Emblems of Identity Revisited: Gender and the Messapian Trozzella

doi: 10.2143/AWE.19.0.3288566 AWE 19 (2020) 247-255

EMBLEMS OF IDENTITY REVISITED: GENDER AND THE MESSAPIAN TROZZELLA

Edward Herring

Abstract This paper returns to a topic first discussed by the author in 1995, namely the continued use of an otherwise obsolete pottery style and vase form – the trozzella – in the tombs of the non-Greek population of the Salento Peninsula. The earlier paper argued that the use of the trozzella was to communicate messages of ethnic identity. However, by the late 5th and 4th centuries BC, trozzelle are only found in the graves of adult women. The present paper, therefore, revisits the original argument to address this gender dimension and the implications for indigenous identity at the time.

Introduction More than 20 years ago I published a paper entitled ‘Emblems of Identity. An examination of the use of matt-painted pottery in the native tombs of the Salento Peninsula in the 5th and 4th centuries BC’.1 It drew attention to the late survival of matt-painted pottery in indigenous tombs from the Salento Peninsula in south-eastern Italy, long after this type of pottery had ceased to be used in domestic contexts (Fig. 1).2 Across much of the Salento area only one traditional vase form – the trozzella3 – survives in any significant

1 Herring 1995. 2 South-eastern Italy was home to both Greek and indigenous people in the 5th and 4th centuries BC. The Greeks lived mainly at Tarentum and its chora. The rest of the Salento peninsula was occupied by an indigenous population, referred to by the Greeks as the Messapians. They were one of three tribes described as living in Apulia: the others being the Peucetians in Central Puglia and the Daunians in the North. A fourth group associated with the region, the Iapygians, sometimes appears as a stand-alone tribe (for example Pausanias 10. 13. 10) but elsewhere as a higher-level group of which the Messapians were a subset (for example Polybius 3. 88). The label ‘Messapian’ is commonly attached to the material culture of the region, even though there is no evidence that the local population used the name themselves. So, for example, the trozzelle are often referred to Messapian trozzelle, as in my title. Generally, I prefer to use terms such as indigenous or native for the ancient peoples of South Italy and their culture for a number of reasons. First, the Greek names of the tribes are an external perspec- tive to which the people themselves may not have subscribed. Secondly, the use of the tribal names is not consistent, as is indicated by the confusion regarding the Iapygians already highlighted. Finally, local (i.e. settlement level) levels of community affiliation may have been important to individuals in most circumstances than tribal structures. The issue of possible archaeological correlates to the tribal names has been extensively debated over the last thirty or so years and need not be revisited here (see Whitehouse and Wilkins 1985; 1989; also Herring 2007). 3 The trozzella form is related to earlier two-handled (kantharoid) shapes, which across South Italy, derive ultimately from an olletta form introduced into Salento Early Geometric in the 8th century BC from Albanian sources (Yntema 1985). The form is also related to the nestoris, which occurs in Lucanian and Apulian red-figure pottery (Schneider-Herrmann 1980). Colivicchi (2014, 215–16) succinctly 248 E. HERRING

Fig. 1. Map showing major sites in the Salento Peninsula. numbers.4 Typically a single trozzella (although sometimes multiple examples survive in the same tomb), decorated in traditional manner, was placed in a grave alongside other ceramic funerary offerings, which were either of Greek origin or at least broadly of Greek inspiration, i.e. Apulian red-figure, black glaze wares, and wheel-made painted wares. It should be noted that many of these late trozzelle were produced using the fast wheel, which was a new technology learnt from the Greeks, but in terms of morphology and outlines the history of kantharoid shapes in South Italy and ably illustrates the relationships between them (Colvicchi 2014, fig. 10.1). 4 For details on the pattern of survival, see Yntema 1985, 455–61; summarised in Herring 1995, 137–39. In the Oria-Mesagne area the trozzella is the only traditional form that endures throughout the 4th century BC. In the province of Lecce, some other traditional shapes survive into this era including a conical-necked olla with fungus handles and a narrow conical-necked jug, although both appear to have stopped production earlier than the trozzella. Some isolated productions of trozzelle may have continued into the 3rd century BC but, by this time, their use was no longer widespread. EMBLEMS OF IDENTITY REVISITED: GENDER AND THE MESSAPIAN TROZZELLA 249 decoration these vases remained true to indigenous ceramic traditions. In 1995, I argued that the survival of this traditional shape, decorated in what was by the late 5th century onwards an otherwise obsolete ceramic style, solely for use in the symbolically heightened context of burial, was a conscious use of symbolism to indicate ethnic identity. The theoretical framework that I used to make my argument was Polly Wiessner’s style theory in which she argued that style is a non-verbal form of communication.5 The way that communication occurs and how specific the information communicated is, depends upon the degree of specificity of the social referent of the symbol. According to Weissner’s view all styles have social referents. Some social referents can be highly specific but others have much vaguer associations. Thus, for Wiessner, style can be either assertive or emblemic depending on the degree of specificity. In assertive style a sign or symbol does not have a single or specific social referent; in emblemic style it does. Inevitably, examples of emblemic style are inevitably far harder to detect archaeologically because of the degree of specificity required by the definition. Both assertive and emblemic style can convey information in an active way but examples of assertive style are likely to carry vaguer messages because the associations for the receiver are less specific. An artefact with a specific social referent will communicate information in an active and effective way to a receiver belonging to the same social group: this is emblemic style. My principal contention in my 1995 paper was that by the late 5th century and beyond, the use of the trozzella in indigenous tombs was an example of emblemic style because the nature of the artefact and its associations with the past, the fact that it was only being manufactured for the specific context the grave, its use in emotionally-charged atmosphere of the funeral, and its inclusion in assemblages otherwise made up of Greek and Greek-style pottery conveyed a very specific message of group (ethnic) identity to those participating in the funeral, thereby affirming the deceased’s status as a member of the group, also reinforcing their own sense of belonging.

The Need to Revisit the Argument Overall, the argument hung together well and I was happy with the paper as a contribution to our knowledge. There was one problem, however. I had stated in my 1995 paper that virtually every adult tomb contained one or more trozzelle – and, indeed, had based my argument on this idea. This was a mistake, as has been pointed out by Fabio Colvicchi in 2014.6 He rightly stated that, in fact, trozzelle are to be found in the tombs of virtually all adult women. Although Colvicchi did not question the basic conclusion of my 1995 paper – that the late trozzelle were ethnic indicators – I feel that the matter needs to be revisited in order to bring the gender dimension to the forefront of the discussion and to consider what this might mean for identity in the Salento Peninsula in the late 5th and 4th centuries BC. The pattern of production and use of trozzelle is still striking but is, in fact, even more specific than I had originally argued. However, the specificity could lead to the conclusion that these vases were not about community or ethnic identity but were solely connected with gender. In other words, the trozzella may have been a signifier of having been an adult woman.

5 Wiessner 1983; 1989; 1990. 6 Colvicchi 2014, 242, n. 136. 250 E. HERRING

The association of certain artefacts with either men or women has long been an interpre- tive mainstay of Italian archaeology. For example, in the Iron Age weaponry and armaments have commonly been seen as the preserve of men while certain types of jewellery and the equipment associated with the production of textiles have been associated with women. The occupants of many tombs have been assigned a gender on the basis of the funerary assemblage rather than osteological examination. While this practice has its flaws and can lead to self-supporting assumptions about gender roles in ancient societies, the general association of certain artefacts and activities with particular genders seems well grounded.7 We should not, however, necessarily expect the gender associations of artefacts to be absolute and exclusive. Similarly, there may not always have been a direct correlation between the biological sex of individuals and the gender identity ascribed to them by the burying community at the time of their funerals. Some vase forms also seem to be association with a particular gender. For example, in terms of Greek pottery, which was common in South Italy, hydriai were mostly associated with women, presumably because women performed the task of collecting water from foun- tain-houses. There is some evidence that the nestoris, which appears in Apulian and Lucanian red-figure and is related to the trozzella, was predominantly associated with women.8 It is, therefore, possible to argue that by the late 5th century BC, the trozzella had become such an important signifier of female identity among the indigenous population that production of the shape, with its traditional decoration, was maintained and one or more examples accompanied the burial of every adult woman. This pattern of usage could still be seen as an example of emblemic style, provided it has a specific social referent that communicated information in an active and effective way to a receiver belonging to the same social group. To address these criteria: the vase form is highly distinctive. The trozzelle are completely dissimilar to Greek and Greek type pottery, which was the most common type of pottery found in indigenous tombs. Although the trozzelle bear a somewhat closer resem- blance to local Wheel-Made Painted vessels, the form and decorative syntax sets the trozzelle apart from rest of the ceramic assemblage found in such contexts. Secondly, trozzelle occur only in funerary contexts, which would have been charged with ritual symbolism. Thirdly, they are associated with a specific group (i.e. indigenous women). All of this suggests that this is a case of style having a distinct social referent. Although one cannot be certain, the pattern of usage is highly suggestive that the trozzelle did communicate information in an active and effective way to members of the indigenous community. Their deposition was deliberate and a matter of conscious selection by the burying community. It is clear that by the late 5th century, trozzelle were manufactured solely for the specific context of female graves.

7 For a landmark study, based on evidence from the Early Iron Age cemetery of Pontecagnano, of some of the issues surrounding the ascribing of gender to tombs of the basis of artefacts alone, see Vida Navarro 1993. The risks of imposing modern gender biases on archaeological thinking have been effectively explored by Hurcombe 1995. 8 Herring 2018. However, there is some risk of circular reasoning here, as the gendered use of the trozzella acts as corroborating evidence for the association of the nestoris with indigenous women in my paper on the latter form. EMBLEMS OF IDENTITY REVISITED: GENDER AND THE MESSAPIAN TROZZELLA 251

Is Gender the Only Message? That the trozzelle were symbolically linked to female identity seems incontrovertible, regard- less of whether their use is seen as an example of assertive or emblemic style. The question that remains, however, is why is female identity being expressed in this particular way via the maintenance of traditional vase form decorated in an antiquated style, especially given that there does not seem to be an equivalent signifier of indigenous male identity. Female identity seems to be linked inextricably to being part of the indigenous population. This is evident through three factors: 1) the use of traditional indigenous shape; 2) the decoration of the trozzella in accordance with the traditions of Matt-Painted pottery rather than in the style of contemporary ceramics; 3) the contrast between the style and shape of the trozzelle and that of the rest of the ceramic assemblage found in the tombs. The choice of the trozzella shape is worthy of comment. As a shape it has a considerable heritage, developing from the olletta that had been part of Salentine matt-painted traditions since the Middle Geometric phase, dated to the period ca. 825/800–750 BC by Douwe Yntema.9 By the late 5th century BC, the trozzella had developed into a decidedly impracti- cal shape for use in ordinary domestic contexts. The handles had become elongated and each was decorated with two pairs of discs, one just above the point at which the handles joined body of the vessels and the other at the highest point of the handles (Fig. 2). The shape is highly distinctive but the handles would have been prone to breakage if used for everyday tasks. It seems likely then that even before matt-painted pottery had ceased to be used in domestic contexts that the trozzella was already earmarked for the tomb and perhaps other ritual contexts. There is some evidence from Apulian red-figure pottery that suggests that such forms were used in the performance of ritual. The related nestoris form not only occurs, albeit rarely, in Apulian red-figure but nestorides are depicted in a number of scenes depicting the indigenous population. These scenes are all on column-kraters, which is the shape on which most scenes portraying indigenous people occur. On the rare occasions that they are shown being used, rather than just being carried, they hold liquid. The best example is to be found on a column-krater now in the British Museum (BM F174), which is attributed to the Sisyphus Painter and dated to the later 5th century BC (Fig. 3).10 The scene shows a woman pouring a libation (presumably of wine) from a nestoris into a phiale held by the departing youth, wearing the traditional indigenous costume. The patterned decoration on the nestoris suggests that it may represent a matt-painted vessel. Nestorides are only depicted in scenes showing the indigenous population and they are most, though not exclusively, associated with women.11 It should be stressed, however, that, while the nestoris and the trozzella are clearly related, the evidence indicates that the Apulian red-figure vases showing the indigenous population come predominantly, if not exclusively, from Central Puglia.12 Although there were strong cultural similarities between the different communities of southern Italy, we cannot assume that customs in the Salento Peninsula were the same

9 Yntema 1985, 78–82. 10 Trendall and Cambitoglou 1982, 1/55. 11 Herring 2018. 12 Carpenter 2003; Herring 2014. 252 E. HERRING

Fig. 2. Trozzella from Rudiae. Maximum height 227 mm. Date ca. 475–425 BC (after Yntema 1985, fig. 319).

Fig. 3. Apulian column-krater (BM F 174) attributed to the Sisyphus Painter (Trendall and Cambitoglou 1982, 1/55). A woman pours a libation (presumably of wine) from a nestoris into the phiale held by the departing indigenous youth. Photograph courtesy of the British Museum. © The British Museum. EMBLEMS OF IDENTITY REVISITED: GENDER AND THE MESSAPIAN TROZZELLA 253 as those of Central Puglia or that the similar associations would attach to morphologically related vases from the two areas. Nevertheless, we might reasonably argue that the trozzella was a form traditionally associated with women and their roles in ritual life and that this made it an appropriate vehicle for the communication of messages about female identity. However, that female identity is inextricably linked to an indigenous identity. This seems a particular feature of female burials in the Salento. It is, of course, possible that indigenous identity was equally important in male funerals but it was not marked in such a way as to be archaeologically recognisable.13 If we take the evidence at face value, it would seem that membership of the indigenous community was particularly stressed in the burials of adult women.

Conclusions – Mater semper certa est To my mind, the key to understanding why this should be the case lies in the fact that the trozzella is not a signifier of being female but rather a signifier of being an adult female. Adult women have one skill that sets them apart from all other groups in society, namely the ability to bear children. This makes them special in all populations and can, in some instances, make their lineage particularly important. Matrilineal descent may not be as common as patrilineality but it has been documented in communities all across the world and mater semper certa est remains a very familiar principle. Perhaps the best-known example in the modern world is to be found in traditional Judaism, whereby a person inherits their faith and Jewish identity from their mother and not their father. It is possible that among the people of the Salento Peninsula, membership of the indigenous community was passed down through the mother’s line of descent. This might explain why adult female identity was tied so closely with indigenous identity. It mattered to the burying community – most likely members of the woman’s family – to stress the dead woman’s heritage, as this re-affirmed the status of her offspring as legitimate members of the indigenous community. This role as gate-keepers of indigenous lineage would sit comfortably with other ritual roles performed by women in South Italian communities. Many of the rituals shown on Apulian and Campanian red-figure vases consist of women pouring libations to mark the departure or return of men, often warriors.14 Such rituals when depicted on vases found in funerary contexts have obvious associations with death, but that is not to say that such rituals were not performed in real life. These rituals marked a man’s departure from the community, and perhaps his sanction to perform violent acts, and his return and reintegration into the community after having performed such acts. Women seem to act as mediators, ensuring that the men’s presence within or absence from the community has been properly approved.

13 It is possible that men from the Salento would have been buried in a version of the indigenous costume depicted on Apulian red-figure vases. Such a costume would have been made of wool and would not normally survive. However, as has been already noted, the Apulian red-figure vases showing the indigenous population seem to be from central rather than southern Puglia so we cannot be sure that Salentine men wore such a costume. 14 For examples, see Schneider-Herrmann 1996. Again it must be stressed that it far from certain that any of these vessels depict the activities of the population of the Salento Peninsula. 254 E. HERRING

Trozzelle may have routinely used by women in the performance these rituals, so that the form became synonymous with women and their role as the guarantors of the integrity of community membership. Thus, the vessel became an essential signifier of both female identity and the vital role that women played in the continuity and integrity of the community. The symbolism was so potent that it was celebrated and commemorated at women’s funerals and it ensured that the vase form and its traditional decorative style survived long after the wider matt-painted tradition had died out.

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