARY R44017 Iran’s Foreign and Defense Policies May 8, 2019 Iran’s national security policy is the product of many overlapping and sometimes competing factors such as the ideology of Iran’s Islamic revolution, perception of threats Kenneth Katzman to the regime and to the country, long-standing national interests, and the interaction of Specialist in Middle the Iranian regime’s factions and constituencies. Iran’s leadership: Eastern Affairs x Seeks to deter or thwart U.S. or other efforts to invade or intimidate Iran or to bring about a change of regime. x Has sought to take advantage of opportunities of regional conflicts to overturn a power structure in the Middle East that it asserts favors the United States, Israel, Saudi Arabia, and other Sunni Muslim Arab regimes. x Seeks to enhance its international prestige and restore a sense of “greatness” reminiscent of ancient Persian empires. x Advances its foreign policy goals, in part by providing material support to regional allied governments and armed factions. Iranian officials characterize the support as helping the region’s “oppressed” and assert that Saudi Arabia, in particular, is instigating sectarian tensions and trying to exclude Iran from regional affairs. x Sometimes disagrees on tactics and strategies. Supreme Leader Ali Khamene’i and key hardline institutions, such as the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), oppose any compromises of Iran’s national security core goals. Iran’s elected president, Hassan Rouhani, and Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif support Iran’s integration into regional and international diplomacy. -
Research Notes
Number 21 — August 2014 RESEARCH NOTES THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY MINDING THE HOME FRONT Hezbollah in Lebanon Mona Alami riggered by the March 2011 uprising against the egie’s online journal Sada, have addressed Hezbol- regime of Bashar al-Assad, the civil war in Syria lah’s involvement in Syria.1 However, this paper goes Thas been marked by the extensive military involve- beyond the emphasis of such reports—which often ment of Hezbollah, the Lebanon-based Shiite Mus- discuss the effects of Hezbollah’s war involvement on lim militant group and political party. Although con- the regional power balance and Lebanon’s economics sidered a terrorist organization by the United States, and security—by also probing the party’s relationship the “Party of God” is embraced by Lebanon’s Shiite with its Lebanese constituency. population as a resistance movement and represented Alongside the experts named in this report, some within the Lebanese government. Backed by Iran and forty Lebanese Shiites were interviewed, including Syria, Hezbollah has an extensive security apparatus fifteen from southern Lebanon, twelve from Beirut, and a wide-reaching social services network. Hez- ten from the largely Shiite Beqa Valley, and two Shi- bollah has always framed itself according to its resis- ite party members, in addition to security sources and tance against Israel and its commitment to moumana Hezbollah fighters. The interviews were conducted (securing immunity from Western influence) in the off the record due to security concerns. A request for Middle East, alongside Syria and Iran. In recent years, an interview with Hezbollah’s public relations arm especially since the end of the Pax Syriana—a period was declined. -
Iran's Foreign and Defense Policies
Iran’s Foreign and Defense Policies name redacted Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs December 21, 2016 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov R44017 Iran’s Foreign and Defense Policies Summary Iran’s national security policy is the product of many, and sometimes competing, factors: the ideology of Iran’s Islamic revolution; Iranian leadership’s perception of threats to the regime and to the country; long-standing Iranian national interests; and the interaction of the Iranian regime’s various factions and constituencies. Some experts assert that the goal of Iran’s national security strategy is to overturn a power structure in the Middle East that Iran asserts favors the United States and its allies Israel, Saudi Arabia, and other Sunni Muslim Arab regimes. Iran characterizes its support for Shiite and other Islamist movements as support for the “oppressed” and asserts that Saudi Arabia, in particular, is instigating sectarian tensions and trying to exclude Iran from regional affairs. Others interpret Iran as primarily attempting to protect itself from U.S. or other efforts to invade or intimidate it or to change its regime. Its strategy might, alternatively or additionally, represent an attempt to enhance Iran’s international prestige or restore a sense of “greatness” reminiscent of the ancient Persian empires. From 2010 until 2016, Iran’s foreign policy also focused on attempting to mitigate the effects of international sanctions on Iran. Iran employs a number of different tools in pursuing its national security policy. Some Iranian policy tools are common to most countries: traditional diplomacy and the public promotion of Iran’s values and interests.